The Moses Mudavadi Effect

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Moses Mudavadi Effect EAS Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies Abbreviated Key Title: EAS J Humanit Cult Stud ISSN: 2663-0958 (Print) & ISSN: 2663-6743 (Online) Published By East African Scholars Publisher, Kenya Volume-3 | Issue-3| May-Jun-2021 | DOI: 10.36349/easjhcs.2021.v03i03.003 Review Article Moi and the Making of the Luyia Nation: The Moses Mudavadi Effect Charles Karani1*, Babere Kerata Chacha2 and Charles O. Choti3 1MA Student, Mount Kenya University, Thika, Kenya 2Senior Lecturer in African History, Laikipia University, Maralal, Kenya 3Lecturer, Department of History, Embu University, Embu, Kenya Abstract: The end of Kenyatta era in 1978 ushered in the Moi era in Kenyan Article History parlance Nyayo era whose key leader the late President Daniel Arap Moi and his crop Received: 02.05.2021 Accepted: 08.06.2021 of politicians would rule Kenya for the next two decades ending in 2002. One of the Published: 12.06.2021 enigmatic politicians of the Nyayo era was Moses Budamba Mudavadi; a man whose clout constantly shook the nascent Kenya. Mudavadi`s name appeared in the media Journal homepage: frequently from the scandals that entangled him. The controversial directions he gave https://www.easpublisher.com as the KANU party Kakamega district torch bearer and later on KANU national Quick Response Code general secretary made him brush shoulders with his political knockers who faced his wrath that sent them into political oblivion. Daniel Moi made many revere Mudavadi. The power he yielded was of an African king and dubbed “King of Mululu.” Moses Mudavadi in his political prime days appeared the most influential cabinet minister from Western province – the home of the Luyia. This paper therefore, shows the social – political relationship that existed between Moses Mudavadi and Daniel Moi that chattered the way for the Luyia nation in the 1980`s. It thus provides a narration on historiography of Luyia nation within the Kenya context so as to bring forth an understanding of Kenyan political terrain during Nyayo era. Keywords: Moi, Luyia, Mudavadi, Effect. Copyright © 2021 The Author(s): This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC BY-NC 4.0) which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium for non-commercial use provided the original author and source are credited. NTRODUCTION Mudavadi`s and President Moi`s friendship never I simmered. Moi never thought of Mudavadi as an President Moi, the official second president of enemy. The second president of Kenya, Daniel Moi Kenya, 1979 – 2002, ruled Kenya for 24 years. This era covered Mudavadi`s mistakes, and appointed him to is commonly known as the Nyayo era – a word coined several ministries. The clout that Mudavadi harboured from a Kiswahili word that means footsteps. In his as a cabinet minister and leader of KANU party earned philosophy Moi presented himself to Kenyans and the him social, economic and political glory albeit conflicts world as a conscious leader who would follow the with those who coveted or hated his political outfit. footsteps of his predecessor – demised Jomo Kenyatta in his bid to transform Kenya socially, economically Paradoxically even though other scholars had and politically. After the political phobia that researched and written academic papers on biographies characterized change of guard had capsized and Moi of global, continental and Kenyan leaders none dared gripped reins of power; to rule he had to shake the ship write about Mudavadi. Globally, Andrain Gilbert in of his political detractors. In their fall out he brought on 2002 wrote about Franklin D. Roosevelt while Wintle board his political cronies like Moses Mudavadi whom in 2007 wrote about Ataturk Mustafa Kemal. In Africa he had met in the mid 1940`s who would play a crucial Catherine House in 2002 presented a document on role in Moi`s political achievements. President Moi Nelson Mandela. In Kenya, Erick Aseka in 2001 wrote appointed these royal political leaders to be his eye in about Mzee Jomo Kenyatta. Simiyu Wandibba in 2004 provinces. For example, Joseph Kamotho was in charge documented history of Josiah Mwangi Kariuki and of Central province, Robert Ouko manned Nyanza Peter Wanyande in 2002 wrote about Daniel Otiende. province, Nicholas Biwot guarded Rift Valley province while Moses Mudavadi presided over Western The history of the Luyia portend gaps as for a province. long time the focal politician from Luyia region; Moses Mudavadi history was missing from library shelves. It President Moi and Moses Mudavadi had a was therefore prudent for the writer of this paper to unique friendship relationship. Unlike other politicians, carry out a study on the Luyia political paradox leader *Corresponding Author: Charles Karani 128 Charles Karani et al., EAS J Humanit Cult Stud; Vol-3: Iss-3 (May-Jun, 2021): 128-133 and thereafter document a paper to fill a gap on the Mudavadi and often consulted him on many issues Luyia historiography and Kenya at large for educational within his area of jurisdiction. The British consulted purposes and posterity. Mudavadi on an impending replacement of Ole Tameno (nominated to Legco in 1952) who had been recalled by President Moi's leadership style was a replica the councillors in Rift Valley region for negligence of of the first president of Kenya - Jomo Kenyatta that duty due to love of alcohol (Morton, 1988). witnessed blatant tribalism, corruption and political subjugation of contrary voices that eventually The race for a replacement saw Moses plummeted Kenya`s economy during his reign. As Mudavadi (Area Education Officer) whom the colonial Kenyatta had used a Kikuyu power base to promote government had set eyes on step down in favour of his disproportional privileges to the Kikuyu community and pal, Daniel Moi citing the native of Rift Valley region those who subscribed to his populist politics like the being suitable for the seat (Moses Mudavadi was a Luyia whose bedrock was Moses Mudavadi, so did Logooli from the larger Kakamega district). At Moi. By the end of his rule, most senior positions in Kabarnet, the elders of Baringo who included chief Joel government, the military, security agencies, and state Chemirmir, Joel Bultut and Moi`s brother in law James owned corporations were held by Kalenjin and pockets Chelimo met in the office of the D.C called H.J of other tribal proponents like Luyia, Luo, Kamba and Simpson. Enoch Kiprotich Ngulat refusal to take the Coastal people (Khamisi, 2018). seat became a blessing in disguise for Daniel Moi the then head teacher of Kabarnet Intermediate School. Moi Moses Mudavadi did not fit in the shoes of even though proposed by two councillors from Sacho, Moi`s regime by default. His case was a special one as Daudi and chief Tibi to inherit Tameno, refused the it was a payback time by his long-time pal – Daniel nomination at first and it took the assurance of the D.C, Moi. The late President Moi owed his success to H.J Simpson and Moses Mudavadi that he could still Mudavadi whom he met in Baringo in the 1950`s. get his retirement benefits from the colonial Ministry of Mudavadi smartly dressed in khaki shorts and Texan Education in case he lost the election that he accepted to cowboy style hat scoured the 3, 700 square kilometres try his debut in politics (Lumwagi, O.I, 4/3/2016). that formed Baringo district. Mudavadi pushed his battered Land Rover to its limits, as he went around the On 16 October 1955, during an Electoral expansive and hilly district, collecting school fees and College meeting at Nakuru, Moi`s political star out paying teachers as well as inspecting schools. The lanky shone his competitors when he garnered 27 votes 30-year old person called Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi against three of his opponent from Nandi. The was among the teachers in the region (Morton, 1988). appointment was confirmed by a telephone call by the then governor Sir Evelyn Baring to the Rift Valley P.C. At first sight in the valleys of Kabarnet, This was a surprise to Moi who said: Mudavadi the education officer and Moi a classroom I had not expected this at all and I was very hesitant to teacher struck a friendship that would transcend accept as my name had been put forward for the post of decades of years culminating in the two occupation of secretary to Baringo African District Council. I was not Kenya`s political echelon at the demise of Kenyatta in a politician, I was a teacher, and I liked teaching very 1978. Moi as fate dictated, became the president of the much. After discussing the matter with a few friends, I Republic of Kenya. According to Lumwagi (O.I, decided to accept. I said to myself; let me go for a short 4/3/2016) Moi on the other hand contributed greatly to period. If I do not like it, I can come back to teaching sustenance of his friend in the cold and harsh conditions (Morton, 1998). of Baringo. Mudavadi would again become Moi used to fetch charcoal for Mudavadi on a instrumental during 1957 first ever African election bicycle from the rural for domestic use. As a reward, Legco election meant to take eight African members to Mudavadi used his position as a school inspector to the Legco rather than nomination. Mudavadi during recommend the future president then a P4 teacher for an registration of voters in East Baringo convinced the in – service course at Kagumo (Kiambuni) teacher voters to elect Moi. He even threatened to close schools training college. The course earned Moi promotion to a in the area in case they erred in their selection (Morton, P3 teacher.
Recommended publications
  • Report of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission
    REPORT OF THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION The Government should immediately carry out counselling services, especially to those who lost their entire families to avoid mental breakdown. It is not too late to counsel the victims because they have not undergone any counselling at all. The community also seeks an apology from the Government, the reason being that the Government was supposed to protect its citizens yet it allowed its security forces to violently attack them and, therefore, perpetrated gross violation of their rights. Anybody who has been My recommendation to this Government is that it should involved in the killing address the question of equality in this country. We do of Kenyans, no matter not want to feel as if we do not belong to this country. We what position he holds, demand to be treated the same just like any other Kenyan in should not be given any any part of this country. We demand for equal treatment. responsibility. Volume IV KENYA REPORT OF THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION Volume IV © Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission, 2013 This publication is available as a pdf on the website of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (and upon its dissolution, on the website of its successor in law). It may be copied and distributed, in its entirety, as long as it is attributed to the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission and used for noncommercial educational or public policy purposes. Photographs may not be used separately from the publication. Published by Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC), Kenya ISBN: 978-9966-1730-3-4 Design & Layout by Noel Creative Media Limited, Nairobi, Kenya His Excellency President of the Republic of Kenya Nairobi 3 May 2013 LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL By Gazette Notice No.
    [Show full text]
  • Kenya Election History 1963-2013
    KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997).
    [Show full text]
  • Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya
    Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections.
    [Show full text]
  • THE KENYATTA SUCCESSIONS: the Resurgence of Hegemonic Politics in Central Kenya
    THE KENYATTA SUCCESSIONS: The Resurgence of Hegemonic Politics in Central Kenya By Dauti Kahura THE current clamour by a certain section of the political class across the board to change Kenya’s constitution is not anything new; we have been here before. Two years before the death of Kenya’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta, in August 1978, and after the hotly contested 1974 general election, this clamour reached its zenith, with its protagonists coming out openly to hold public barazas across the country to caution people about the danger of having one Daniel arap Moi succeeding Jomo. This group wanted the constitution changed so that a vice president could not automatically become president upon the death of the president, an amendment that would have made it impossible for Moi to succeed Jomo. Moi was a Kalenjin from Baringo and the so-called “Kiambu Mafia” despised him and could not in their wildest dreams countenance the fact that a non-Kikuyu could ascend to State House. Nearly forty years later, in February 2018, a little-known and first time MP for Tiaty constituency in Baringo County, received wide media coverage when, out of the blue, he proposed changes to Kenya’s 2010 constitution. The 45-year-old MP, William Kamket, through his Constitution Amendment Bill 2018, advocated for the inclusion of a powerful position of prime minister and the scrapping of the position of deputy president. (The current constitution is hardly a decade old, having been promulgated on August 27, 2010.) Less than a month later, on March 9, President Uhuru Kenyatta and his strident political nemesis, Raila Amolo Odinga, in a surprise manoevure, appeared on the steps of Harambee House – the seat of government – to declare a political détente by publicly shaking hands and smiling broadly for the cameras.
    [Show full text]
  • Who Owns the Land? Blood and Soil Issues in the Kenyan Rift Valley
    WHO OWNS THE LAND? BLOOD AND SOIL ISSUES IN THE KENYAN RIFT VALLEY PART 1: The passion with which millions of citizens valued their presidential vote in the stolen 2007 presidential elections can be reflected in scenes of the bloody post-election clashes today that engulfed Rift Valley, Nyanza, Coast, Nairobi, Western and to a less extent in other parts of the country. Nakuru was the latest epicenter of inter ethnic murders. The violent reactions to rigged elections may reflect the pain of deep and historically rooted injustices some of which predate Kenya’s independence in 1963. They are in fact motivated and exacerbated by landlessness, joblessness, and poverty believed to be heavily contributed towards by the prevailing political status quo that has dominated Kenya since independence. This is a system that has continuously perpetrated, in successive fashion, socio- economic injustices that have been seamlessly transferred from one power regime to the next. The Land issue With a fast growing population in Kenya, limited resources including land and jobs, have severely been put in extreme pressure. Responsive political operatives cognizant of this reality have appreciated the importance of incorporating progressive policies that seek to aggressively address poverty, landlessness, unequal distribution of resources and unemployment, as a matter of priority (in their party manifestoes) if any social stability is to be maintained in Kenya. Without doubt, the opposition party ODM sold an attractive campaign package that sought to address historic land injustices, unemployment, inequitable resource sharing and poverty through a radical constitutional transformation, under the framework of the people-tailored Bomas Constitution Draft.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnicity, Governance and Socio – Economic Development in Africa: a Case Study of Kenya and Its Luo Community, 1963 – 2013
    ETHNICITY, GOVERNANCE AND SOCIO – ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA: A CASE STUDY OF KENYA AND ITS LUO COMMUNITY, 1963 – 2013 ALBERT GORDON OTIENO OMULO STUDENT NUMBER: 3523464 A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor Philosophiae in Public Policy and Administration, in the School of Government, University of the Western Cape Supervisor: Senior Professor John J. Williams November 2017 KEYWORDS Ethnicity Governance Development Africa Kenya Luo Nyanza Globalists Kenyatta Odinga ii http://etd.uwc.ac.za ABSTRACT “Ethnicity” and disparate group-based socio-economic development make governance in Africa problematic. Despite this existential reality, the “ethnic” question in African governance remains, largely, only the subject of general discourse. There appears to be very little rigorous scholarship on the economic and socio-cultural dimensions related to the socio-historical construct, “ethnicity”. Similarly, attempts to explain why African political culture, in general, continues to encourage the social reproduction of “ethnic” identities also appear to be largely lacking. This thesis aims to fill some of the gaps existent in scholarship of ethnicity vis-à-vis socio-economic- cultural development by examining the antagonism between the Luo community and the Kenyan state. Its main objectives are to examine the specifics of the socio-economic consequences of the political marginalization of the Luo and to explain why “ethnicity” is, seemingly, strongly correlated with the crisis of state power in Kenya. This thesis is grounded on the following two major assertions: first, that “ethnicity”, like its correlative, “race”, is an ideological concept, devoid of any scientific substance; second, that “ethnicity” is an “exogenous construct”, imposed on aboriginal people of Africa mostly by European colonizers.
    [Show full text]
  • Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity
    Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Rhodes, Christopher. 2015. Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts & Sciences. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:14226091 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity A dissertation presented by Christopher Edward Rhodes to The Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts November 2014 © 2014 Christopher Edward Rhodes All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Professor Robert Bates Christopher Edward Rhodes Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity Abstract This dissertation examines the role of internal structure of religious organizations in influencing these organizations’ interactions with incumbent governments and ultimately determining the political activities of religious groups. This
    [Show full text]
  • How Nyachae Saved KSG  Security Management Institute
    Vol. 10 Issue 4 13—19 February, 2021 KSG Campuses Baringo #ZuiaCorona Embu Matuga Mombasa Weekly Bulletin Published by the KSG Communications Department Institutes e-Learning and Development Institute How Nyachae saved KSG Security Management Institute KSG Centres of Excellence Centre for Devolution Studies Centre for Public Service Values, Ethics and Integrity Centre for Public Finance Management Centre for Leadership and Public Policy Centre for Advanced Training and Consultancy Services The late Simeon Nyachae, then Head of Civil Service, presides over a closing ceremony of a course at the Kenya Centre for Research and School of Government (then Kenya Institute of Administration) in 1989. Advisory Services BY SAMWEL KUMBA the same day from 9.00 am In his condolence Centre for Environment AND EPHLINE OKOTH at Gusii Stadium. Nyachae message, President Uhuru and Climate Change n Monday, as the served in three Kenyatta termed Nyachae’s Response nation celebrates governments; that of the late successful transition from Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, the public service to the world the life of a seasoned public late Daniel Arap Moi and of business and politics as a administrationO officer and a former President demonstration that focus Ngilu: Counties should aim 4 Mwai Kibaki. He died aged and hard work pays. for self-reliance former Cabinet Minister, Simeon Nyachae, the Kenya School of 88. “Throughout his many Ideal professional wardrobe 5 Government (KSG) reckons the Variedly described as a years of service to the businessman, politician, nation, right from his time for men role he played in safeguarding former chief secretary, and in the provincial Pleasure of working from 6 continuity of civil service training.
    [Show full text]
  • The Kenya General Election
    AAFFRRIICCAA NNOOTTEESS Number 14 January 2003 The Kenya General Election: senior ministerial positions from 1963 to 1991; new Minister December 27, 2002 of Education George Saitoti and Foreign Minister Kalonzo Musyoka are also experienced hands; and the new David Throup administration includes several able technocrats who have held “shadow ministerial positions.” The new government will be The Kenya African National Union (KANU), which has ruled more self-confident and less suspicious of the United States Kenya since independence in December 1963, suffered a than was the Moi regime. Several members know the United disastrous defeat in the country’s general election on December States well, and most of them recognize the crucial role that it 27, 2002, winning less than one-third of the seats in the new has played in sustaining both opposition political parties and National Assembly. The National Alliance Rainbow Coalition Kenyan civil society over the last decade. (NARC), which brought together the former ethnically based opposition parties with dissidents from KANU only in The new Kibaki government will be as reliable an ally of the October, emerged with a secure overall majority, winning no United States in the war against terrorism as President Moi’s, fewer than 126 seats, while the former ruling party won only and a more active and constructive partner in NEPAD and 63. Mwai Kibaki, leader of the Democratic Party (DP) and of bilateral economic discussions. It will continue the former the NARC opposition coalition, was sworn in as Kenya’s third government’s valuable mediating role in the Sudanese peace president on December 30.
    [Show full text]
  • N0n-Governmental Organizations, the State and the Politics of Rural
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by South East Academic Libraries System (SEALS) NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS, THE STATE AND THE POLITICS OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN KENYA WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO WESTERN PROVINCE A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of RHODES UNIVERSITY by FRANK KHACHINA MATANGA November 2000 ABSTRACT In recent decades, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have increasingly taken on development and political roles in Africa. This has partly been attributed to the New Policy Agenda (NPA) mounted by the international donors. The NPA is predicated on neo-liberal thinking advocating for an enlarged development role for the private sector and a minimalist state. This relatively new shift in development thought has been motivated by the declining capacity of the African state to deliver development and guarantee a liberal political system. This study, therefore, set out to empirically examine whether NGOs are capable of effectively playing their new-found development and political roles. The study was based on Kenya with the Western Province constituting the core research area. The fact that the Kenyan state has been gradually disengaging from the development process has created a vacuum of which the NGOs have attempted to fill. Equally important has been the observation that, for the greater part of the post-colonial period, the state has been largely authoritarian and therefore prompting a segment of civil society to take on political roles in an effort to force it to liberalize and democratize. Urban NGOs in particular, have been the most confrontational to the state with some remarkable success.
    [Show full text]
  • Mau Mau Crucible of War: Statehood, National Identity and Politics in Postcolonial Kenya
    Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2014 Mau Mau crucible of war: Statehood, national identity and politics in postcolonial Kenya Nicholas Kariuki Githuku Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Githuku, Nicholas Kariuki, "Mau Mau crucible of war: Statehood, national identity and politics in postcolonial Kenya" (2014). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 5677. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/5677 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MAU MAU CRUCIBLE OF WAR: STATEHOOD, NATIONAL IDENTITY AND POLITICS IN POSTCOLONIAL KENYA by Nicholas Kariuki Githuku Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Approved by Dr. Robert Maxon, Committee Chairperson Dr. Joseph Hodge Dr. Robert Blobaum Dr. Jeremia Njeru Dr. Tamba M’bayo Department of History Morgantown, West Virginia 2014 Keywords: war, statehood, stateness, security, mentalité, national identity, psychosociological anxieties Copyright 2014 Nicholas Kariuki Githuku Abstract The postcolonial African state has been the subject of extensive study and scrutiny by various scholars of great repute such as Colin Legum, Crawford Young, Robert H.
    [Show full text]
  • Decolonising Accidental Kenya Or How to Transition to a Gameb Society,The Anatomy of Kenya Inc: How the Colonial State Sustains
    Pandora Papers: The Kenyatta’s Secret Companies By Africa Uncensored Published by the good folks at The Elephant. The Elephant is a platform for engaging citizens to reflect, re-member and re-envision their society by interrogating the past, the present, to fashion a future. Follow us on Twitter. Pandora Papers: The Kenyatta’s Secret Companies By Africa Uncensored President Uhuru Kenyatta’s family, the political dynasty that has dominated Kenyan politics since independence, for many years secretly owned a web of offshore companies in Panama and the British Virgin Islands, according to a new leak of documents known as the Pandora Papers. The Kenyattas’ offshore secrets were discovered among almost 12 million documents, largely made up of administrative paperwork from the archives of 14 law firms and agencies that specialise in offshore company formations. Other world leaders found in the files include the King of Jordan, the prime minister of the Czech Republic Andrej Babiš and Gabon’s President Ali Bongo Ondimba. The documents were obtained by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists and seen by more than 600 journalists, including reporters at Finance Uncovered and Africa Uncensored, as part of an investigation that took many months and spanned 117 countries. Though no reliable estimates of their net worth have been published, the Kenyattas are regularly reported to be one of the richest families in the country. The Kenyattas’ offshore secrets were discovered among almost 12 million documents, largely made up of administrative paperwork from the archives of 14 law firms and agencies that specialise in offshore company formations.
    [Show full text]