Roman Apocalypses Death, Doom, and Delight in the Early Empire
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Apotheosis of He#Rakle#S on Olympus and the Mythological Origins of the Olympics
The apotheosis of He#rakle#s on Olympus and the mythological origins of the Olympics The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Nagy, Gregory. 2019.07.12. "The apotheosis of He#rakle#s on Olympus and the mythological origins of the Olympics." Classical Inquiries. http://nrs.harvard.edu/ urn-3:hul.eresource:Classical_Inquiries. Published Version https://classical-inquiries.chs.harvard.edu/the-apotheosis-of- herakles-on-olympus-and-the-mythological-origins-of-the- olympics/ Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:41364811 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Classical Inquiries Editors: Angelia Hanhardt and Keith Stone Consultant for Images: Jill Curry Robbins Online Consultant: Noel Spencer About Classical Inquiries (CI ) is an online, rapid-publication project of Harvard’s Center for Hellenic Studies, devoted to sharing some of the latest thinking on the ancient world with researchers and the general public. While articles archived in DASH represent the original Classical Inquiries posts, CI is intended to be an evolving project, providing a platform for public dialogue between authors and readers. Please visit http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:hul.eresource:Classical_Inquiries for the latest version of this article, which may include corrections, updates, or comments and author responses. Additionally, many of the studies published in CI will be incorporated into future CHS pub- lications. -
Vestal Virgins and Their Families
Vestal Virgins and Their Families Andrew B. Gallia* I. INTRODUCTION There is perhaps no more shining example of the extent to which the field of Roman studies has been enriched by a renewed engagement with anthropology and other cognate disciplines than the efflorescence of interest in the Vestal virgins that has followed Mary Beard’s path-breaking article regarding these priestesses’ “sexual status.”1 No longer content to treat the privileges and ritual obligations of this priesthood as the vestiges of some original position (whether as wives or daughters) in the household of the early Roman kings, scholars now interrogate these features as part of the broader frameworks of social and cultural meaning through which Roman concepts of family, * Published in Classical Antiquity 34.1 (2015). Early versions of this article were inflicted upon audiences in Berkeley and Minneapolis. I wish to thank the participants of those colloquia for helpful and judicious feedback, especially Ruth Karras, Darcy Krasne, Carlos Noreña, J. B. Shank, and Barbara Welke. I am also indebted to George Sheets, who read a penultimate draft, and to Alain Gowing and the anonymous readers for CA, who prompted additional improvements. None of the above should be held accountable for the views expressed or any errors that remain. 1 Beard 1980, cited approvingly by, e.g., Hopkins 1983: 18, Hallett 1984: x, Brown 1988: 8, Schultz 2012: 122. Critiques: Gardner 1986: 24-25, Beard 1995. 1 gender, and religion were produced.2 This shift, from a quasi-diachronic perspective, which seeks explanations for recorded phenomena in the conditions of an imagined past, to a more synchronic approach, in which contemporary contexts are emphasized, represents a welcome methodological advance. -
Kretan Cult and Customs, Especially in the Classical and Hellenistic Periods: a Religious, Social, and Political Study
i Kretan cult and customs, especially in the Classical and Hellenistic periods: a religious, social, and political study Thesis submitted for degree of MPhil Carolyn Schofield University College London ii Declaration I, Carolyn Schofield, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been acknowledged in the thesis. iii Abstract Ancient Krete perceived itself, and was perceived from outside, as rather different from the rest of Greece, particularly with respect to religion, social structure, and laws. The purpose of the thesis is to explore the bases for these perceptions and their accuracy. Krete’s self-perception is examined in the light of the account of Diodoros Siculus (Book 5, 64-80, allegedly based on Kretan sources), backed up by inscriptions and archaeology, while outside perceptions are derived mainly from other literary sources, including, inter alia, Homer, Strabo, Plato and Aristotle, Herodotos and Polybios; in both cases making reference also to the fragments and testimonia of ancient historians of Krete. While the main cult-epithets of Zeus on Krete – Diktaios, associated with pre-Greek inhabitants of eastern Krete, Idatas, associated with Dorian settlers, and Kretagenes, the symbol of the Hellenistic koinon - are almost unique to the island, those of Apollo are not, but there is good reason to believe that both Delphinios and Pythios originated on Krete, and evidence too that the Eleusinian Mysteries and Orphic and Dionysiac rites had much in common with early Kretan practice. The early institutionalization of pederasty, and the abduction of boys described by Ephoros, are unique to Krete, but the latter is distinct from rites of initiation to manhood, which continued later on Krete than elsewhere, and were associated with different gods. -
Senecan Tragedy and Virgil's Aeneid: Repetition and Reversal
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 10-2014 Senecan Tragedy and Virgil's Aeneid: Repetition and Reversal Timothy Hanford Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/427 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] SENECAN TRAGEDY AND VIRGIL’S AENEID: REPETITION AND REVERSAL by TIMOTHY HANFORD A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Classics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2014 ©2014 TIMOTHY HANFORD All Rights Reserved ii This dissertation has been read and accepted by the Graduate Faculty in Classics in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Ronnie Ancona ________________ _______________________________ Date Chair of Examining Committee Dee L. Clayman ________________ _______________________________ Date Executive Officer James Ker Joel Lidov Craig Williams Supervisory Committee THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii Abstract SENECAN TRAGEDY AND VIRGIL’S AENEID: REPETITION AND REVERSAL by Timothy Hanford Advisor: Professor Ronnie Ancona This dissertation explores the relationship between Senecan tragedy and Virgil’s Aeneid, both on close linguistic as well as larger thematic levels. Senecan tragic characters and choruses often echo the language of Virgil’s epic in provocative ways; these constitute a contrastive reworking of the original Virgilian contents and context, one that has not to date been fully considered by scholars. -
Magic in Private and Public Lives of the Ancient Romans
COLLECTANEA PHILOLOGICA XXIII, 2020: 53–72 http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-0319.23.04 Idaliana KACZOR Uniwersytet Łódzki MAGIC IN PRIVATE AND PUBLIC LIVES OF THE ANCIENT ROMANS The Romans practiced magic in their private and public life. Besides magical practices against the property and lives of people, the Romans also used generally known and used protective and healing magic. Sometimes magical practices were used in official religious ceremonies for the safety of the civil and sacral community of the Romans. Keywords: ancient magic practice, homeopathic magic, black magic, ancient Roman religion, Roman religious festivals MAGIE IM PRIVATEN UND ÖFFENTLICHEN LEBEN DER ALTEN RÖMER Die Römer praktizierten Magie in ihrem privaten und öffentlichen Leben. Neben magische Praktik- en gegen das Eigentum und das Leben von Menschen, verwendeten die Römer auch allgemein bekannte und verwendete Schutz- und Heilmagie. Manchmal wurden magische Praktiken in offiziellen religiösen Zeremonien zur Sicherheit der bürgerlichen und sakralen Gemeinschaft der Römer angewendet. Schlüsselwörter: alte magische Praxis, homöopathische Magie, schwarze Magie, alte römi- sche Religion, Römische religiöse Feste Magic, despite our sustained efforts at defining this term, remains a slippery and obscure concept. It is uncertain how magic has been understood and practised in differ- ent cultural contexts and what the difference is (if any) between magical and religious praxis. Similarly, no satisfactory and all-encompassing definition of ‘magic’ exists. It appears that no singular concept of ‘magic’ has ever existed: instead, this polyvalent notion emerged at the crossroads of local custom, religious praxis, superstition, and politics of the day. Individual scholars of magic, positioning themselves as ostensi- bly objective observers (an etic perspective), mostly defined magic in opposition to religion and overemphasised intercultural parallels over differences1. -
Evocatio Deorum As an Example of a Crisis Ritual in Roman Religion
Graeco-Latina Brunensia 23 / 2018 / 2 https://doi.org/10.5817/GLB2018-2-7 Evocatio deorum as an Example of a Crisis Ritual in Roman Religion Danuta Musiał & Andrzej Gillmeister (Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń; University of Zielona Góra) Abstract This work is an attempt to describe the Roman ritual of evocation in the anthropological cat- ČLÁNKY / ARTICLES egory of crisis ritual. The authors, analyzing the evocation of Yahweh carried out by Titus dur- ing the siege of Jerusalem, present this rite as an example of the activity of Roman ‘redemptive hegemony’, and one of the elements involved in the transformation of Roman religion which tried to answer the new calls connected with the transformation of the Roman state. They remain aware however that in this case we are discussing a ritual activity directed towards the Roman citizens themselves. Keywords evocation; crisis ritual; redemptive hegemony; Roman religion; siege of Jerusalem 95 Danuta Musiał & Andrzej Gillmeister Evocatio deorum as an Example of a Crisis Ritual in Roman Religion In Classical Ancient times, war, like all human activities, underwent a process of ritualisa- tion. Cult practices associated with war served above all to assure victory, predictions of which were searched for in signs sent by the gods. The gods authorized or legitimised all stages of conflict from declarations of war to the re-establishment of peace. Outside the realms of myth, they did not take active part in military activities, although they were the beneficiaries of victories and the victims of defeats. Spoils of war and sacrifices made in gratitude enriched the temples, but on the conquered enemy lands places dedicated to the gods were usually destroyed, even against traditionally ascribed rules (Rutledge 2007; Tarpin 2013). -
On the Months (De Mensibus) (Lewiston, 2013)
John Lydus On the Months (De mensibus) Translated with introduction and annotations by Mischa Hooker 2nd edition (2017) ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abbreviations .......................................................................................... iv Introduction .............................................................................................. v On the Months: Book 1 ............................................................................... 1 On the Months: Book 2 ............................................................................ 17 On the Months: Book 3 ............................................................................ 33 On the Months: Book 4 January ......................................................................................... 55 February ....................................................................................... 76 March ............................................................................................. 85 April ............................................................................................ 109 May ............................................................................................. 123 June ............................................................................................ 134 July ............................................................................................. 140 August ........................................................................................ 147 September ................................................................................ -
Virgil, Aeneid 11 (Pallas & Camilla) 1–224, 498–521, 532–96, 648–89, 725–835 G
Virgil, Aeneid 11 (Pallas & Camilla) 1–224, 498–521, 532–96, 648–89, 725–835 G Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary ILDENHARD INGO GILDENHARD AND JOHN HENDERSON A dead boy (Pallas) and the death of a girl (Camilla) loom over the opening and the closing part of the eleventh book of the Aeneid. Following the savage slaughter in Aeneid 10, the AND book opens in a mournful mood as the warring parti es revisit yesterday’s killing fi elds to att end to their dead. One casualty in parti cular commands att enti on: Aeneas’ protégé H Pallas, killed and despoiled by Turnus in the previous book. His death plunges his father ENDERSON Evander and his surrogate father Aeneas into heart-rending despair – and helps set up the foundati onal act of sacrifi cial brutality that caps the poem, when Aeneas seeks to avenge Pallas by slaying Turnus in wrathful fury. Turnus’ departure from the living is prefi gured by that of his ally Camilla, a maiden schooled in the marti al arts, who sets the mold for warrior princesses such as Xena and Wonder Woman. In the fi nal third of Aeneid 11, she wreaks havoc not just on the batt lefi eld but on gender stereotypes and the conventi ons of the epic genre, before she too succumbs to a premature death. In the porti ons of the book selected for discussion here, Virgil off ers some of his most emoti ve (and disturbing) meditati ons on the tragic nature of human existence – but also knows how to lighten the mood with a bit of drag. -
Veiling Among Men in Roman Corinth: 1 Corinthians 11:4 and the Potential Problem of East Meeting West
JBL 137, no. 2 (2018): 501-517 doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl. 1372.2018.346666 Veiling among Men in Roman Corinth: 1 Corinthians 11:4 and the Potential Problem of East Meeting West PRESTON T. MASSEY [email protected] Indiana Wesleyan University, Marion, IN 46953 Close attention to the original meaning of the words κατακαλύπτω (1 Cor 11:6) and κατά κεφαλής εχων ( 1 Cor 11:4) permits a translation only of a material head covering. These words do not describe the process of letting hair hang down loosely. These words are consistently used in Classical and Hellenistic Greek to describe the action of covering the head with a textile covering of some kind. In spite of sustained efforts by advocates, the long-hair theory still has not sue- ceeded in gaining an entry into standard reference works. The original edition of BAGD in 1957, the revised edition in 1979, and the more recent edition of BDAG in 2000 all support the view that the text of 1 Cor 11:2-16 describes an artificial textile head covering of some kind. In 1988, Richard Oster published a provocative article detailing the cultural practice of Roman men wearing head coverings in a liturgical setting.*1 His study called attention to the value of the artifactual evidence as well as the many literary texts documenting the widespread use of veiling among Roman men. His purpose was to establish the fact that it was obligatory for elite Roman men in certain ritual settings to wear a head covering. His article did not focus on the element of shame. -
Trojan War - Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia Trojan War from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia for the 1997 Film, See Trojan War (Film)
5/14/2014 Trojan War - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Trojan War From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia For the 1997 film, see Trojan War (film). In Greek mythology, the Trojan War was waged against the city of Troy by the Achaeans (Greeks) after Paris of Troy took Helen Trojan War from her husband Menelaus king of Sparta. The war is one of the most important events in Greek mythology and has been narrated through many works of Greek literature, most notably through Homer's Iliad. The Iliad relates a part of the last year of the siege of Troy; its sequel, the Odyssey describes Odysseus's journey home. Other parts of the war are described in a cycle of epic poems, which have survived through fragments. Episodes from the war provided material for Greek tragedy and other works of Greek literature, and for Roman poets including Virgil and Ovid. The war originated from a quarrel between the goddesses Athena, Hera, and Aphrodite, after Eris, the goddess of strife and discord, gave them a golden apple, sometimes known as the Apple of Discord, marked "for the fairest". Zeus sent the goddesses to Paris, who judged that Aphrodite, as the "fairest", should receive the apple. In exchange, Aphrodite made Helen, the most beautiful Achilles tending the wounded Patroclus of all women and wife of Menelaus, fall in love with Paris, who (Attic red-figure kylix, c. 500 BC) took her to Troy. Agamemnon, king of Mycenae and the brother of Helen's husband Menelaus, led an expedition of Achaean The war troops to Troy and besieged the city for ten years because of Paris' Setting: Troy (modern Hisarlik, Turkey) insult. -
Roman Religion
4 Roman Religion 1. “By pietas and fides the Romans Reached TheiR PResent eminence” the strength of Rome rested on a number of foundations. Among these were its extraordinarily vital political culture and its capacity to sustain warfare for extended periods of time. Previous chapters have emphasized these features, but in this chapter and the next, focus shifts to less obvious sources of Rome’s strength, namely the special character of its society whose dual foundations were the household and the civic religion of the city. Roman Religiosity during the period of the Republic, outsiders were struck by the religiosity of the Romans. In the second century b.c., Polybius, a Greek statesman and historian who lived much of his adult life in Rome, claimed that it was “scrupulous fear of the gods that kept the Roman commonwealth together” (6.56). A century or so later another expatriate Greek, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, was also impressed by the concern of Romans for religion. Writing about the second king of Rome, dionysius noted that as a result of Numa’s activities, Rome possessed more religious observances than any other city “Greek or non-Greek, even among those who thought of themselves as most god- fearing” (2.63). Needless to say, Romans themselves promoted the belief that fidelity to their oaths and treaties and their general reverence for the gods explained their imperial success. “the gods look kindly on these qualities, for it was by pietas and fides that Romans reached their present eminence” declared the consul Q. Marcius Philippus in 169 b.c. -
Hopefully Surviving: Despair and the Limits of Devotio in Virgil and Others
Hopefully Surviving: Despair and the Limits of devotio in Virgil and Others Revised from a paper given to the Virgil Society on 10 May 2008 The image o f the solitary hero who rushes into the midst o f the enemy and, by immolating himself, brings death and destruction upon them, has for obvious reasons become a less straightforwardly positive one in Western culture over the last decade.1 Yet numerous popular books and films still testify that, perhaps on the principle that one man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter, the pervasive figure o f the villainous suicide bomber has not succeeded in totally obliterating that o f the lone hero who stays behind to give up his life for his buddies, taking as many o f the faceless enemy as he can along with him.2 In Roman culture, this image has, o f course, a further, religious dimension as a result o f the rite o f devotio ducis? The ritual, particularly associated with the figure or figures o f P. Decius Mus, in one, two or three generations, involved a leader o f the Roman army’s consecration of himself and the enemy to the gods below, rushing unarmed into the said enemy, and as a result bringing confusion and defeat upon them, as well as death upon himself. *Versions of this paper were delivered to the Virgil Society in May 2008 and the Classics and Ancient History Departmental Seminar, University of Sydney, in September 2010. I am very grateful to all the helpful questions and suggestions from those two audiences, in particular those from Chris Malone, Anne Rogerson, Paul Roche, Andy Stiles, and Kathryn Welch.