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Abolitionist Politics and the Coming of the Civil War 8 Abolitionist Politics and the Coming of the Civil War 8 2275907590 ffrontmatter.inddrontmatter.indd i 112/5/072/5/07 11:32:50:32:50 PMPM 2275907590 ffrontmatter.inddrontmatter.indd iiii 112/5/072/5/07 11:32:51:32:51 PMPM ABOLITIONIST POLITICS AND THE COMING OF THE CIVIL WAR 8 James Brewer Stewart UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS PRESS Amherst 2275907590 ffrontmatter.inddrontmatter.indd iiiiii 112/5/072/5/07 11:32:51:32:51 PMPM Copyright © 2008 by University of Massachusetts Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America LC 2007032380 ISBN 978-1-55849-635-4 (paper); 634-7 (library cloth) Designed by Sally Nichols Set in ITC Galliard Printed and bound by The Maple-Vail Book Manufacturing Group Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Stewart, James Brewer. Abolitionist politics and the coming of the Civil War / James Brewer Stewart. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-55849-635-4 (paper : alk. paper)—ISBN 978-1-55849-634-7 (library cloth : alk. paper) 1. Antislavery movements—United States—History— 18th century. 2. Antislavery movements—United States—History— 19th century. 3. Abolitionists—United States—Biography. 4. Political activists—United States—Biography. 5. Abolitionists—United States—Political activity—History. 6. Radicalism—United States—History. 7. Equality— United States—History. 8. United States—Politics and government—1776–1783. 9. United States—Politics and government—1783–1865. 10. United States—History— Civil War, 1861–1865—Causes. I. Title. E441.S895 2008 973.7'114—dc22 2007032380 British Library Cataloguing in Publication data are available. iv 2275907590 ffrontmatter.inddrontmatter.indd iivv 112/5/072/5/07 11:32:51:32:51 PMPM To my extraordinary friends who study the abolitionists. You all know who you are, and you all have my deepest gratitude. 2275907590 ffrontmatter.inddrontmatter.indd v 112/5/072/5/07 11:32:52:32:52 PMPM 2275907590 ffrontmatter.inddrontmatter.indd vvii 112/5/072/5/07 11:32:52:32:52 PMPM Contents Preface ix Acknowledgments xiii Narratives 1 From Moral Suasion to Political Confrontation American Abolitionists and the Problem of Resistance, 1831–1861 3 Contexts 33 Modernizing “Difference” The Political Meanings of Color in the Free States, 1776–1840 35 Commitments 59 The Roberts Case, the Easton Family, and the Dynamics of the Abolitionist Movement in Massachusetts, 1776–1870 (co-authored with George R. Price) 61 William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, and the Symmetry of Autobiography Charisma and the Character of Abolitionist Leadership 89 Consequences 111 Joshua Giddings, Antislavery Violence, and the Politics of Congressional Honor 113 The Orator and the Insurrectionist 139 The New Haven Negro College and the Dynamics of Race in New England, 1776–1870 172 Reconsidering the Abolitionists in an Age of Fundamentalist Politics 203 Index 227 vii 2275907590 ffrontmatter.inddrontmatter.indd vviiiiii 112/5/072/5/07 11:32:53:32:53 PMPM Preface Before the Civil War, slaveholders made themselves into the most power- ful, most deeply rooted, and best organized private interest group within the United States. There should be no surprise in this. Investment in slavery, in all of its fi nancial manifestations, was exceeded only by invest- ment in real estate. The U.S. Constitution was studded with guarantees of slavery’s perpetuation. Proslavery presidents, senators, and congres- sional representatives consistently put forward slavery’s interests. The vast majority of white Americans, Northern and Southern alike, accepted the institution of slavery, believing strongly that “inferior” African Ameri- cans were fi tted perfectly to their bondage. As most saw it, the very foun- dation of white Americans’ liberty depended on the ongoing subjugation of the nation’s blacks, the nominally free as well as the enslaved. This volume seeks to evaluate the extent to which a small group of radical activists, the abolitionist movement, played pivotal roles in turn- ing American politics against this formidable system. To pose the prob- lem another way, it examines what infl uence the abolitionist movement might have had in creating the unfolding political crises that led to civil war. Or, to restate the matter in most general terms, it attempts to assess the extent to which a small number of deeply committed reformers made a truly important difference when demanding that their nation face up to its most excruciating moral problem. These are all challenging subjects, not easily addressed either indi- vidually or all at once. Such is particularly true for a book like this one, designed as it is not only for specialists but also for undergraduates and graduate students. For these reasons, the essays presented here respond to these challenging subjects by examining several much more accessible and specifi c questions about who the abolitionists were and what their work involved. These questions are: What were the abolitionists actually up against ix 2275907590 ffrontmatter.inddrontmatter.indd iixx 112/5/072/5/07 11:32:53:32:53 PMPM PREFACE when seeking to overthrow slavery and white supremacy? What moti- vated and sustained them during their long and diffi cult struggles? What larger historical contexts (religious, social, economic, cultural, and political) infl uenced their choices and determined their behavior? What roles did extraordinary leaders play in shaping the movement? What were the contributions of abolitionism’s unheralded “foot- soldiers”? What po- litical agency did this handful of activists fi nally exercise on the nation’s governing systems, that is, on its elections, on debates in Congress, on state and local politics, and on political culture? What factors ultimately determined, for better or worse, the abolitionists’ impact on American politics and the realization of their equalitarian goals? Each of these questions is a historical perennial. Generations of schol- ars have wrestled with all of them. What makes this volume distinctive, I hope, is that it brings them all into a common focus to explain in a comprehensive way why the abolitionists’ crusade truly mattered. Hence, this is, above all, a book about meanings. It offers a series of fl esh and blood insights into what the movement meant to its leaders, supporters, and most vocal opponents; what it meant to the powerful men who governed the nation and led its political parties; what it meant to the great mass of voters, those (almost entirely white) men whose ballots determined the fates of those politicians; what it meant to those in the North, free African Americans, Native Americans, and women in particular, who found themselves excluded from formal politics; what, in short, the abolitionist movement meant to the deeply and multiply confl icted generation that witnessed the coming of the Civil War. To promise “fl esh and blood insights” is to promise a great deal. In my opinion, satisfying this promise requires seeing deeply into individuals’ lives and into relationships between those lives and the changing politics of the nation. For this reason, this volume emphasizes biography. Read- ers will quickly notice this feature as they read along, and I hope that it magnifi es the book’s focus, accessibility, and interest. Certain key fi gures, specifi cally Wendell Phillips, Hosea Easton, William Lloyd Garrison, Benjamin Roberts, and Joshua R. Giddings, people whose lives I have come to know particularly well, reappear in multiple contexts, their lives (public and private) juxtaposed against the ongoing struggles of aboli- tionists and the changing political scene. In this way, the book sustains x 2275907590 ffrontmatter.inddrontmatter.indd x 112/5/072/5/07 11:32:53:32:53 PMPM PREFACE a human interest element that I hope its readers will fi nd enriching. No less important, this biographical emphasis makes possible my attempt to explain abolitionism in “fl esh and blood” terms. A fi nal prefatory note. I have been persuaded to abandon my prac- tice of using quotation marks around the terms “black,” “white,” and “race” in most cases. My instinct to use them has something to do with the familiar academic assessment that “race is a social construction,” a “signifi er” rather than a fact. More important, however, I wanted to acknowledge the problem of addressing a wide range of belief on the topic, with some people regarding race as a self- evident fact and others, conscious of their “mixed” backgrounds, resisting the dialectic of black versus white. I hope readers will keep these crucial distinctions in mind as they proceed through the volume. xi 2275907590 ffrontmatter.inddrontmatter.indd xxii 112/5/072/5/07 11:32:54:32:54 PMPM 2275907590 ffrontmatter.inddrontmatter.indd xxiiii 112/5/072/5/07 11:32:54:32:54 PMPM Acknowledgments Clark Dougan and John Stauffer made this book possible. Deborah Smith made it considerably better. My warmest thanks go to each of them. xiii 2275907590 ffrontmatter.inddrontmatter.indd xxiiiiii 112/5/072/5/07 11:32:54:32:54 PMPM 2275907590 ffrontmatter.inddrontmatter.indd xxiviv 112/5/072/5/07 11:32:54:32:54 PMPM Abolitionist Politics and the Coming of the Civil War 8 2275907590 ffrontmatter.inddrontmatter.indd xxvv 112/5/072/5/07 11:32:54:32:54 PMPM 2275907590 ffrontmatter.inddrontmatter.indd xxvivi 112/5/072/5/07 11:32:55:32:55 PMPM From Moral Suasion to Political Confrontation American Abolitionists and the Problem of Resistance, 1831–1861 8 In January 1863, as warfare raged between North and South, the great abolitionist orator Wendell Phillips addressed an enormous audience of over ten thousand in Brooklyn, New York. Just days earlier, President Abraham Lincoln, in his Emancipation Proclamation, had defi ned the destruction of slavery as the North’s new and overriding war aim. This decision, Phillips assured his listeners, marked the grand culmination “of a great fi ght, going on the world over, and which began ages ago .
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