DOCSLIB.ORG

Mccrory Not Budging on I-77 Toll Project

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

INSIDE THIS ISSUE: DEPARTMENTS Medicaid re- North Carolina 2 Education 8 form includ- CAROLINA Local Government 11 From Page 1 13 ed in Senate Higher Education 17 version of Books & the Arts 20 Opinion 24 budget/2 JOURNAL Parting Shot 28 A MONTHLY JOURNAL OF NEWS, ANALYSIS, AND OPINION FROM THE JOHN LOCKE FOUNDATION July 2015 Vol. 24 No. 7 STATEWIDE EDITION Check us out online at carolinajournal.com and johnlocke.org McCrory Not Budging on I-77 Toll Project the issue, citing the high cost of termi- nating the contract and the faster time- Opponents calling table for completion promised by the public-private partnership. $144.5 million McCrory spokesman Josh Ellis told Carolina Journal via email on June incentive a ‘bribe’ 19: “Governor McCrory continues to By Don Carrington support the I-77 Express Lanes proj- Executive Editor ect, a project that was unanimously RALEIGH approved by the Charlotte Regional espite widespread vocal oppo- Transportation Planning Organization. sition from area business lead- Canceling the project would cost North ers and residents, Gov. Pat Mc- Carolina taxpayers approximately DCrory and North Carolina Department $100 million, money that should be in- of Transportation officials maintain it vested in other infrastructure projects. is too late for the The current project can be delivered state to scrap the within a matter of years instead of up controversial 26- to 20 years to secure funding through mile Interstate 77 Toll road opponents Kurt Naas, left, Mac McAlpine, right, and others gather outside the normal state channels.” tolling project be- the Davidson Town Hall on June 9 after the town council approved a resolution asking Opposition to the project has tween Charlotte the state to cancel the toll road agreement. (CJ photos by Don Carrington) reached the General Assembly. State Sen. Jeff Tarte, R-Mecklenburg, told CJ and Mooresville in named the I-77 Hot Lanes Project. The terize a $144.5 million incentive pay- he will introduce a bill to stop the proj- favor of nontolled project is expected to cost $648 million. ment from NCDOT to the Charlotte ect, since several local governmental alternatives. Mobility Partners will set toll rates, Regional Transportation Planning Or- bodies and the Lake Norman Chamber On May collect the tolls, and — for the most ganization as a bribe. Others predict of Commerce have passed resolutions 20, state officials part — keep all the proceeds. nightmarish commutes, as the eight- I-77 at exit 28 in asking for alternatives to the current Cornelius will not signed a 900-page, Opponents of the project want mile stretch at the northernmost por- toll plan. have an access 50-year agreement the state to build additional lanes with- tion of the project will include only one “Ninety-eight percent of the point to toll lanes. with I-77 Mobil- out charging tolls, and pay for them toll lane traveling each direction, with people in this area are against this toll ity Partners, a using existing funding mechanisms or little room to accommodate disabled subsidiary of a Spanish company, to with the highway bonds McCrory is motorists or emergency vehicles. build and operate the project, officially promoting. Some opponents charac- But McCrory is not budging on Continued as “McCrory,” Page 14 Solar Enriches Big Business, Costs Consumers PAID claimed an additional $3,112,503 in tax RALEIGH, NC U.S. POSTAGE credits, and BCBS has been issued an- PERMIT NO. 1766 NONPROFIT ORG. Most tax credits other $12,696,204. The state grants tax credits for and incentives go 35 percent of investments in renewable energy projects, most of them solar to large corporations farms. Developers also can claim a 30 By Dan Way Associate Editor percent federal tax credit for solar proj- RALEIGH ects. In addition, the N.C. Clean En- hile Duke Energy is passing ergy Technology Center at N.C. State higher costs to ratepayers University lists 113 programs under because state law forces it to which renewable projects in North Carolina can qualify for various state, Wpurchase renewable energy, the utility renewable tax credit payments in federal, and other incentives. also claimed $62.8 million in tax write- 2014, with Blue Cross and Blue Shield State Revenue Department re- offs in 2014 for its own investments in of North Carolina a distant second at cords show that big solar is big busi- green power projects. $16.8 million, according to state De- The electric giant accounted for partment of Revenue records. The John Locke Foundation 200 W. Morgan St., #200 Raleigh, NC 27601 roughly half of the state’s $126,661,982 Dating back to 2010, Duke has Continued as “Solar,” Page 13 PAGE 2 JULY 2015 | CAROLINA JOURNAL North CaroliNa C a r o l i n a Senate Includes Medicaid Reform in Budget By Dan Way “The lower-cost providers, primary care doctors and Journal Associate Editor OB-GYNs, are the ones that are more difficult to recruit into RALEIGH those networks, and we think getting those rates up consis- Rick Henderson enate leaders’ General Fund budget proposal includes tent with Medicare rates puts us in a much better position to Managing Editor major policy initiatives related to Medicaid, removing recruit them into the network,” Hise said. responsibility for Medicaid from the state Department Having greater choice and doctor access is vital in get- Don Carrington Executive Editor Sof Health and Human Services while creating a Cabinet- ting a federal plan waiver that is essential before moving to level Health Benefits Authority to administer the $14 billion a new system, he said. government insurance program for the poor and disabled. The plan would encourage greater use of preventive Mitch Kokai, Michael Lowrey The budget also would eliminate the state’s certificate- care, reduce unnecessary emergency room costs, and build Barry Smith, Kari Travis of-need laws controlling the expansion and location of med- a stronger health care information exchange to increase ac- Dan Way ical facilities, and allow more health provider networks to cess to critical information that helps doctors and hospitals Associate Editors compete for coverage of Medicaid patients. create better tools for improving health outcomes, Brown Chad Adams, Kristy Bailey At the June 15 press conference rolling out the Senate said. David N. Bass, Lloyd Billingsley budget, Senate Majority Leader Harry Brown, R-Onslow, Julie Henry, spokeswoman for the North Carolina Kristen Blair, Roy Cordato said the Medicaid pro- Hospital Association, Becki Gray, Sam A. Hieb posals are intended to said her organization Lindalyn Kakadelis, Troy Kickler shift a “troubled and “join[s] other Medicaid George Leef, Karen McMahan overbudgeted Medic- care providers in sup- Donna Martinez Karen Palasek aid program towards a porting provider-led Marc Rotterman, Jesse Saffron Terry Stoops, Andy Taylor patient-focused, cost- Medicaid reform rather Michael Walden, Hal Young minded vision for the than HMOs,” which is John Calvin Young program.” Among the another acronym for Contributors goals, Brown said, was managed care organi- creating “a new system zations. that will achieve budget The North Caro- Joseph Chesser, Zak Hasanin predictability and sus- lina Medical Society, Catherine Koniecsny, Charles Logan Austin Pruitt, Matt Shaeffer tainability to promote which represents physi- Interns competition, and ensure cians, did not respond Medicaid recipients re- to a request for com- Published by ceive the best care at the ment on the Senate The John Locke Foundation lowest cost to taxpay- budget provisions. 200 W. Morgan St., # 200 ers.” Hise said the Sen- Raleigh, N.C. 27601 The House budget ate has “a more stable (919) 828-3876 • Fax: 821-5117 plan” than the House www.JohnLocke.org proposal, enacted earli- er this month, left Med- because it offers con- icaid under the control sumers more choices, a Jon Ham of DHHS, but senators’ condition federal regu- Vice President & Publisher confidence in the bu- lators look for when ap- reaucracy to fix its flaws is waning. proving any Medicaid reform provisions. Kory Swanson “We’re not picking one type of provider and saying President The Senate and House budget plans were in a confer- ence committee at press time, and Gov. Pat McCrory op- you will be the only provider-led entities that we have in the state,” he said. John Hood poses much of the Senate Medicaid plan. But even if those Chairman reforms are removed from the budget McCrory signs, sena- The Senate plan would eliminate in two years the fee- tors have made their priorities clear. for-service system now in operation, under which health Charles S. Carter, Charles F. Fuller In the past, McCrory has opposed using budgets to care providers get paid for every patient visit. Bill Graham, John M. Hood implement policies instead of debating and approving them In its place would be a model, starting Aug. 1, 2017, Assad Meymandi, Baker A. Mitchell Jr., in which providers would be paid a set fee each month for in a more deliberative process. David Stover, J.M Bryan Taylor each patient. The organizations operating Medicaid plans The Senate Medicaid reform plan would select three Board of Directors would be responsible for meeting budgets set by the Gen- operators through a competitive bidding process to estab- eral Assembly and paying cost overruns now assumed by Carolina Journal is lish statewide Medicaid networks. The state also would be a monthly journal of news, state taxpayers. divided into six regions, and two provider-led networks Hise said lawmakers were unable to get updated bud- analysis, and commentary on would be allowed to set up shop in each region. state and local government get numbers from DHHS as the fiscal year approached its and public policy issues in Sen.
Recommended publications
  • Bloch Rubin ! ! a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Satisfaction of The

    Bloch Rubin ! ! a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Satisfaction of The

    ! ! ! ! Intraparty Organization in the U.S. Congress ! ! by! Ruth Frances !Bloch Rubin ! ! A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley ! Committee in charge: Professor Eric Schickler, Chair Professor Paul Pierson Professor Robert Van Houweling Professor Sean Farhang ! ! Fall 2014 ! Intraparty Organization in the U.S. Congress ! ! Copyright 2014 by Ruth Frances Bloch Rubin ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! Abstract ! Intraparty Organization in the U.S. Congress by Ruth Frances Bloch Rubin Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Eric Schickler, Chair The purpose of this dissertation is to supply a simple and synthetic theory to help us to understand the development and value of organized intraparty blocs. I will argue that lawmakers rely on these intraparty organizations to resolve several serious collective action and coordination problems that otherwise make it difficult for rank-and-file party members to successfully challenge their congressional leaders for control of policy outcomes. In the empirical chapters of this dissertation, I will show that intraparty organizations empower dissident lawmakers to resolve their collective action and coordination challenges by providing selective incentives to cooperative members, transforming public good policies into excludable accomplishments, and instituting rules and procedures to promote group decision-making. And, in tracing the development of intraparty organization through several well-known examples of party infighting, I will demonstrate that intraparty organizations have played pivotal — yet largely unrecognized — roles in critical legislative battles, including turn-of-the-century economic struggles, midcentury battles over civil rights legislation, and contemporary debates over national health care policy.
  • H. Doc. 108-222

    H. Doc. 108-222

    Biographies 589 crat to the Seventy-third and Seventy-fourth Congresses 16, 1831; attended the common schools and was graduated (March 4, 1933-January 3, 1937); was not a candidate for from Keene (N.H.) Academy; moved to Wisconsin in 1853 renomination, but was a successful candidate for Governor and settled near Beloit, Rock County; engaged in agricul- of Montana and served in that office from January 4, 1937, tural pursuits; elected alderman and was a member of the until January 6, 1941; resumed his ranching activities; died first city council of Beloit; unsuccessful Democratic candidate in Lewistown, Mont., May 23, 1955; interment in Lewistown for election in 1880 to the Forty-seventh Congress; appointed City Cemetery. postmaster of Beloit by President Cleveland on August 2, 1886, and served until August 17, 1889, when a successor AYRES, Steven Beckwith, a Representative from New was appointed; appointed secretary of the State agricultural York; born in Fort Dodge, Iowa, October 27, 1861; moved society of Wisconsin in 1885 and served until 1899; elected with his parents to Elmira, N.Y., in 1866; attended the as a Democrat to the Fifty-second Congress (March 4, 1891- grammar school; moved to Penn Yan, N.Y., in 1873; at- March 3, 1893); unsuccessful candidate for reelection in 1892 tended the Penn Yan Academy and was graduated from to the Fifty-third Congress; retired from public life and ac- Syracuse (N.Y.) University, in 1882; engaged in the pub- tive business pursuits and resided in Beloit, Wis., until his lishing business at Penn Yan and was editor of the Yates death there on March 11, 1907; interment in the Protestant County Chronicle; delegate to the Republican State conven- Cemetery.
  • The Paradox of Tar Heel Politics

    The Paradox of Tar Heel Politics

    March 2008 Review Copy The Paradox of Tar Heel Politics The Personalities, Elections, and Events That Shaped Modern North Carolina by Rob Christensen 368 pp., 24 illus., append., notes, index ISBN 978-0-8078-3189-2, $30.00 cloth Publication date: April 21, 2008 For more information: http://uncpress.unc.edu/books/T-6144.html North Carolina is one of the most politically competitive and vibrant states in the South—a state where neither conservative nor liberals, Democrats nor Republicans, have been able to rest easy. Journalist Rob Christensen argues that it is this climate of competition and challenge that has enabled North Carolina to rise from poverty in the nineteenth century to become a leader in research, education, and banking in the twentieth century. In The Paradox of Tar Heel Politics: The Personalities, Elections, and Events That Shaped Modern North Carolina, Rob Christensen writes a comprehensive and accessible history of North Carolina politics since post- reconstruction, surveying the key players, parties, and issues that have made North Carolina politically what it is today. Christensen contends that at the heart of North Carolina’s political struggles is the strong competition between a business-oriented progressivism, strong conservatism, and the politics of race. The progressive thread can be found in the populists Frank Porter Graham, Terry Sanford, and John Edwards; the conservative impulse is found in Furnifold Simmons, Josiah Bailey, Sam Ervin, and Jesse Helms. Christensen tracks the state’s racial divide from the white supremacy campaigns in the late 1800s to the U.S. [more] Contact Meagan Bonnell for review copies/author interviews [919] 962-0591 Fax [919] 966-3829 Email: [email protected] 2-2-2 The Paradox of Tar Heel Politics Senate races a century later between African American candidate Harvey Gantt and the polarizing conservative Jesse Helms.
  • Dafis � SUBJECT: Historic Architectural Resources Survey Report, Bridge No

    Dafis SUBJECT: Historic Architectural Resources Survey Report, Bridge No

    North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources State Historic Preservation Office Michael F. Easley, Governor Division of Historical Resources Lisbeth C. Evans, Secretary David L. S. Brook, Director Jeffrey J. Crow, Deputy Secretary Office of Archives and History June 17, 2004 MEMORANDUM TO: Greg Thorpe, Ph.D., Director Project Development and Environmental Analysis Branch NCDOT Division of Highways FROM: David Brook Dafis SUBJECT: Historic Architectural Resources Survey Report, Bridge No. 143 on SR 2217 (Old Milburnie Road) over Beaver Dam Creek, B-4304, Wake County, ER04-0397 Thank you for your letter of April 13, 2004, transmitting the survey report by Richard Silverman. For purposes of compliance with Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act, we concur that the following property is not eligible for the National Register: Neuseoca Lake Dam, southeast side of SR 2217 (Old Milburnie Road), at Neuseoca Lake, near Bridge No.143, Raleigh vicinity, is not eligible for the National Register because it no longer retains enough integrity to convey its significance. We do not concur with your evaluation of the Beaver Dam Lake Fishing Camp, located west side of SR 2217 (Old Milburnie Road), 0.2 mile southwest of SR 2218 (Tarheel Club Road), Raleigh vicinity. We think that the property is eligible under Criterion B (Person), for its association with Senator Josiah W. Bailey, North Carolina US Senator from 1931-1946. Josiah Bailey was one of three founders of Beaver Dam Lake, Inc. and the Beaver Dam Lake Camp. The camp was initiated during Bailey's political career, primarily as a senator. Bailey was one of North Carolina's important senators, a reformer, and prohibition crusader.
  • Local Tea Party Group in North Carolina

    Local Tea Party Group in North Carolina

    TERROR, EDUCATION AND AMERICA: A CASE STUDY OF A LOCAL TEA PARTY GROUP IN NORTH CAROLINA by KRISTIN B. KELLY B.A., North Carolina State University, 2011 A THESIS submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology, Anthropology and Social Work College of Arts and Sciences KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY Manhattan, Kansas 2014 Approved by: Major Professor Robert K. Schaeffer Copyright KRISTIN B. KELLY 2014 Abstract Street and DiMaggio (2011) argue that the national Tea Party movement is an extension of the Republican Party in the United States, claiming that it’s an “ugly, authoritarian, and fake- populist pseudo movement directed from above and early on by and for elite Republican and business interests” (p.9). On the other hand, Skocpol and Williams (2012) argue that “the Tea Party is neither a top-down creation nor a bottom-up explosion” (p.12). I argue that the North Carolina movement, at the local level, represents a group of grassroots activists who were first mobilized on December 2nd, 2005, according to the “Triangle Conservatives Unite!” website. Because of the South’s history with race relations and Ku Klux Klan violence in North Carolina around the issue of public education, for the purposes of this study I want to pose the following questions: How is Tea Party “craziness” functional for the local 9/12 project group, “Triangle Conservatives Unite!”? How is symbolic racism used as a framing device by the Tea Party, as a social movement, around public education in North Carolina? In order to capture Tea Party member and civil society attitudes toward the Wake County Board of Education decision to scrap the old, nationally-recognized socioeconomic diversity policy in favor of one that much resembled the 1960s neighborhood/community schools policy, I use a case study approach to look at how the Tea Party Social Movement deals with race, with regard to the Wake County School Board decision to go back to neighborhood/community schools.
  • UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations

    UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations

    UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title First to the Party: The Group Origins of Party Transformation Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4n4505xc Author Baylor, Christopher Andrew Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles First to the Party: The Group Origins of Party Transformation A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Christopher Andrew Baylor 2012 ©Copyright by Christopher Andrew Baylor 2012 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION First to the Party: The Group Origins of Party Transformation By Christopher Andrew Baylor Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2012 Professor John Zaller, Chair My dissertation shows how two marginal social groups - civil rights activists in the 1940s and religious conservatives in the 1980s – achieved many of their goals by becoming core players in a political party. In each case, the group faced opposition within its chosen party but allied with friendly partisans to marginalize opponents and nominate politicians committed to their priorities. Trying to influence office holders whom the groups had no hand in nominating proved ineffective: office holders would promise benefits but do nothing that displaced core supporters or median voters. Mobilizing nonpolitical groups for political purposes was the road to success. In both cases, marginal social groups rather than politicians drove the process, creating transformed parties that would stand up for rather than straddle the issues they cared about. ii This dissertation of Christopher Andrew Baylor is approved.
  • Carolina Journal

    Carolina Journal

    INSIDE THIS ISSUE: DEPARTMENTS State may North Carolina 2 Local Government 10 end Yakdin CAROLINA Education 14 From Page 1 12 River dam Books & the Arts 17 fight with Interview 18 Alcoa /2 Opinion 20 JOURNALA MONTHLY JOURNAL OF NEWS, ANALYSIS, AND OPINION Parting Shot 24 FROM THE JOHN LOCKE FOUNDATION November 2015 Vol. 24 No. 11 STATEWIDE EDITION Check us out online at carolinajournal.com and johnlocke.org Amazon’s Wind Farm Links Nonexistent 2013, that mix was 41 percent nuclear, 37 percent coal, and 20 percent natural Energy still will come gas. Renewables including solar, wind, hydro, and biomass constituted the re- from local utilities maining 2 percent. “Amazon is one of many compa- using fossil fuels nies making misleading claims about how their facilities and operations are By Don Carrington powered,” said Travis Fisher, an econ- Executive Editor omist with the nonprofit Institute for RALEIGH Energy Research in Washington, D.C. hen Amazon Web Services, “These companies are connected to a division of online retailer the grid, which receives 86 percent of Amazon, announced in July its power from coal, natural gas, and Wits involvement in North Carolina’s nuclear. Wind and solar power are ex- first major wind farm, the company pensive and unreliable energy sources stated the power would be used for its and can’t be counted on to supply on- data centers in Northern Virginia, but demand electricity. That’s why these the centers will continue to purchase sources require costly mandates and electricity entirely from Dominion subsidies to prop them up. It’s for- Virginia Power, the public utility that These three buildings, totaling approximately 400,000 square feet, house computers tunate for Amazon’s customers that currently supplies the Amazon data and other equipment for Amazon Web Services.
  • The Soldier and the Cigarette: 1918-1986

    The Soldier and the Cigarette: 1918-1986

    The University of Southern Mississippi The Aquila Digital Community Dissertations Spring 5-1-2015 The Soldier and the Cigarette: 1918-1986 Joel Richard Bius University of Southern Mississippi Follow this and additional works at: https://aquila.usm.edu/dissertations Part of the Military History Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Bius, Joel Richard, "The Soldier and the Cigarette: 1918-1986" (2015). Dissertations. 63. https://aquila.usm.edu/dissertations/63 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by The Aquila Digital Community. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of The Aquila Digital Community. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The University of Southern Mississippi THE SOLDIER AND THE CIGARETTE: 1918–1986 by Joel Richard Bius Abstract of a Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School of The University of Southern Mississippi in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2015 ABSTRACT THE SOLDIER AND THE CIGARETTE 1918–1986 by Joel Richard Bius May 2015 The military-industrial complex has been the topic of intense conversation among historians since President Dwight Eisenhower first gave the phrase life in January 1961. The term typically conjures up images of massive weapons procurement programs, but it also ironically involved one of the world’s most highly-engineered consumer products, the manufactured cigarette. “The Soldier and the Cigarette: 1918–1986” describes the unique, often comfortable, yet sometimes controversial relationships among the military, the cigarette industry, and tobaccoland politicians. The dissertation argues that the federal government’s first cigarette warning in 1964 changed a relationship between soldiers and cigarettes that the Army had fostered for almost half a century.

  • Tea Party Group in North Carolina

    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by K-State Research Exchange TERROR, EDUCATION AND AMERICA: A CASE STUDY OF A LOCAL TEA PARTY GROUP IN NORTH CAROLINA by KRISTIN B. KELLY B.A., North Carolina State University, 2011 A THESIS submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology, Anthropology and Social Work College of Arts and Sciences KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY Manhattan, Kansas 2014 Approved by: Major Professor Robert K. Schaeffer Copyright KRISTIN B. KELLY 2014 Abstract Street and DiMaggio (2011) argue that the national Tea Party movement is an extension of the Republican Party in the United States, claiming that it’s an “ugly, authoritarian, and fake- populist pseudo movement directed from above and early on by and for elite Republican and business interests” (p.9). On the other hand, Skocpol and Williams (2012) argue that “the Tea Party is neither a top-down creation nor a bottom-up explosion” (p.12). I argue that the North Carolina movement, at the local level, represents a group of grassroots activists who were first mobilized on December 2nd, 2005, according to the “Triangle Conservatives Unite!” website. Because of the South’s history with race relations and Ku Klux Klan violence in North Carolina around the issue of public education, for the purposes of this study I want to pose the following questions: How is Tea Party “craziness” functional for the local 9/12 project group, “Triangle Conservatives Unite!”? How is symbolic
  • Southern Opposition to Civil Rights in the United States Senate: a Tactical and Ideological Analysis, 1938-1965 Keith M

    Southern Opposition to Civil Rights in the United States Senate: a Tactical and Ideological Analysis, 1938-1965 Keith M

    Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2003 Southern opposition to civil rights in the United States Senate: a tactical and ideological analysis, 1938-1965 Keith M. Finley Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Finley, Keith M., "Southern opposition to civil rights in the United States Senate: a tactical and ideological analysis, 1938-1965" (2003). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 1611. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/1611 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. SOUTHERN OPPOSITION TO CIVIL RIGHTS IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE: A TACTICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS, 1938-1965 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of History by Keith M. Finley B.A., Gettysburg College 1995 M.A., Southeastern Louisiana University, 1999 August 2003 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am indebted to Dr. William Cooper, Dr. Charles Royster, and Dr. Charles Shindo for their comments on this manuscript. Dr. Gaines Foster went far beyond the call of duty in reading and commenting on this dissertation. As a mentor, he has been exemplary in every way. It has been an honor to work with him. I would also like to thank Dr.
  • John William Mccormack, ” in Kenneth T

    John William Mccormack, ” in Kenneth T

    Sources A note on sources Th is is the fi rst ever full-length biography of John W. McCormack, 1891 – 1980, who at the time of his death weeks from his 89th birthday was then the second longest-lived Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives. McCormack was one of the very few political leaders who openly resisted a biography written about him even going so far as to repeatedly warn his offi ce staff about preparing a manuscript of their service with him. As Dr Martin Sweig, his longtime assistant once contended to me, “ John McCormack was the most secretive man I ever met. ” Consequently, the search for sources documenting his life and political career had to go well beyond his apparently sanitized congressional papers located at Boston University ’ s Howard Gotlieb Archival Research Center. Secretiveness also characterized many of John McCormack’s South Boston constituents. South Boston had been the focus of negative press during the school busing crisis of the 1970s and the Southies were not eager to share information with an outsider like myself. I lived in South Boston for a few months and traveled frequently to that unique peninsula. During that time, I learned many McCormack family stories, most of which were about Knocko and his sons Jocko and Eddie but very few were about John. Most of those sources refused to let me name them in print but the stories were too revealing to excise from the book so they are included in spite of many not able to be fully fact-checked.
  • North Carolina State Conference of the Naacp, Et

    North Carolina State Conference of the Naacp, Et

    NORTH CAROLINA STATE CONFERENCE OF THE NAACP, ET. AL V. PATRICK LLOYD MCCRORY, ET AL. United States District Court for the Middle District of North Carolina Civ. No. 1:13-cv-658 Hon. Thomas D. Schroeder, Hon. Joi E. Peake Expert Report of James L. Leloudis II, Ph.D. April 11, 2014 JA1338 Case 1:13-cv-00660-TDS-JEP Document 117-8 Filed 05/19/14 Page 1 of 62 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. SUMMARY OF OPINIONS .................................................................................................. 2 II. Background and Qualifications .............................................................................................. 2 III. Materials reviewed ................................................................................................................. 3 IV. Disc uss io n .............................................................................................................................. 3 A. Race, Voting Rights, and Democracy ................................................................................. 4 B. Civil War to Post-Reconstruction and Impact of Sharecropping Economy........................ 5 C. Sharecropping and Economic Subjugation ......................................................................... 9 D. Fro m Fusion Politics to the Wilmington Riot and Jim Crow Economy ........................... 10 E. The Long Civil Rights Movement to 1980s Judicial Intervention .................................... 21 F. Gingles v. Edmisten and Judicial Intervention .................................................................