The Origins of Old English Morphology
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The Shared Lexicon of Baltic, Slavic and Germanic
THE SHARED LEXICON OF BALTIC, SLAVIC AND GERMANIC VINCENT F. VAN DER HEIJDEN ******** Thesis for the Master Comparative Indo-European Linguistics under supervision of prof.dr. A.M. Lubotsky Universiteit Leiden, 2018 Table of contents 1. Introduction 2 2. Background topics 3 2.1. Non-lexical similarities between Baltic, Slavic and Germanic 3 2.2. The Prehistory of Balto-Slavic and Germanic 3 2.2.1. Northwestern Indo-European 3 2.2.2. The Origins of Baltic, Slavic and Germanic 4 2.3. Possible substrates in Balto-Slavic and Germanic 6 2.3.1. Hunter-gatherer languages 6 2.3.2. Neolithic languages 7 2.3.3. The Corded Ware culture 7 2.3.4. Temematic 7 2.3.5. Uralic 9 2.4. Recapitulation 9 3. The shared lexicon of Baltic, Slavic and Germanic 11 3.1. Forms that belong to the shared lexicon 11 3.1.1. Baltic-Slavic-Germanic forms 11 3.1.2. Baltic-Germanic forms 19 3.1.3. Slavic-Germanic forms 24 3.2. Forms that do not belong to the shared lexicon 27 3.2.1. Indo-European forms 27 3.2.2. Forms restricted to Europe 32 3.2.3. Possible Germanic borrowings into Baltic and Slavic 40 3.2.4. Uncertain forms and invalid comparisons 42 4. Analysis 48 4.1. Morphology of the forms 49 4.2. Semantics of the forms 49 4.2.1. Natural terms 49 4.2.2. Cultural terms 50 4.3. Origin of the forms 52 5. Conclusion 54 Abbreviations 56 Bibliography 57 1 1. -
The Syllable Structure of Bangla in Optimality Theory and Its Application to the Analysis of Verbal Inflectional Paradigms in Distributed Morphology
The syllable structure of Bangla in Optimality Theory and its application to the analysis of verbal inflectional paradigms in Distributed Morphology von Somdev Kar Philosophische Dissertation angenommen von der Neuphilologischen Fakultät der Universität Tübingen am 09. Januar 2009 Tübingen 2009 Gedruckt mit Genehmigung der Neuphilologischen Fakultät der Universität Tübingen Hauptberichterstatter : Prof. Hubert Truckenbrodt, Ph.D. Mitberichterstatter : PD Dr. Ingo Hertrich Dekan : Prof. Dr. Joachim Knape ii To my parents... iii iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I owe a great debt of gratitude to Prof. Hubert Truckenbrodt who was extremely kind to agree to be my research adviser and to help me to formulate this work. His invaluable guidance, suggestions, feedbacks and above all his robust optimism steered me to come up with this study. Prof. Probal Dasgupta (ISI) and Prof. Gautam Sengupta (HCU) provided insightful comments that have given me a different perspective to various linguistic issues of Bangla. I thank them for their valuable time and kind help to me. I thank Prof. Sengupta, Dr. Niladri Sekhar Dash and CIIL, Mysore for their help, cooperation and support to access the Bangla corpus I used in this work. In this connection I thank Armin Buch (Tübingen) who worked on the extraction of data from the raw files of the corpus used in this study. And, I wish to thank Ronny Medda, who read a draft of this work with much patience and gave me valuable feedbacks. Many people have helped in different ways. I would like to express my sincere thanks and gratefulness to Prof. Josef Bayer for sending me some important literature, Prof. -
New Arguments for Verb Cluster Formation at PF and a Right-Branching VP
New arguments for verb cluster formation at PF and a right-branching VP. Evidence from verb doubling and cluster penetrability* version October 12, 2013; to appear in Linguistic Variation Martin Salzmann, University of Leipzig ([email protected]) Abstract This paper provides new evidence that verb cluster formation in West Germanic takes place post- syntactically. Contrary to some previous accounts, I argue that cluster formation involves linearly adjacent morphosyntactic words and not syntactic sister nodes. The empirical evidence is drawn from Swiss German verb doubling constructions where intriguing asymmetries arise between ascending and descending orders. The approach additionally solves the cluster puzzle with extraposition and topicalization, generates all of the crosslinguistically attested six orders in the verbal complex and correctly predicts which orders are penetrable in which positions. On a more general level, the paper provides arguments for a derivational treatment of verb cluster formation and order variation and adduces important evidence in favor of a right-branching VP. 1 Introduction: Verb clusters in West Germanic In this section I will briefly lay out the central properties of West-Germanic verb clusters. Given the vast literature, I will confine myself to the aspects that will play a role in the ensuing discussion. For a detailed survey both over facts and analyses, the reader is referred to Wurmbrand (2005). West Germanic OV-languages are famous for their verb clusters, i.e. the phenomenon that the verbal elements of a clause all occur together clause-finally (under verb second, where the finite verb moves to C, only the non-finite verbs occur together). -
The Germanic Third Weak Class
THE GERMANIC THIRD WEAK CLASS JAY H. JASANOFF Harvard University Germanic verbs of the 3rd weak class form presents characterized by an alternation between predesinential *ai (e.g. Go. 3sg. habai1» and *a (e.g. Ipl. habam). These verbs are usually compared with the 'e-verbs' of Italic and Balto Slavic, but no IE present built on the stative suffix *-e- will account phonologi cally for the form of the suffix in Germanic. Instead, it can be shown that the characteristic Germanic paradigm results from the 'activization' of an older middle paradigm in which a 3sg. in *-ai « IE *-oi; cf. Skt. duh~ 'milks') was further suffixed by the productive active ending *-Pi « IE *-ti). 1. The inflection of the third class of weak verbs (exemplified by the verb 'to have': Gothic haban, Old Norse hafa,! Old High German hab~, Old Saxon hebbian, Old English habban) presents one of the classic problems in the historical morphology of Germanic. Not only do the verbs of this class show peculiarities in all the older Germanic languages, but they differ remarkably in their conjugation from one language to another, so that it is not at all obvious how the Common Germanic paradigm should be reconstructed. Given this diversity of forms, we will do well to begin with a short review of the morphological facts themselves. The situation is simplest in Old High German. The entire conjugation of hab~n is athematic (to the extent that this term still has any meaning), and is based on the single stem hab~-: 1sg. hab~, 3sg. hab~t, 3pl. -
AN INTRODUCTORY GRAMMAR of OLD ENGLISH Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies
AN INTRODUCTORY GRAMMAR OF OLD ENGLISH MEDievaL AND Renaissance Texts anD STUDies VOLUME 463 MRTS TEXTS FOR TEACHING VOLUme 8 An Introductory Grammar of Old English with an Anthology of Readings by R. D. Fulk Tempe, Arizona 2014 © Copyright 2020 R. D. Fulk This book was originally published in 2014 by the Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies at Arizona State University, Tempe Arizona. When the book went out of print, the press kindly allowed the copyright to revert to the author, so that this corrected reprint could be made freely available as an Open Access book. TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE viii ABBREVIATIONS ix WORKS CITED xi I. GRAMMAR INTRODUCTION (§§1–8) 3 CHAP. I (§§9–24) Phonology and Orthography 8 CHAP. II (§§25–31) Grammatical Gender • Case Functions • Masculine a-Stems • Anglo-Frisian Brightening and Restoration of a 16 CHAP. III (§§32–8) Neuter a-Stems • Uses of Demonstratives • Dual-Case Prepositions • Strong and Weak Verbs • First and Second Person Pronouns 21 CHAP. IV (§§39–45) ō-Stems • Third Person and Reflexive Pronouns • Verbal Rection • Subjunctive Mood 26 CHAP. V (§§46–53) Weak Nouns • Tense and Aspect • Forms of bēon 31 CHAP. VI (§§54–8) Strong and Weak Adjectives • Infinitives 35 CHAP. VII (§§59–66) Numerals • Demonstrative þēs • Breaking • Final Fricatives • Degemination • Impersonal Verbs 40 CHAP. VIII (§§67–72) West Germanic Consonant Gemination and Loss of j • wa-, wō-, ja-, and jō-Stem Nouns • Dipthongization by Initial Palatal Consonants 44 CHAP. IX (§§73–8) Proto-Germanic e before i and j • Front Mutation • hwā • Verb-Second Syntax 48 CHAP. -
Nonnative Acquisition of Verb Second: on the Empirical Underpinnings of Universal L2 Claims
Nonnative acquisition of Verb Second: On the empirical underpinnings of universal L2 claims Ute Bohnacker Lund University Abstract Acquiring Germanic verb second is typically described as difficult for second-language learners. Even speakers of a V2-language (Swedish) learning another V2-language (German) are said not to transfer V2 but to start with a non-V2 grammar, following a universal developmental path of verb placement. The present study contests this claim, documenting early targetlike V2 production for 6 Swedish ab-initio (and 23 intermediate) learners of German, at a time when their interlanguage syntax elsewhere is nontargetlike (head-initial VPs). Learners whose only nonnative language is German never violate V2, indicating transfer of V2-L1 syntax. Informants with previous knowledge of English are less targetlike in their L3-German productions, indicating interference from non-V2 English. V2 per se is thus not universally difficult for nonnative learners. in press in: Marcel den Dikken & Christina Tortora, eds., 2005. The function of function words and functional categories. [Series: Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today] Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins (pp. 41-77). Nonnative acquisition of Verb Second: On the empirical underpinnings of universal L2 claims Ute Bohnacker Lund University 1. Introduction This paper investigates the acquisition of verb placement, especially verb second (V2), by native Swedish adults and teenagers learning German. Several recent publications (e.g. Platzack 1996, 2001; Pienemann 1998; Pienemann & Håkansson 1999; Håkansson, Pienemann & Sayehli 2002) have claimed that learners, irrespective of their first language (L1), take the same developmental route in the acquisition of syntax of a foreign or second language (L2). -
From Old English to Early Modern English
6 ProsodicPreferences: From Old Englishto Early Modern English PAULA FIKKERT,ELAI{ B. DRESHER, AND ADITI LAHIru 6.1 Introduction This chapter discussesthe prosodic organization of the phonological and mor- phological system of Old English, and investigates how this system changed up to early Modern'Inglish. By prosodywe mean primariiy aspectsof the grammar related to the weight of root syllables, syllable structure, and stress.l Although the changeswe wifl discuss are primarily phonologicaT,aproper under- standing of prosodic change in the history of English requires that we take into account morphological class membership, particularly as stem extensions and endings played a significant role in many of the phonological rules that ultimately affected the prosodic organizatron of the language. In additiory the quantity of root syllables played a crucial role in constraining prosodic changes throughout the history of English We assume that the major deveiopments under review here came about in the process of kansmission of the language from one generation to the next, that is, in the course of language acquiiition. Prominent in our account will be a characteristic of grammars called pertinacity (Lahiri 2002).A rule or pattern in the native speakels granunar may persist over time, though its outward real- ization may change.An example is the persistenceof a particular metrical pat- tern in English, the Germanic foot. We will show that this foot pattern came to apply to new forms, such as Romance loans in Middle English, and applied in a new way to certain older forms. This type of prosodic change occurs when learners extend a grammatical pattern to new forms. -
PDF Hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Radboud Repository PDF hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen The following full text is an author's version which may differ from the publisher's version. For additional information about this publication click this link. http://hdl.handle.net/2066/61712 Please be advised that this information was generated on 2017-12-06 and may be subject to change. Prosodic Preferences: From Old English to Early Modern English* Paula Fikkert, Elan B. Dresher & Aditi Lahiri draft February 18, 2005 1 Introduction This chapter discusses the prosodic organisation of the phonological and morphological system of Old English, and investigates how this system changed up to early Modern English. By prosody we mean primarily aspects of the grammar related to the weight of root syllables, syllable structure, and stress.1 Although the changes we will discuss are primarily phonological, a proper understanding of prosodic change in the history of English requires that we take into account morphological class membership, particularly as stem extensions and endings played a significant role in many of the phonological rules that ultimately affected the prosodic organisation of the language. In addition, the quantity of root syllables played a crucial role in constraining prosodic changes throughout the history of English. We assume that the major developments under review here came about in the process of transmission of the language from one generation to the next, that is, in the course of language acquisition. Prominent in our account will be a characteristic of grammars called pertinacity (Lahiri 2002). -
Agreement and Agree: Evidence from Germanic
Halldór Ármann Sigurðsson (LUND) Agree and Agreement: Evidence from Germanic Abstract This paper contains a descriptive overview of morphological agreement phenomena in the Germanic languages. In addition it studies the relation of overt agreement with the underlying LF relation of Agree. It is argued that CHOMSKY’S (2000, 2001a) Probe-Goal Approach is not well suited to account for the nature of abstract Agree, although it is descriptively adequate for some instances of morphological agreement. The central claim of the paper is that Agree reduces to Merge, i.e. it is a precondition on Merge (and an integrated part of it). Thus, whenever Merge applies, the possibility of agreement arises, i.e. a language has to make a parametric choice whether or not to signal each instance of Merge/Agree morphologically. Hence, the extreme variation of agreement across languages, even within a relatively limited and a closely related group of languages, such as the Germanic ones. The claim that Agree reduces to Merge is coined as the Agree Condition on Merge. It is claimed that this simple condition is a law of nature, hence of language. In addition, it is suggested that Move is driven by the needs of Merge/Agree, moving features to the edge of a category Y, such that the edge matches some features of the object with which Y merges. The approach pursued also supports the view that labelling and X’-theoretic conceptions are theoretical artifacts that should be dispensed with.1 1. Theoretical background CHOMSKY (2001a: 3) formulates his understanding of Agree as follows: We therefore have a relation Agree holding between α and β, where α has interpretable inflectional features and β has uninterpretable ones, which delete under Agree. -
Merging Verb Cluster Variation
Merging verb cluster variation Sjef Barbiers Hans Bennis Lotte Dros-Hendriks Universiteit Leiden Nederlandse Taalunie Meertens Instituut Abstract: In this paper we argue that verb clusters in Dutch varieties are merged and linearized in fully ascending (1-2-3) or fully descending (3-2-1) orders. We argue that verb clusters that deviate from these orders involve non-verbal material: adjectival participles, or nominal infinitives. As a result, our approach does not involve any unmotivated movements that are specific for verb clusters. Support for our analysis comes from (i) the interpretation of verb clusters; (ii) the fact that order variation depends on the types of verbs involved, which can be explained by selectional requirements of the verbs; and (iii) the geographic co-occurrence patterns of various orders. First, the 1-3-2 and 3-1-2 orders are argued to be ascending orders with a non-verbal 3. Indeed these orders occur in grammars that have ascending, rather than descending, verb clusters. Secondly, the 1-3-2 order is argued to be an interrupted V1-V2 cluster with a non-verbal 3. Indeed, this order is most common in the region where non-verbal material can interrupt the verb cluster. Our analysis of word order variation in verb clusters in terms of principles of grammar is further supported by an experiment in which we asked a large number of speakers distributed over the Dutch language area to rank all logicaly possible orders, including orders that are not common in their own variety of Dutch. The results demonstrate that speakers apply their syntactic knowledge to rank verb cluster orders that they do not use themselves. -
Study of Prefixes in Old English, Old High German and Gothic
Study of Prefixes in Old English, Old High German and Gothic Pranjal Srivastava1 Abstract— In this paper, we explore the meaning(s) of the on- prefix in Old English its corresponding prefixes in Gothic and Old High German. To do so, we compare and analyze the uncompounded (without prefix) and compounded (with prefix) meanings of strong Verbs listed in the book ’Vergleichendes und etymologisches Wörterbuch der germanischen starken Verben’ (a dictionary of Germanic Verbs and their forms in its daughter languages) and put forward possible meanings of the prefix and their possible sources. We observed three major meaning clusters: 1) The prefix denoted a reversal or weakening of the original uncompounded meaning 2) The prefix denoted a the action being done in a face-to-face capacity, to either positive or Fig. 1. The relationship between languages. negative effect 3) The prefix indicated a relationship between the Germanic Gothic Old English Old High German action done and the doer of the action. en- in- on- in(t)- and- and- on- in(t)- These results enable an in-depth study of the prefixes und- und- on- in(t)- that are derived from the original Proto-Germanic language. TABLE I Prefix correspondences across researched languages I. INTRODUCTION II. BACKGROUND The West Germanic (WGmc.) language family is the 2 The Germanic languages are a subfamily of the Indo- largest member of the three branches of the Germanic European family of languages. The last common ances- Language family (by native speakers) [1] [4]. Members tor of the Germanic languages, called Proto-Germanic of the WGmc. -
What's All the Fuss About 16 Words? a New Approach to Holtzman's Law*
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Calgary (Working) Papers in Linguistics Volume 21, Winter 1999 1999-01 What's all the fuss about 16 words? A new approach to Holtzman's Law* Smith, Laura Catharine University of Calgary Smith, L. C. (1999). What's all the fuss about 16 words? A new approach to Holtzman's Law*. Calgary Working Papers in Linguistics, 21(Winter), 66-95. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/51429 journal article Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca What's all the fuss about 16 words? A new approach to Holtzmann's Law * Laura Catharine Smith The University of Munich Abstract This paper provides a unified analysis for Holtzmann's Law or the Germanic Verscharfung (hereafter, GV). This Germanic phenomenon is usually described as the strengthening of the PIE glides+! and+!' to Gothic <ddj> and <ggw> and Old Norse <ggj> and <ggw> respectively. In the present work, I posit plausible sound changes based on the assumption that laryngeals were extant in early Germanic when the accent was still mobile. Furthermore, I contend that the laryngeals rather than glides underwent GV strengthening. The motivation for sound changes, as I assert, can be explained by the preference laws of syllable structure. The analysis provided herein also accounts for parallel phonological developments of GV and non-GV forms from common PIE roots, e.g. ON sniia 'to turn' versus ON snugga 'to look askance'. Finally, the analysis offers an explanation for the existence of GV reflexes in West Germanic. 0.0 Introduction Holtzmann' s Law has attracted considerable attention from Germanists since its initial "discovery" over a century ago.