No. 326

JUNE Bulletin 2001 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY

Reporting on a Report Since publication of the report on The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain in October 2000, Bhikhu Parekh has written and spoken about its content in many fora.1 He has addressed both in print and in person how the report was widely and serially misrepresented by the media at the point of publication, and how the reverberations of that initial coverage persist. Here we publish the text of Professor Parekh’s recent keynote presentation to the annual conference of the Political Studies Association of the UK, held in Manchester on 11 April 2001.

Bhikhu Parekh When the report on The Future its major recommendations, it microcosm of British society and is Chair of the of Multi-Ethnic Britain was would be useful to explore what covered all points of view except Commission on published last October, it created the report really said, how and rabid racists at one end and the Future of Multi-Ethnic a bit of a stir, which took many of why it was read in a particular peddlers of revolutionary utopias Britain us by surprise, including those manner in certain circles, and at the other.The published report Photo: Stefano with some experience of public what the whole episode tells us was unanimous – the unanimity Cagnoni life.The report was much about the inescapable tensions being consensual and not a misunderstood, grossly between a rigorous academic product of arm-twisting or subtle misrepresented, and often inquiry and the partisan rhetoric moral blackmail that can easily deliberately distorted. Even the of the political market-place. shadow such a multi-ethnic Notes Home Office, which had warmly commission. 1 The views I welcomed the report after a Background Our immediate concern was express in this careful reading of its final draft, to the Commission narrow and practical, namely how article are gave in to the pressure of the For those who aren’t familiar with to deal with the discrimination wholly mine and rightwing media and sought to its background, the Commission and disadvantages to which ethnic do not in any distance itself from parts of it.The on the Future of Multi-Ethnic minorities are subject in our way reflect Home Secretary criticised the Britain was made up of 25 society. Britain has fairly powerful those of my Left for its alleged lack of individuals, including seven well- laws to deal with discrimination fellow patriotism, implying that all of us known academics, three and there is no shortage of commissioners. I on the Commission belonged to distinguished journalists, two senior decent men and women either. would not be the Left and that any attempt to police officers, representatives of And it has pursued policies surprised if question the narrow rightwing different communities, one senior designed to tackle racial some of them view of patriotism implied a lack and recently retired civil servant, disadvantage.Yet the problem took quite a of loyalty and affection for Britain. and several distinguished public persists. Racial violence is high, different view of Now that the controversy has figures including the President of racial discrimination and what we were died down and the report is the Liberal Democratic Party, and disadvantage blight many lives, doing in the being read and appreciated for its two retired chairs of the ethnic minorities are conspicuous report and why intellectual and moral seriousness, Commission for Racial Equality. It by their absence from positions of it generated so much so that the ministers had eight women members and power, and our way of talking strong reactions involved are willing to discuss ten members from the ethnic about them rarely manages to in rightwing how best to implement some of minorities.The Commission was a steer clear of either thinly circles.

ISSN: 0965-7762 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 1 disguised racism or patronising The Report’s Central Theses of Asians and Afro-Caribbeans. condescension. Rather than summarise the In the report we therefore The Commission therefore felt report’s detailed findings, I would defined the term ‘ethnic group’ in that it needed to think afresh like to highlight its three central non-racial terms, and take it to about the problem and explore theses. refer to a group of people who new ways of looking at it. share common historical MULTI-ETHNIC Although legislation and public 1 Reconceptualising ethnicity experiences, a cluster of cultural BRITAIN policies were crucial, they had First, the way in which the term beliefs and practices, a broad their limits and could not by ‘ethnic minority’ has long been collective consciousness of themselves change people’s used in British political discourse belonging together, and see deepest attitudes. Furthermore, is problematic.The term is themselves and are seen by There are, since laws and polices derived generally used to refer to Asians others as more or less distinct. indeed, points at their legitimacy and popular and Afro-Caribbeans, and is a In this sense of the term we all which the support from a particular way of substitute for the earlier term belong to an ethnic group, recommendations looking at British society and the ‘coloured people’. In other words irrespective of whether we are put forward in place of ethnic minorities within ethnicity is racialised, which is why English, Scots, Irish, Afro- the Report it, new ones could not be arrived the terms ‘ethnic’ and ‘racial’ are Caribbeans or Indians. Insofar as would appear to at without radically reconsidering used interchangeably as in the Britain consists of different ethnic conflict with the latter.The Commission Race Relations Act 1976 and the groups, it is a multi-ethnic society. liberal therefore was led to ask large Commission for Racial Equality. It would be so even if it had no individualist questions about the nature of Racialisation of ethnicity has Asians and Afro-Caribbeans. principles; British society, the best way to several disadvantages. It Each of these groups is capable however, to the read its history, how to deepen its conceptually and politically of harbouring hostility and extent that they collective self-understanding so as ghettoises blacks and Asians, discriminating against other do, it is not at all to make it hospitable to the implies that white people are free groups. Racism is not the apparent how presence of ethnic minorities, the from ethnicity, and concentrates monopoly of whites, for Asians they could be appropriate language to describe only on colour-based racism. It and blacks can also be guilty of it supported in the contemporary state of race also makes it difficult to in their relations with each other any other relations, the nature of racism, conceptualise and cope with the and with white people. Reports reasonable way. how to balance the demands of discrimination that the English of the recent events in Bradford, (Barry 2001: 52) social cohesion with those of might experience in Scotland and Oldham and even Leeds seem to cultural differences, the limits of Wales, and vice versa. And it bear this out.While we may permissible diversity, and so on. prevents us from focusing on legitimately focus on white racism And it used answers to these and such discrimination and because of the numerical related questions to generate disadvantage as the Irish and the superiority and greater political proposals for appropriate policies Jews might experience and and economic power of white and legislation. relating their problems to those people in our society, we must

The Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain pictured together (in 1999) at the point of bringing to a close their work on compliling the Report’s text (Bhikhu Parekh is front centre). Photo: Format photographers

2 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 remain alert to and struggle whose range and depth have most of them retain at least some against other forms of racism as been increased by the recent ties with it. And they all live within well. devolution of power.This is also rural or urban areas and That is why the report defines true, albeit to a lesser extent, of inescapably share ties of common racism widely to refer to all Northern Ireland and Wales.With interest with those around them. attempts to homogenise, the development of regional They are not, however, stereotype and take demeaning consciousness in England, it too is imprisoned within or defined by MULTI-ETHNIC views of other groups and in so becoming a home of different these communities, and remain BRITAIN doing racialise or attribute race- regional communities, and it is not free to leave and criticise them. like properties to them. Racism at all unlikely that they might over Communities do not exist creates races by turning open, time throw up their own distinct independently of individuals; nor, There is, of overlapping, loosely structured educational and administrative equally, do individuals exist course, truth in and internally differentiated systems. independently of communities. the realization groups into closed and rigid Britain also has different Britain is therefore best that the culture in which one is natural or quasi-natural types, and religious and ethnic communities, described as a community of born and bred hierarchically grading them on the some of them no doubt more individuals and of communities, a can leave a basis of what are mistakenly internally united than others. community of individuals in their lasting impact believed to be neutral and These national, regional, ethnic individuality as well as their on one’s universal criteria. and other communities are all membership of overlapping perceptions and predispositions. The concept of ethnic group is part of a larger political communities.To call it a But this does itself not free from difficulties. community, which provides them community of communities would not imply that a People marry outside their ethnic with both a common framework be to ignore the crucial fact that person is not groups, they leave their ethnic of interaction and a broadly individuals are not defined by or able to modify group or develop only a tenuous shared body of values and exhausted in their respective or even reject antecedent relationship with it, and the common purposes. In short, communities.To say that it is a associations. It is identity and cultural content of Britain is a community of community of individuals is to not only that we ethnic groups are also subject to communities, a community with a ignore the equally crucial fact that can reconsider constant change. For these and collective sense of identity most the individuals are not isolated the groups with other reasons ethnic groups are certainly, but also including within and asocial atoms but are which we would like to identify, often more or less loose and it many communities with a more members of, and speak and act but that we can open communities, bound by real or less developed sense of their from within, various communities. also examine but relatively vague ties of own identity. For those tender- Since both individuals and and scrutinize affection, collective memory and hearted liberals who panic at the communities are equally central the priorities common interests. Although they mention of communities, the to Britain’s identity and constitute that we attach to different are therefore best seen and report makes it clear that its mutually reinforcing and identities. … I described as communities, they communities come in different regulating building blocks, the must argue that are communities of a particular forms, that they are not report on The Future of Multi- a person’s kind, one that is perhaps best transcendental entities but made Ethnic Britain conceptualises the relation to captured by calling them ethnic as up of individuals, that they refer country as a community of both Britain need not be mediated distinct from religious or political to nothing more than shared individuals and communities. As a through the communities.Wherever possible, bonds ranging from common political community, Britain is ‘culture’ of the the report therefore prefers to interests to the deepest sense of based on common interests, family in which use the generic term community, common belonging, and they are affections and mutual belonging, a he or she may and to talk of ethnic community porous and in constant flux. description that captures the have been born. A person may only when it needs to stress the Even as Britain is a community truth of communitarianism. It is a decide to seek ethnic dimension. of communities, it is also a community of individuals, a identity with community of individuals, a liberal description that captures the more than one 2 Beyond liberal individualist and society whose citizens cherish truth of liberalism. And it is a of these communitarian dimensions their individuality and delight in community of communities, a predefined cultures, or just The second thesis of our report their freedom of self- description that goes beyond as plausibly, with has to do with the best way to determination and self-disclosure. both individualist liberalism and none. … Moral conceptualise the British polity. They like to make their own holistic communitarianism, and and political England has its own legal system, choices and jealously guard their highlights the countless small and inclusion an established church, and so on. freedom against unwanted and large communities that mediate transcends the domain of Scotland too has its own legal unwarranted interference. between and vitalise the individual identity. (Sen and educational systems, a Obviously they are and cannot and the wider political 2000: from different kind of jury system, avoid becoming members of community. sections 7, 8 and different standards of evidence different regional, civic, religious, Once we see Britain as a 12 of web and proof, etc, and has long cultural and other communities. community of individuals and version) enjoyed considerable autonomy They are born into a religion and communities, several important

RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 3 conclusions follow. Its citizens communities rather than as a values to structure our collective sometimes speak and act as nation or nation state, we bypass life and to help us decide which individuals, and sometimes as these and other related problems. differences to disallow and which members of particular We appreciate its internal ones to tolerate, welcome, communities, and hence its plurality, as well as the need to cherish, and even officially political discourse has both a base its unity and cohesion, not support.These values are part of MULTI-ETHNIC liberal individualist and a on a common substantive vision our political life, and while we BRITAIN communitarian dimension. Its of the good life, but on an begin by accepting them, we citizens, again, make some acceptance of its cultural and might also revise them if we demands as individuals, and moral diversity within the should find them discriminatory, Having grown others as member of or on behalf framework of a shared structure biased or narrow. up in Britain and of particular communities.The of authority. Common values and equal been shaped by two demands sometimes have We also recognise that just as citizenship rights are a necessary its culture, the conflicting logics and we need to Britain includes several but not a sufficient condition of young are far find ways of reconciling them. communities, it can itself be part social cohesion and common more directly On strictly liberal individualist of a wider community, be it the belonging. Individuals might enjoy and deeply grounds, for example, we might European Union or the larger all the rights of citizenship, and yet engaged with need to reduce the currently global community. Unlike nations, feel that they did not quite British cultural disproportionate Scottish communities are porous, open, belong to the community if the traditions than representation in the House of loosely structured, and capable of latter’s self-definition were to with those of Commons. However, if we saw both containing and joining an exclude them, or if its dominant their parents and take the Britain as a community of ever-widening circle of culture took a demeaning view of former as their communities and Scotland as a communities.They need to be them, or if the rest of their fellow- primary point of major community seeking and autonomous and self-governing citizens would not accept them as reference. … needing an adequate political but not sovereign, and may share full fellow-members. British Not surprisingly voice, we might view the extent their political powers with other national identity therefore needs the kind of of its representation differently, such communities when their to be so defined that all British cultural mix they and conclude that while Scots are common interests so require. citizens feel included in it and can have evolved is overrepresented, Scotland is not. enthusiastically identify with it. based not on Conceptualising Britain as a 3 Cohesion, rights and values Britain cannot be a cohesive what aspects of community of individuals and The third thesis of our report has society, confident enough to British culture communities also has the great to do with how Britain can cherish and provide a hospitable they can integrate into advantage of bypassing the become a cohesive political framework for its diversities, their traditional dubious language of nationhood community, and foster a common unless its members share a basic one but rather and the moral and psychological sense of belonging among its commitment to its continuance the opposite. obsessions created by it. Nations diverse regional, national, religious, and wellbeing.This is a (Parekh 2001: are supposed to be ethnic and other communities. commitment to live together, to 15) homogeneous, self-contained, Societies are highly fragile share a common future, to closed, based on substantive structures and can easily fall apart, resolve difference in a manner agreements on the good life, as we saw in the cases of the that does not undermine its possessing unsharable and Soviet Union,Yugoslavia, Rwanda, integrity, and to help preserve a inalienable sovereignty, entitled to and elsewhere. Furthermore, their collective culture of civility and privilege their collective interests, cohesion cannot be secured once mutual concern. Such a and constantly on their guard and for all, but has to be commitment lies at the basis of against the dilution of their constantly nurtured by the willing every organised society, and culture and identity. allegiance of its members. constitutes its vital moral and In the open and globalised Basically, the cohesion of any political capital.The political modern world, no country can be society, including Britain, requires a commitment required to sustain a a nation in this sense, and the commonly agreed structure of society is too complex to be seductive but unrealistic dream of authority whose decisions are captured by such tired concepts making it one invariably ends in a accepted as collectively binding, as nationalism and even nightmare. Furthermore, the the point that Augustine and patriotism. It has nothing to do language of nationhood makes it Hobbes made with great clarity. It with patre or fatherland or exceedingly difficult for a country also requires equal citizenship motherland, and has no familial to become a member of a wider rights and a broadly agreed and and ethnic overtones. And while unit lest that should dilute its constantly evolving body of values patriotism is tied to a particular identity and compromise its in terms of which its members country and is exclusive in nature, sovereignty. structure their relations and the political commitment I am When we see Britain as a debate and resolve their talking about is open and capable community of individuals and differences.We need common of expansion.There is no obvious

4 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 moral or psychological reason pages to these recommendations. four quarters. why one cannot have a deep At a purely practical level, the sense of commitment, belonging recommendations can be 1. We expected conservative and loyalty to both Britain and discussed and accepted or writers to criticise us for Europe, and even towards rejected in their own terms. rejecting assimilationism in humankind at large. However, if a critic demanded to favour of respect for cultural see their theoretical basis, the diversity, underplaying the MULTI-ETHNIC A Determined implicit political theory would alleged virtues of a strong BRITAIN Intellectual Commitment have to be invoked and defended. sense of nationhood, The three theses of the report The report was the result of a challenging the traditional on The Future of Multi-Ethnic determined intellectual effort on nationalist and eulogistic It is when we Britain that I have so far discussed, the part of the Commission to reading of British history, and are most and several others that I have not, think afresh about the question of relying on law and well- different from constitute its underlying racial discrimination and considered government each other that we most require theoretical structure or political disadvantage.The Commissioners policies rather than the agreement on theory. According to it, Britain is had several long discussions market to eliminate racial what makes us made up of both individuals and among themselves and also with discrimination and common communities of different kinds, some of the finest minds of the disadvantage. members of a society. and is both a liberal and a multi- country in the various national 2. We expected liberals to Agreement to communal society.These seminars organised by it.We on welcome the report but abide by the communities, including the ethnic the Commission knew that our criticise us for valuing laws of the land communities, are fluid, report was a complex document. communities rather is not enough. overlapping, internally diverse and Unlike others of its kind, it was a individuals alone, seeking to Of course the idea of subject to constant reconstitution. large volume of 417 pages, and temper the logic of Britishness Britain needs to hold these was not just concerned to make individualist liberalism with cannot be fixed; individuals and communities practical recommendations but that of multiculturalism, giving it must evolve. together and evolve a sense of also to explore large theoretical cultural diversity a public (Consider how the history of unity out of their differences. issues to which it devoted just presence rather than empire was It therefore requires common over 100 pages, or 8 out of 21 confining it to the private taught 100 years values, which are both procedural chapters. sphere, diluting the relatively ago and how it and substantive in nature, and a So far as its theoretical narrow and simplistic is taught now – common sense of belonging or structure was concerned, it cut language of human rights by reflecting not only the political commitment.The values across the familiar liberal, stressing the need to develop different faces in are not and cannot be fixed conservative, Marxist, a pluralistic culture of human the classroom forever and are subject to communitarian and other rights, and linking the but changed contestation and change; and the approaches, borrowing their question of removing attitudes towards race, sense of common belonging must respective insights but also going discrimination and gender and be open, expansive, non-ethnic beyond them and offering a disadvantage to the larger violence.) But and hospitable to ethnic different and richer perspective of issue of redefining British this does not minorities. Britain, further, is not its own. Unlike the usual identity and reinterpreting mean that we and never has been a nation state discussions of race, again, the British history. can afford to abandon the in the traditional sense. It has long report refused to ghettoise race 3. We expected socialists and idea of been, and is more so now, a and see it as a marginal question social democrats to criticise Britishness multi-communal state, what of eliminating discrimination and us for not fully appreciating altogether in Habermas calls a post-nation disadvantage. Instead it used race that the modern welfare fabour of a ‘community of state. to prise open the history, culture state and the strong sense of communities’ as The political theory as and inner structure of British social justice which our Parekh prefers. tentatively sketched above is used society, and locate its discussion proposals presupposed The hard in the report on The Future of within a wider debate around required a strong sense of question is which values Multi-Ethnic Britain to explore British national identity and social cohesion and national and symbols, various areas of social life such as historical self-understanding. solidarity that our which cultural education, criminal justice, Since the report did not fall multicultural vision of Britain and linguistic immigration, asylum, employment within a single philosophical might seem to weaken. And norms, are the and political representation, and tradition and broke with the we also expected them to minimum we require to to make appropriate conventional discourse on race, it say that we had privileged achieve a recommendations concerning needed to be read in its own diversity over the far more cohesive how best to eliminate the terms and without important value of equality. Britishness. discrimination and disadvantage preconceptions.We knew that 4. Finally, we expected some (Wolfe and Klausen suffered by the ethnic minorities. some would disagree with it. In groups of Marxists and anti- 2000:30–31) The report devotes over 200 fact, we expected criticism from racists to attack us for

RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 5 promoting ‘shallow of communities! expressing ourselves more clearly. multiculturalism’ and diverting The report had said that None of us, including three of our attention away from the although communities were distinguished journalist more important anti-capitalist important to their members and commissioners, expected the and/or anti-racist struggles. deserved public recognition, they relevant paragraphs to arouse so were inherently fluid, plural, and much interest and concern, and MULTI-ETHNIC In our report we went some overlapping and should not be naturally took no precautions BRITAIN way towards anticipating and allowed to oppress their against it. answering some of these members.The media interpreted criticisms, often obliquely and this as saying that the report Factor 3 – a proxy target implicitly.We could not answer believed in freezing communities There was and still is them explicitly and in great detail and stifling individuality! considerable anger at the because that would have made Some of these were cases of Macpherson or, more accurately, the report even bulkier, but we simple misunderstanding, others the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry did indicate how they could be acts of deliberate distortion. How Report for introducing or rather answered.When some of these does one explain them? I think reviving and legitimising the criticisms were made after several interrelated factors played concept of institutional racism, publication of the report, we a part. and providing a conceptual and either refuted them or admitted political tool to prise open the honest differences of opinion.2 Factor 1 – lack of time and inner structure and practices of accuracy large organisations. Since that Misrepresentation Journalists work under what report was accepted by the in the Media Bourdieu calls ‘tyranny of time’, government and is associated While we were prepared for and had either read relevant parts with the senseless murder of a serious disagreements, we were of the report hurriedly, or lazily promising young man, attacking it wholly unprepared for the kind of reproduced previous accounts by is not easy, though that has not denunciation the report provoked other newspapers. Once the Daily prevented disguised attempts at from the rightwing and even Telegraph started some of these discrediting it. Our report shared some liberal media.The report misunderstandings, other some of the assumptions and Notes was attacked as irresponsible, newspapers keep repeating them. vocabulary of the Macpherson 2 See, for anti-British, unpatriotic, anti-white, Representatives of some of the report and provided an obvious example, my subversive, illiberal, and so on. I latter privately admitted to me proxy target. It was striking that Integrating was declared the most dangerous and my fellow-commissioners that some of the things criticised or Minorities (2001, academic in Britain. My fellow- although they were highly misrepresented in our report pp. 27ff) for a commissioners were pilloried and suspicious of the Telegraph’s story, were precisely those that the response to the ridiculed, and some even they did not check its accuracy Macpherson report too had criticisms of subjected to personal abuse. for lack of time or in order not to recommended. Professors Alan These denunciations were based lose the ‘fun of the frenzy’. Wolfe and Jytte on a grotesque misunderstanding Factor 4 – false assumptions Klausen (2000) and in some cases deliberate Factor 2 – limited knowledge of the Since our report was associated and Amartya distortions of the report, debate with me as its chairman (and Sen (2000). especially parts of chapters 2 and Since race tends to be a unwisely and against my wishes See also the 3 dealing respectively with ghettoised subject in the British even subtitled The Parekh response by rethinking the national story and media, few mainstream journalists Report), the impression created Stuart Hall,Tariq the meaning of Britishness. were or are familiar with the was that it was some kind of Modood and The report had said that ongoing debates in this area. And ‘black manifesto’ that was ‘bound’ myself (Oct insofar as the term ‘British’ was with a few honourable exceptions to say some of the things wrongly 2000) to the associated with whiteness, it had – Gary Younge of the Guardian attributed to it.The twofold fact sympathetic racial overtones.The media took being one of the most that the Commission included criticisms of it to say that the term ‘British’ was distinguished among them – even such leading leftwing intellectuals Professors itself racist and should be those who report on race are as Stuart Hall, and that most of Michael Banton, avoided! largely concerned with day-to-day its members, such as Trevor Will Kymlicka The report had said that events and have little interest in Phillips, Bob Hepple,Yasmin and Charles although Britain should be a and knowledge of the wider Alibhai-Brown, Herman Ouseley, Westin (in The cohesive society, it could not be a debates. It was therefore hardly Judith Hunt, Anne Owers and Journal of Ethnic nation in its conventional ethno- surprising that the complex Sarah Spencer, were prominent and Migration cultural sense.The press took this arguments of the report were champions of progressive causes, Studies 26(4) to mean that Britain should not poorly understood or thoroughly seemed to many to reinforce that October 2000: be a united country and should misconstrued.We must ourselves impression. Many in the media 719–38). become instead a loose collection accept part of the blame for not seem to have thought that given

6 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 the composition of the unconcerned with practical make the society feel good about Commission, they could predict consequences; the latter is tied itself, to put it at ease by the direction and content of its up with deepest passions and highlighting its good practices and report, and did not need to fears. For the former, words are values, and then to argue that bother with a detailed and tools of analysis; for the latter, such a basically good society sympathetic study of the text. weapons of struggle. A report ought not to tolerate the evils in that aims to be both academic question. Praising it both MULTI-ETHNIC Factor 5 – awakening deep anxieties and practical, detached and establishes one’s status as insider BRITAIN Britain especially England is engaged, needs to find ways of and gives one the right to criticise currently passing through a resolving this tension. It must be it. difficult period.Thanks to easily intelligible to ordinary Although our report is So different devolution, increasing European citizens and yet retain the power balanced and gives full credit to communities are military and economic to challenge their common sense successive British governments, undergoing integration, the growing and get them to see familiar especially the current Labour different kinds of diversification of its cultural life, things in a radically novel way. government, for its excellent changes and different and so on, there are deep fears work in reducing racial individuals about the integrity of Britain as Lesson 2 – on speaker identity discrimination and disadvantage, within them are we have known it for the past In politics,‘who says’ is just as its appreciation is buried in the differently three centuries.There is therefore important as ‘what’ he or she text and not stated at the very negotiating their an unconscious censorship, a says. Andrew Marr,Tom Nairn beginning. And as befits an relations with tendency not to raise certain and others had written books analytical and academic inquiry, its their community issues lest they should get out of with such titles as The Day Britain tone is relatively restrained and and the wider society. For control. Our report broke this Died and The Breakup of Britain. not effusively generous.This led some individuals taboo and triggered deep They could get away with things some, including the [then] Home their ethnicity anxieties. we could not. Black and Asian Secretary Jack Straw, to complain remains The fact that we were acutely intellectuals are subject to more that the report had been reasonably aware of these anxieties and had stringent tests, and are expected ‘grudging’ and even ‘somewhat strong. For suggested what we thought was a to stay wtihin certain limits. mean’ in not acknowledging the others it is largely sensible way to assuage them did Although the majority of our good work that he and British associational and not matter.The very act of raising commissioners were white and of society in general had done. It is involves a deep questions about British impeccable liberal credentials, the quite likely that even if the tone sense of social nationhood, the best way to read fact that there were so many of the report had been less obligation but its history, the nature and sources high-profile black and Asian detached and more effusive, it little cultural of its unity, the contestability of intellectuals gave the impression would not have made the conformity. For what are assumed to be its that the Commission and its slightest difference to the yet others it is largely symbolic, shared values, and so on, report had a distinctly minority rightwing hostility directed at it. It a marker of especially from an ethnic minority orientation.This imposed is, however, conceivable that it their perspective, was subversive. intangible and subtle limits on would have given less excuse to separateness what the report should and those otherwise well disposed to from the wider Absorbing the should not say – limits which it the report to distance themselves society and Important Lessons could transgress, as indeed it did, from it. other ethnic groups but As I reflect on the hostility that only at its peril. involving little by followed the publication of the Bibliography way of collective report, I draw several important Lesson 3 – on rhetorical strategy Barry, Brian (2001) The muddles of loyalty or even lessons, three of which I shall No society is perfect. Each has its multiculturalism, New Left Review 8: participation in mention by way of illustration. inescapable inequalities and 49–71 the cultural and injustices which need to be Banton, Michael (2000) Review social life of their community. Lesson 1- on language redressed.The question is how to Symposium, Report on the Black and Asian First, reports dealing with political get its members to see this and Commission on the Future of Multi- communities subjects should not stray too far how to mobilise their moral Ethnic Britain: UK perspective, The then are not all from the language of day-to-day energies. Uncompromising Journal of Ethnic and Migration alike in their politics.Words such as ‘post- condemnation of it for its Studies 26(4): 720–723 types and nation state’ and ‘racial coding’ blemishes does not generally Cross, Malcolm (2000) Review degrees of that we used in the report are help, because the society then Symposium, Report on the group consciousness fine in academic discourse, but becomes unduly defensive and Commission on the Future of Multi- making Britain a can become sources of confusion the critics appear to be Ethnic Britain: UK, North American multicultural and fear in political life.There is ungrateful whingers, especially if and Continental European society of a very an obvious tension between they happen to belong to perspectives, The Journal of Ethnic complex kind. academic and political discourse. minorities.The effective rhetorical and Migration Studies 26(4): (Parekh 2001: The former is playful, inventive, and persuasive strategy is to 719–720 16–17)

RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 7 Free Press (2000) Issue no 119 Symposium, Report on the Symposium, Report on the (Nov–Dec) articles by Robin Commission on the Future of Multi- Commission on the Future of Multi- Richardson and Tim Gopsill on the Ethnic Britain: North American view, Ethnic Britain: A view from Report and by Julian Petley on the The Journal of Ethnic and Migration Continental Europe, The Journal of PCC Studies 26(4): 723–731 Ethnic and Migration Studies 26(4): Hall, Stuart, Modood,Tariq and Parekh, Bhikhu (2001) Integrating 731–734 POLITICS Parekh, Bhikhu (2000) Response to Minorities. ICA Annual Diversity Wolfe, Alan and Klausen, Jytte (2000) IN EUROPE Banton, Kymlicka and Westin, The Lecture no. 2. London: Institute of Essay: Celebrating diversity is now Journal of Ethnic and Migration Contemporary Arts, April central to progressive politics, Studies 26(4): 734–738 Sen, Amartya (2000) Other People. Prospect Magazine, December Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust British Academy Lecture read on 7 Younge, Gary (2000) Comment: (2001) Report of Bradford Meeting November. Published in Proceedings Celebrate, don’t tolerate minorities, of 2 April of the British Academy 2001 Guardian,Wednesday 11 October, Kymlicka,Will (2000) Review Westin, Charles (2000) Review pp. 7–8

Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain Events and Developments The report was welcomed on behalf of the government by the Home Secretary on the day of publication (11 October 2000) and by Baroness Amos on the following day. A transcript of the Home Secretary’s speech was published in the Runnymede Bulletin, as were substantial extracts from the speech presented by Baroness Amos. Both speeches are on the Commission’s website at www.runnymedetrust.org/meb. The report received positive and thoughtful coverage in several newspapers but also was seriously misrepresented in others. A formal complaint was made to the Press Complaints Commission about unprofessional behaviour and false statements. Many articles and letters were published which countered the falsehoods, and all these can be read on the Commission’s website.The authors of articles explaining and defending the report included, amongst others,Yasmin Alibhai- Brown, Stuart Hall, Maya Jaggi, Clifford Longley, Peter Newsam, Bhikhu Parekh, Robin Richardson, Samir Shah, Gary Younge and Hugo Young. In June 2001 the Guardian printed an apology in connection with an article about the Oldham disorders which had attributed views and words to the report which it does not in fact contain. In July 2001 Index publishes an article about the media coverage by Professor Julian Petley. The report has been considered at the Home Secretary’s Race Relations Forum, a meeting of Labour peers and a meeting of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Race and Community. In the days following its publication, the report was high on the non-fiction best-sellers, and a second edition, incorporating a few small corrections, was in bookshops from 9 November 2000. An excellent summary for school students of the report’s discussion of Britishness appeared in Education Guardian, with links to a Channel 4 programme. For several weeks after publication the Commission’s website received on average over 100 hits a day. More recently it has been receiving about 100 hits a week, and total hits now exceed the grand total of 10,000. The report has been considered formally by many local authorities, several local authority organisations, and many racial equality councils.The Local Government Association issued a supportive statement, and there was substantial support in Public Finance, Local Government Chronicle and Equal Opportunities Review. Five thousand copies of the summary leaflet were requested in the weeks following publication, and due to demand the leaflet has been reprinted. The report has featured at many conferences for headteachers and education officers.The organisers have included the local education authorities of Barnet, Brent, Brighton & Hove, Cheshire, Coventry, Derby, Ealing, Greenwich, Isle of Wight, Lewisham, Medway, Redbridge, Staffordshire,Tower Hamlets,Wandsworth,Windsor & Maidenhead, and Wolverhampton. Organisations which have covered the report at conferences or seminars include the Association of Muslim Social Scientists, Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia, Humanities Association, Institute of Contemporary Arts, Institute for Jewish Policy Research, National Union of Journalists, Royal Festival Hall, Society of Education Officers and World Faiths Forum. In April 2001 the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust organised a day seminar about the report for public bodies and authorities in West Yorkshire, and in June for national organisations in the voluntary sector.The keynote speakers at both of these occasions were Bhikhu Parekh and Stuart Hall. The report is on the reading list for many undergraduate and graduate courses, and has been the subject of a range of lectures, seminars and symposia in higher education. It has been reviewed in several academic journals, some of which are referenced above. Robin Richardson Editor of the Report

8 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 What the Papers Said reflective, but often intemperate and over-reactive.There ensues The national press is an important, though not impartial, an endless repetition of ‘headlines’ over a short period in the press, gauge of perceptions. Without attempting to distinguish radio and TV which in itself systematically between its output of fact and opinion, we creates a news-junky audience, eager to be ‘hit’ by the next IN THE PRESS took stock of a selection of press clippings supplied, to disaster/atrocity/ consumer panic. Runnymede and other organisations, by the Commission for For example, even where Racial Equality (CRE) – articles clipped because they deal issues have sustained media On Refugees: coverage throughout the year, broadly with the concept of ‘race’ in any form. Here we such as Immigration or Post- How Refugees are examine patterns of perception and prejudice in year 2000. Lawrence, certain periods see Selling Us All Out: much heavier coverage. Almost They flog free one-third of all immigration food vouchers and Evaluating the concerns and Initial Observations pieces occurred in a four-week rent out council issues of a 12-month period is a From the 6,500 pieces, some period in the spring and the flats (News of the notoriously subjective activity clear patterns emerged. First, pieces within the Post-Lawrence World headline through which you may fall prey immigration accounts for about category were concentrated at and subhead, to either wistful nostalgia or 20%, or one in five, of the total the one-year anniversary. Other 30/04/00). hopeless cynicism. The year press coverage. Second, policing, issues, such as the coverage of the 2000 held symbolic status as a crime, racist violence combined Runnymede Report The Future of They increasingly yardstick of potential before it with post-Lawrence and ‘political Multi-Ethnic Britain, which received see Britain as a even began. For us at correctness’ arguments arising in over 230 clippings in a four-week land of subsidised Runnymede, it has been a response to the Macpherson period, more than half of it in cappuccinos… No valuable expedient to examine report constitutes over 1,500, or seven short days, see only a few one expects a the events and the dominant nearly one in four of all articles. weeks of interest and then hard-up guest to perceptions of this puzzling year Discussion of these two issues effectively disappear off the pages bring a house from a measured distance. and the links between them are of the papers. In order to frame present for an Over the course of the last explored below. the myopia of the press, an extended stay, but year, Runnymede received over Other issues that received analysis of the two largest they do want 6,500 press clippings from the sustained interest and categories, providing nearly half of them to help with CRE, meaning that the main documentation included Sport, all press clippings, helps reveal the the washing up… newspapers of the national press Education/Youth, Europe, sort of press coverage received in But few voters contributed over 125 ‘items’1 Law/Legal Issues, Politics/Politicians 2000. want to pay for each week to the discourse on and Employment. This group saw the two wives and race. So by sheer volume of coverage throughout the year, Immigration and 10 children of a numbers, race continues to be a with rises and falls during Race Re-linked Somalian ‘political’ ‘hot’ topic, though it receives particular weeks. The number of Whereas governments and refugee just to sit more coverage in the media pieces in the Sport category politicians attempt to delink race and watch their from the right of the political (over 600) partially reflects the and immigration, it is clear from free television sets spectrum, particularly in relation number of pages dedicated to it reading these articles that the in their free to immigration, policing and in every national newspaper, but linkage remains unbroken, at least houses on their crime, and editorials on ‘political is nevertheless indicative of the in the eyes of the national press. free sofas. correctness’. importance attached to racism As has been pointed out by (Telegraph, Although Runnymede within sport as well as the various legal experts, academics 19/04/00) classified all of the 6,500+ number of racist views and organisations, including cuttings into more than 30 surrounding particular groups, be Runnymede since its founding in This is a demented categories, the results are not they athletes, spectators or clubs. the late 1960s, the twin-pronged way to treat our meant to convey clear-cut In general, press coverage attitude to and legal kith and kin: It is analytic divisions. Press pieces are fluctuates over the course of a understanding of citizenship outrageous that difficult to categorise: from year, with some weeks seeing confuses the relationship between Zimbabwean variation in size and prominence higher concentrations of issues. the various people that constitute farmers…should to the possibility that they relate This is, of course, related to the current population of the be undergoing the to more than one category. events happening in the country, United Kingdom of Great Britain same scrutiny as Nevertheless, it is possible to but also underlines how the press and Northern Ireland. It is not a Kosovar Albanians make some broad general sees some issues as more long step from proclaiming the (Telegraph headline comments about the national important than others. When ‘bogus’ nature of asylum seekers and subhead, media’s coverage of race and certain issues are raised, the coming from outside Britain to 20/04/00) related issues. response is neither reflexive nor seeing the non-white population

RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 9 within the country as half-fledged society, are, for the purposes of what it means to be British. Most citizens or as individuals whose government sponsored research, of the articles on race in the loyalty to the British state can be ‘migrants’. If it is economic national press present the black brought into question. contribution that determines the and Asian population as the Indeed, the discourse of ‘native’ British sense of openness towards source of problems, and crime and ‘migrant’ continues to mark such individuals, why is such a and policing are unfortunately IN THE PRESS government policy and research pejorative connotation attached suitable examples. In the context in the area.2 Hedging the to ‘mere’ economic migrants? and wake of the Stephen fundamental but thorny question Such research, with its clear bias Lawrence report, the fault and If blacks and of when a ‘migrant‘ becomes a towards an economic benefit the problem do not reside with Asians are to ‘native’ and instead concentrating analysis, also reveals that the the behaviour and attitudes of the ‘support’ one on preventative measures to keep moral imperatives of persecution Metropolitan Police, nor with the another – out ‘bogus’ or ‘economic’ migrants are secondary; in effect it obvious indicators of social and presumably against may afford the government some buttresses more general attacks educational deprivation in places non-blacks and straightforward policy goals, but it on asylum-seekers as ‘bogus’. like Peckham or Greenwich non-Asians – will only postpones consideration of (London Boroughs still make up it be acceptable the concept of citizenship and the Policing, Crime, and Race the majority of England’s worst- for white to do immediately obvious question of There is much more compelling affected areas of social the same, or will who is and who is not a Briton, evidence for the linkage of race deprivation), but rather in that be defined as racism. (Mail, and on what legal or moral basis and immigration, a link that is attitudes of ‘political correctness’ 22/05/00) such distinctions can be based. underlined by the press that are perceived to allow black Here it is constructive to concentration on crime, police and Asian people special But perhaps it is examine the UK’s nationality law and ‘political correctness’. Press treatment. This, in turn, is said to not too late to and government unwillingness to pieces which fall within these have lowered morale in the reverse the sign the Fourth Protocol of the broad categories number over police force. No evidence, other pernicious effects European Convention on Human 1500, or nearly one in four. Most than anecdotal hearsay, is offered of treating white Rights (ECHR) which guarantees observers will have noted the to support these views. While and black people citizens the right to re-enter their sustained attack on the Stephen morale may have fallen in the differently… The country of nationality.3 This Lawrence Inquiry report more police forces, it is questionable effect is worsened would seem to be a minimal than two years after Macpherson whether the source of the by the drive for definition of citizenship but the presented his findings and the oft- problem really lies in devolution which British government is unwilling to touted link between crime, stop Macpherson’s analysis or is in danger of grant this right due to the legally and search, and race. The murder recommendations. leaving the English anomalous situation of a number of Damilola Taylor in Peckham But even though the most feeling as if all of ‘second-class’ British nationals. further reinforced the notion, daring journalist would not ethnicities, be they If the racialised nature of this widely held in the right-wing explicitly link black and Asian Scottish or Afro- situation is in need of elucidation, press, that certain areas are now people with these occurrences, it Caribbean, are simply consider the status of the ‘no-go’ zones, not simply because is not far below the surface of valued more 20,000 white Zimbabweans who crime is considered endemic such analyses. So while journalists highly than their can claim British nationality, and there, but more specifically and editorials berate Macpherson own. (Yorkshire the thousands of others with because black street crime is and claim that he has ‘blood on Post, 24/5/00) British ancestry, some with only blamed for having made it so. his hands’, what they are really one British-born grandparent, Papers may be more subtle in objecting to is the fact that the Get out scum! whose right to full British their approach, and attack the police have to confront the (Daily Star citizenship and to settlement has Labour government for not racially biased way they operate headline, never been questioned or addressing this problem, but for and cannot any longer stop 04/04/00) undermined. Compare this to them there is no questioning people just because they are the stateless South Asians in East where this problem originated; black. Are the press themselves Hello Mr Sponger… Need and Central Africa or the Chinese even though it is held below the fearful of the analysis of any Benefits? (Star in the Malay Straits, who may surface of the argument, all ‘institutional racism’ given their headline, hold British passports, but are commentators appear to know, woeful record in hiring journalists 27/04/00) unable to enter Britain without through their implicit definition of from black and Asian condition if in need of protection. ‘common-sense’, that black backgrounds? According to a One year ago they Legally, then, white citizens people have caused this problem. 1999 survey, only 43 out of 2000 turned up in from Zimbabwe and those with Indeed, where race is discussed influential journalists were from a rags… they’re one British grandparent are full- in the press, it is viewed as a BME background. In fact, four going home in fledged citizens, while black or problem. Black and Asian people papers (with a combined designer gear (Star Asian citizens, even after 40 years are perceived and described as a readership less than the Sun or headline, of settlement in and acceptance problem because they do not Mail) accounted for 25, or nearly 21/04/00) of the British state and British conform to traditional notions of 60% of the total. Papers such as

10 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 the Mail, Sun and Telegraph were outsiders are the cause of the well known that a few press among the least likely to employ harm done in Britain and the ‘barons’ control a lion’s share of black or Asian staff, none with current state of deprivation. This the market (barons hardly being more than two influential makes it frighteningly simple to synonymous with democratic journalists. Such rates of deal with such problems and institutions, the House of Lords employment are of course far ignore thornier questions: notwithstanding). Vested worse than those for the editorials and a wide variety of commercial interests also IN THE PRESS Metropolitan Police. journalistic pieces repeatedly determine much of what is make the point that immigrants published in the press and papers Paper Influential and black and Asian people are are actively and aggressively Public anger over BME journalists the cause of these problems and seeking to acquire dominance this band… [‘a thus the solution is minimal over their nearest competitors. batch of Guardian 8 immigration, tougher jail This often leads to sensational Romanian Express 6 sentences and an evocation of a stories as papers vie for the refugees’] – many Financial Times 6 British self-identity linked to its splashiest headline, but does it of them thieves, Independent 5 glorious and colonial past. The accurately reflect the spectrum of muggers and con government can never satisfy such public opinion or topical political men – polluting Daily Papers Influential individuals unless they lock up commentary? In considering the our streets, BME every criminal and enforce an undemocratic nature of the press, continues to journalists effective ban on immigration. it is helpful to recall the results of increase. (Mail, Daily Mail 2 Most press pieces are the London mayoral elections. 18/03/00) Mirror 2 therefore imbued with these basic Regardless of the perception of Daily Telegraph 1 assumptions about the Ken Livingstone, more London He quoted figures ‘problematic’ status of black and voters chose him as their mayor, he said proved Sun 1 minority ethnic Britons and the whereas only the Guardian, whose that fewer stop Times 1 undesirable nature of non-Britons, circulation figures are dwarfed by searches by police which are only reinforced by the other papers, gave him their had led to Sundays Influential BME government’s unwillingness to endorsement. What happened to increased crime. journalists engage with such prejudices the representation of the The figures were Sunday Telegraph 2 about outsiders and insiders and thousands of other voters who wrong but, in the nature of citizenship and chose to ignore the advice of some ways, Hague Observer 2 immigrants’ reasons for leaving national papers and vote for their wasn’t so wide of News of the World 1 their country of origin, a decision favourite candidate? the mark. (Sunday Mail on Sunday 0 rarely taken lightly. Until In reporting on issues Times, 17/12/00) Sunday Mirror 0 politicians responsibly combat surrounding race, journalists and assumptions about non-white papers have notoriously short Such comments people, whether they are black attention spans – as pointed out [Hague on These interpretations taken and Asian citizens,‘migrants’ never above, one-third of all Lawrence] on that together have some disturbing to become natives, immigrants or immigration pieces occurred in a grotesque report connotations and conclusions: if asylum-seekers, institutional four-week period in the spring, have been two-a- black people commit crimes in racism will be a canker not just whereas issues on policing and penny for a long such disproportionate numbers, within the police service, but in crime were similarly focused at time now. (Mail, why should the British state ‘let’ the national press and in our times like the one-year 22/12/00) any more in? Immigrants and political and public institutions. anniversary of the Lawrence asylum-seekers are also depicted report and the murder of as prime criminal suspects, with Restoring and Damilola Taylor. The latter their supposed tendency to be Rebuttressing Democracy tragedy focuses our attention on involved in illegal scams, immoral This article began by alluding to one aspect of the press that is marriages of convenience and the differences between reality becoming increasingly insidious – drug pushing underscored daily in and perception. An undiluted diet its malign effect on politicians and the national press. Personal of reading the national press can policy independence. When observations are preferred to make you hopelessly pessimistic. William Hague slammed the hard-headed social analysis; what However, we must not forget that Stephen Lawrence Inquiry report statistics appear are often the press is only one tool of following the murder of Damilola misused and occasionally grossly social analysis and even the Taylor, he received more press misunderstood.4 highest estimates suggest that less coverage than in the previous few Fundamentally, it seems that than half of the UK’s population months combined. While much the national press holds the reads a paper every day. of the attention was negative, convenient though Additionally, there is nothing Hague received large amounts of unsubstantiated position that democratic about the press. It is column commentary resulting in a

RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 11 higher profile. Looking through nearly 7000 press pieces, is really allegiance and civic duty to a the year’s clippings, it is alarming all that dissimilar from the press’s specific community will obviously how frequently Hague appeared coverage of most issues and contribute to a more coherent to issue statements that had events. Perhaps not. But it does society, we must be clear in previously been voiced in appear that the press are most recognising that the bases of newspaper editorials or think- vitriolic and outraged when issues citizenship will always be fraught IN THE PRESS pieces weeks earlier. This is of that threaten their vision of with tension, something self- concern not simply because the England or Britain arise as topical serving proclamations about the Tory leader’s views might be subjects. The treatment of great history or superiority of Hysteria and hate: disagreeable, but rather because it Europe, Europeans and specifically Britain may occlude at their peril. Refugees need suggests that political the European Union is widely protection not independence has been understood to represent latent Endnotes persecution. narrowed. Indeed, other hostility to the European social 1 Anything from a full-scale feature or (Guardian headline, politicians, of all political parties and political project. The black news spread, via an editorial or single- 20/03/00) and of all political persuasions, and minority ethnic population column piece, to correspondence. have inclined newspapers in within Britain, particularly black 2 As evidenced in a recent Home Office Swamped by vile responding to the press’s specific Britons, are no longer directly report on the economic benefits of stereotypes: If questions and framework. If attacked in national newspapers, immigrants (Migration: an economic and refugees are politicians were simply to follow though the scourge of political social analysis by Glover et al., RDS routinely discussed the demands of the press, would correctness is loudly condemned Occasional Paper no. 67). in negative terms, we bother to elect them at all? and some commentators think 3 This paragraph borrows heavily from aggression about a that the CRE has done more to The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain failing system is Concluding Remarks harm happy race relations than (London: Profile Books, 2000) chapter 15. directed at Despite the negative treatment of the BNP. Instead of blatant 4 Perhaps the most striking vulnerable people. the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry attacks on black and minority misunderstanding of statistical data (Independent report in most of the national ethnic British citizens, indirect appeared in The Times, where an headline and newspapers, there has been and assumptions presume a obviously harassed or confused sub- subhead, continues to be some positive problematic status of such editor slapped the heading ‘Whites as 06/04/00) depiction of race issues in almost individuals and groups within likely to be race victims’ at the top of an all newspapers since the Mail first British society, and for British article that in fact quoted statistics splashed the photos of the five companies and institutions forced suggesting that blacks and Asians remain Three headlines Lawrence suspects on their front to confront the inequality of more likely to be ‘race victim’ by a large from 17/04/00: page in 1997. In commenting on opportunity and of margin. The crime correspondent who the murder of Damilola Taylor representation. Immigrants and wrote the article was clearly unsure how to present the statistics, claiming, Killed by racists, and the reaction of William asylum-seekers are subject to far ‘White citizens are as almost as likely Asian who tried Hague, the Mail noted the more blatant attacks for their [sic] to be the victims of racial incidents so hard to fit in ‘growing number’ of its black and outsider status, but the press is as blacks or Asians’. Numbers of Afro- (Mail) Asian readers. All papers cover probably safely unrepentant about Caribbeans reporting racist incidents racial violence and harassment this position given the British rose from 3,916 in 1998–99 to 7,949 in Father-of-3 beaten and most include opinion pieces government’s long-held view that 1999–2000 compared with a rise from to death by racists that jar with the editorial opinions ‘firm but fair’ immigration leads to 3,614 to 7,512 for white or ‘dark (Mirror) on issues such as stop and search healthier race relations. Europeans’ in the same period. For and police morale. In fact, the The legal anomaly of this Asians, the numbers rose from 4,593 to Race yobs kill coverage of racial violence and situation has been pointed out 8,746. Thus, the numbers show insignificant proportional variations Asian dad of 3 harassment, including racially many times before, but it is between 1998–99 and 1999–2000: (Sun) motivated murders and deaths in important to emphasise that the blacks and Asians each constitute police custody, constituted about distinctions between insider and roughly 10% of London’s population but one in fourteen, or roughly 7% of outsider and between economic in both years reported about 32% and total press pieces around the and political migrants are 37% of racial incidents, i.e. more than topic of race. increasingly blurred. This is not three times their proportion of the The overall coverage of race is, because of something population. While white Londoners do however, mostly negative and fundamentally ‘new’ about asylum report about 31% of racial incidents in contrived to fit within in the 21st century, but is a the city, their proportion of the preconceived editorial hangover from the fairly recent population, at 74%, clearly makes them boundaries. In addition, certain (modern) predominance of far less likely to report racial incidents at issues seem to earn coverage out citizenship of a specific nation- 0.4 times their population proportion. Black Londoners are in fact 8 times of line with their actual state as a hallmark of rights. The more likely to report such incidents and importance or relevance in distinction between native and Asians living in the capital are about 9 society. Some might wonder if migrant is thus not a stable legal times more likely to report a racial this twelve-month snapshot, with or normative distinction; though incident than their white co-residents.

12 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 What the Papers Said Next Having briefly appraised press coverage of ‘race’-related issues in 2000, we look next at how representative were the key issues selected as election fodder by the main political parties, and how balanced was their exposition in our mainstream newspapers. IN THE PRESS The preceding pages on the press 2 Low Turnout agents will always affect political in 2000 examines press attitudes This can be linked to the second processes due to their power and analysis of ‘race’ and related major feature, the low voter and significance, particularly in …there is issues based on a rough empirical numbers. Most commentators the management of the little doubt division of the total numbers of are disappointed by the steep fall economy. that Jasper’s clippings filed on the subject in turnout, with some even As pointed out in the depiction of during year 2000 as well as their deeply disturbed by it. Less than previous analysis of press economic content. In the run-up to the 60% of the electorate bothered coverage in 2000, it is of deep deprivation 2001 election, race issues to vote, meaning that one in five concern that race only seems to and social received even greater coverage of the voters in 1997 did not register in national consciousness segregation is than in 2000, represented by vote in 2001. Politicians offered as a ‘problem’. Press treatment a sad fact of increased numbers of press two explanations for this. First, has been historically unable to life for many pieces on the subject. Speeches they linked it to societal trends in treat race issues as part of people from by William Hague and Robin all western post-industrialist mainstream British politics or Oldham as Cook however, though hotly societies, perhaps suggesting that society, instead relegating its well as other debated, were mostly soundbitten class conflict is attenuated in a source and effects in a similar ex- down into ‘foreign land’ and service dominated economy. ghettoised or compartment- manufacturing ‘Chicken Tikka Masala’ snippets – Second, and more relevant to alised fashion.This leads to the towns. hardly evidence that race issues this piece, media coverage was third significant feature of press are given serious consideration in held responsible for suggesting coverage in 2001, namely the the public domain. that the outcome was already ‘race riots’ in Oldham. At least three developments decided. must be mentioned in the Many cabinet members 3 The Oldham Factor context of the 2001 general blamed media coverage as the It is difficult properly to analyse election campaign. cause of voter apathy. Labour the situation in Oldham without politicians have been notably an understanding of local issues. 1 Race Issues Neglected concerned not only about Divergent views implicate various First, race-related issues did not editorial opinion in the Sun, factors that led to the unrest on figure largely, despite events which again supported them in consecutive nights at the end of preceding the campaign.These the 2001 election, but also the May, less than two weeks before included the CRE’s campaign Mail, whose attachment to the the election. For the three weeks pledge and the subsequent malice Conservatives remains preceding the disturbances, the displayed by John Townend untroubled by Labour’s attempts National Front had been among others, and the opening to placate its editors and campaigning for a march through gambit of the Conservative party readers. Given New Labour’s the centre of the town. as it chose to focus on asylum concern to respond to the Demographic and economic and immigration issues. media, maybe more consistently factors in Oldham coincide with Tax and public spending than they commit to those in other former industrial dominated the campaigns of the parliamentary procedures and heartlands throughout the major parties, though the debate, it is somewhat country. Unemployment is high Conservatives did expend disingenuous to blame the media for all groups in Oldham, and as considerable effort focusing on the for low turnout. Lee Jasper noted, ‘the rot set in euro. Asylum and immigration Furthermore, there is when Thatcher allowed the issues were quickly relegated; something pathetic about British manufacturing base to go important in specific constituencies, politicians who simply bemoan to the wall’. While some might for example in Kent, but never how the media has become too quibble about the tenor of his really part of the national debate powerful but do very little about statement, there is little doubt between the parties. In fact, the it. In a representative democracy, that Jasper’s depiction of attention paid by the public to this politicians have a duty to economic deprivation and social campaign was minimal in most promote themselves as segregation is a sad fact of life cases. In this sense race issues were representatives of the voters, not for many people from Oldham no more neglected than a host of of the media or any other as well as other similar ex- other important concerns. interest group, though such manufacturing towns.

RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 13 Significantly, few analyses look analysis, preferring instead communities in relation to what at the social and economic unsubstantiated and stereotypical they see as the residual stable indicators of Pakistani and understandings of what happened ‘rest of the country’. Bangladeshi residents of Oldham. in Oldham.Within pre-existing Press coverage in 2001, As elsewhere in Britain, their frameworks journalists and evidenced by the coverage of the unemployment statistics far editors make some clear general election campaign as well IN THE PRESS outstrip those of the rest of the assumptions about the nature of as its results, and including population.The following statistics, British society and the place of especially the commentary on produced by Oldham MBC, Bangladeshi and Pakistani Oldham, falls in line with the comments made about press Oldham’s Economic Activity Profile analysis in 2000.While we may not be able to expect any Bangladeshi Pakistani Whole borough improvement for the rest of 2001, Economically active 68.8% 72.3% 73.8% or even in 2002 or 2003, the Of which: government might consider Employed 52.7 62.9 86.0 policies to encourage increased Unemployed 47.3 37.1 13.9 numbers of black and minority ethnic Britons in positions of Economically inactive 31.2% 27.7% 26.2% power and influence, as well as an Of which: overall improvement in Students 35.0 33.3 13.4 educational attainment and Permanently 56.2 55.5 25.9 economic success. As a result Sick or other press coverage might shift, and inactive black and Asian citizens might be considered fully fledged members Retired 8.7 11.0 60.7 of British society rather than sub- Figures based on Nesbitt and Neary (2001: 6) variants living amidst but outside it.

demonstrate not only that more Pakistani and Bangladeshi males or a good example of the ghettoisation of ‘race’ issues outside are economically inactive, but also the mainstream of British social and political commentary, see that they are far more likely to be Fthe analysis of the results of the 2001 election, particularly in unemployed (3 to 4 times) and London. Peter Kellner in the Evening Standard devoted some space permanently sick (more than to the Labour successes in Harrow West, Enfield Southgate, Brent twice), and far less likely to be North,Wimbledon, Harrow East, Ealing North, Croydon Central, retired (6 to 7 times) than the Ilford North, Hendon, and Finchley & Golders Green.While duly average Oldham citizen. noting the tendency of suburban constituencies with high These statistics also proportions of professionals to vote New Labour, he failed to note demonstrate another key feature an equally significant shift. Most of these constituencies are among References of the Bangladeshi and Pakistani the 50 in the UK where the 1991 census estimated a black and Lee Jasper, communities of Oldham and minority ethnic population of over 20%, all of which have been ‘Brickbats for indeed throughout Britain: their Labour seats since 1997. Oldham’, Special youth. Especially when compared As pointed out elsewhere in this issue of the Bulletin, the report: race issues with the white population of numbers of black and Asian voters in all of these areas have in the UK, Britain, a high percentage of the continued to increase, and given that roughly 4 out of 5 black and Guardian, 29 May Bangladeshi and Pakistani minority ethnic voters support the Labour party, the Conservatives 2001. communities are under 25, and are facing an increasingly uphill struggle to overturn this large Labour few over 65. If there is not a vote.Where commentators note the increase in the black and Nesbitt, Steven more concerted effort to minority ethnic population, it is often to question the impact on and Neary, David alleviate pressures in Oldham and British ways of life.Where analysts examine electoral results, these (2001) Ethnic elsewhere, these demographic demographic issues are ignored. Minorities and Their features will mean that an entire It is as if voter behaviour and changing patterns are relevant only Pensions Decisions: generation of the Bangladeshi and if they occur among the white population. It is time for press A Study of Pakistani communities will have commentators to understand that these tendencies contribute to Pakistani, been subject to economic the illogical and offensive notion that black and Asian Britons are Bangladeshi and deprivation and social segregation. ‘outside’ British society, not part of it.This is sometimes represented White Men in This will further stress the by the even more distasteful view that the only changes in Oldham. Yo r k : communities’ situation within contemporary society worth mentioning are those that impact upon Joseph Rowntree British society. the white community. Foundation. The media disdains this sort of

14 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 Election 2001 – results of all candidates by party affiliation:

Still not in the Picture Conservative candidates As Table 3 demonstrates, the In the March issue of the Runnymede Bulletin, we charted Conservative party continues to the history of black and Asian participation in British field most of its candidates in GENERAL clearly unwinnable seats. In the ELECTIONS II General Elections and the experiences of black and minority case of the 2001 election, it could ethnic candidates and voters. Here Omar Khan examines be argued that Conservative the results of the 2001 General Election and suggests that results fall below expectations …the Tory and reflect the overall Labour party cont- parliamentary representation will not mirror the true landslide in the election. However, inues to field makeup of the UK until all political parties do more to it is obvious from these statistics most of its that the Tories have a long way to engage and embody the minority ethnic vote. candidates in go before they will see a clearly significant number of black or unwinnable Results in 2001:Winners 50 years, the growth in MPs runs Asian Tory MPs. In 2001, only 3 of seats… Following the 2001 General as shown in Table 1. the Conservatives’ 16 black and Election, the number of black and minority ethnic candidates minority ethnic MPs has increased Candidates in 2001 achieved a vote share at or above from 10 to 12. Parmjit Dhanda In the March Bulletin, we noted their national average of around was elected in Gloucester and that black and minority ethnic 32%.This signifies that black and Khalil Mamood in Birmingham candidates tend to be fielded in Asian Conservative candidates Perry Barr.This fairly insignificant unwinnable seats.This is are preponderantly represented increase matches the particularly true for the Tories and in seats where the party has no expectations of commentators LibDems.With 12 MPs but only chance of winning. In the 13 seats prior to the election that there 18 total candidates in the 2001 where the Tory vote was less would be little change from 1997. election, the Labour party now than the national average, two Notably, the Conservative needs to field more candidates candidates finished in 4th place party was unable to return a overall and cannot be content and three in 3rd place. Indeed, single black or Asian MP,nor did with the slow rate of progress in nine candidates, more than half, the Liberal Democrats field a placing more black and Asian gained less than 16.4% of the black or Asian candidate in a politicians in Westminster. Since vote, roughly half the Tory winnable seat.While Labour can the 1970s, when the major national average. Seven candidates take some comfort in the parties first fielded significant saw their vote share increase, growing number of MPs it returns numbers of black and minority while nine candidates saw it to Parliament, the situation for ethnic candidates, progress on decrease, with most swings fairly the Liberal Democrats and Tories candidate numbers has been small. Fourteen candidates were should now be projecting slow, with Labour’s development Asian and two candidates black. towards far better results. Given since 1987 falling short of the Even where the Tory vote met the population of black and Asian two other main political parties, or exceeded the national average, people in the UK, we might despite its increasing commitment there is small room for hope. In expect at least 40 black and to fielding candidates in winnable Pendle, Rasjid Skinner did pick up minority ethnic MPs, including seats. 3.6% of the vote to receive around 20 from London To get a sense of the sorts of 33.9%, while the Labour MP, constituencies alone. Since 1987, seats contested by black and Gordon Prentice, saw his share of when the first black or Asian MPs minority ethnic candidates, it is the vote fall by 8.7%. However, were elected in the UK for nearly helpful to point out the following that still left the Labour party

Table 1. Black and Asian MPs in Parliament 1987–2001 Table 2. Progress on BME Candidate Numbers 1979–2001 Year MPs Details Year Con Lab LibDem Total 1987 4 All Labour; all metro 1979 2 1 2 5 1992 6 First Conservative (postwar) 1983 4 6 8 18 1997 9* All Labour; first non- 1987 6 14 9 29 metro; first Muslim 1992 8 9 7 24 2001 12 All Labour 1997 11 14 19 44 * A tenth BME MP,Mark Hendrick, was returned in the Preston 2001 16 18 25 59 by-election in November 2000

RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 15 Table 3. BME Conservative Candidates in 2001 despite a progressive election Name Constituency % Change place manifesto, the results are equally, if not more, disappointing.While Ali Miraj Aberavon 7.6 -0.3 4th they continued the trend for Judith Edwards Liverpool Riverside 8.4 -1.1 3rd more candidates (from 19 in Davena Rankin Glasgow Kelvin 8.9 -1.9 4th 1997 to 25 in 2001 – see Table GENERAL Iftkhar Hussain B’ham Sparkbrook 10.8 -6.7 4th 4), and remained the party with and Small Heath ELECTIONS II the most black and minority Carupiah Selvarajah Brent South 12.6 -3.3 2nd ethnic candidates, none had a Sandip Verma Hull East 13.8 0.1 3rd realistic chance of winning. In 2001, only Uma Fernandes Tottenham 13.9 -1.8 2nd Of their 25 candidates, only 3 of the three could match the 18% Anita Kapoor Doncaster North 14.7 -0.1 2nd Conservatives’ received by the party nationally. 16 black and Syed Kammall West Ham 16.4 1.4 2nd Twenty-one LibDem black and minority Zahid Iqbal Bradford North 24.1 -1.5 2nd minority ethnic candidates ethnic Shahagir Faruk Bethnal Green and Bow 24.2 3.1 2nd finished in third place, one in candidates Haroon Rashid Bolton South East 24.2 4.5 2nd fourth place, and only three in achieved a Suresh Kumar Ilford South 25.7 -4.4 2nd second place.The top vote vote share at percentage was for Yasmin Zalzala Rasjid Skinner Pendle 33.9 3.6 2nd or above in Manchester Withington at 22%, their Mohammed Riaz Bradford West 37.1 4.1 2nd representing an 8.4% increase national Shailesh Vara Northampton South 41.1 0 2nd that saw her leapfrog the Tory average of candidate into second place. around 32%… Of 25 with a majority of 4,275, or LibDem Table 4. BME LibDem Candidates in 2001 candidates, 10.8%. Ominously, the BNP Name Constituency % Change Place only 3 could candidate received nearly 2,000 match the votes, or 5% of the total.The Nahid Boethe Hayes and Harlington 6.0 -1.4 3rd 18% received success of far right candidates is Wayne Hoban Enfield Southgate 7.0 -3.7 3rd by the party discussed below. Imtiaz Patel Blackburn 8.1 -2.4 3rd nationally. In Bradford West, there was a Mahmood Chaudhry Birmingham Ladywood 8.2 0.2 3rd replay of the 1997 election, with Harold DeSouza Hove 9.1 -0.6 3rd the Conservative candidate Mohammed Riaz challenging the Meher Khan Tottenham 9.5 -1.3 3rd sitting Labour MP Marsha Singh. Bob Hoyle Luton North 9.7 0.6 3rd This time Riaz increased his vote Baldev Sharma Ealing Southall 10.0 -0.4 4th share by 4.1%, but Singh also Elizabeth Scott Lancaster and Wyre 10.3 -1.3 3rd managed to increase his vote Keith Kerr Slough 10.5 3.1 3rd share by an even larger Nowsheen Bhatti Brent East 10.6 2.8 3rd percentage of 6.5%.Therefore, Marsha Singh saw his majority Nazar Mohammed Milton Keynes South West 10.6 -1.3 3rd increase to 4,165 votes or 10.9%. Rabi Martins Luton South 10.9 1.3 3rd Prior to the election, Shailesh Nikolas O’Hare Bexleyheath and Crayford 11.1 -0.1 3rd Vara in Northampton South was Ed Waller Hemsworth 11.3 2.4 3rd considered to have an excellent Harpinder Athwal Leicester East 12.3 5.3 3rd chance of becoming the Quassim Afzal B’ham Sparkbrook 13.2 3.9 2nd Conservatives’ second black or and Small Heath minority ethnic MP in the post- Meral Ece Hackney North 14.1 3.9 3rd war era. However, he was unable and Stoke Newington to increase his party’s vote share James Main Bristol South 14.8 1.4 3rd and overturn a Labour majority of just 744 votes.When the final Kishwer Falkner Kensington and Chelsea 15.8 0.5 3rd results were announced, a tiny Parmjit Singh Gill Leicester South 17.2 3.4 3rd swing of 0.2% saw the sitting Kim Lee Rutland and Melton 17.8 -1.4 3rd Labour MP returned with a Andrew DeFreitas Great Grimsby 19.0 0.9 3rd majority of 885 votes. Ali Qadar Sheffield Central 19.7 2.5 2nd Yasmin Zalzala Manchester Withington 22.0 8.4 2nd Liberal Democrat candidates For the Liberal Democrats,

16 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 Although 15 increased their vote Table 5. BME Labour Candidates in 2001 share, with 10 seeing their share Name Constituency % Change Place decrease, most of the fluctuations Waquar Azmi West Worcestershire 14.0 -1.7 3rd were small. If the LibDems wish Mushtaq Hussain Statford-on-Avon 16.7 -3.8 2nd to see their first black or Asian Matthew Syed Wokingham 17.4 0.6 3rd MP,they will have to start fielding Sabir Hussain Woking 20.3 -0.7 3rd them in winnable seats. Takki Sulaiman Huntingdon 22.8 -0.7 3rd GENERAL ELECTIONS II Labour party candidates Kingsley Abrams Southwark North 30.8 -9.5 2nd The Labour party continues to be and Bermondsey the only party with any black or Parmjit Dhanda Gloucester 45.8 -4.2 1st minority ethnic MPs. Of their 18 Khalil Mamood B’ham Perry Barr 46.5 -16.5 1st candidates in 2001, 12 won in Piara Khabra Ealing Southall 47.5 -12.5 1st safe Labour seats, with only Marsha Singh Bradford West 48.0 6.5 1st Kingsley Abrams in Southwark North and Bermondsey having a Mohammed Sarwar Glasgow Govan 49.3 5.2 1st chance of joining his colleagues at Oona King Bethnal Green and Bow 50.4 4.1 1st Westminster. However, the Ashok Kumar Middlesbrough South 55.3 0.6 1st increase in candidates seems to and East Cleveland have stagnated since 1987.There Mark Hendrick Preston 57.0 -3.8 1st are remarkably few opportunities Keith Vaz Leicester East 57.6 -7.9 1st for fresh faces to gain experience Diane Abbott Hackney North and 61.0 -4.2 1st 1 in fighting constituencies, The results of Stoke Newington the London especially for a party that mayoral and commands roughly 80% of the David Lammy Tottenham 67.5 -1.8 1st assembly Paul Boateng Brent South 73.3 0.3 1st elections in 2000 black and minority ethnic vote. do not provide With more than 3.5 million black easily and Asian Britons, Labour must interpretable data for the do far better in fielding black and election was the success of 6,708 and 15,676 respectively. Conservatives minority ethnic candidates than Labour and LibDem sitting MPs Commentators were quite when they run the 18 contesting seats in 2001. defending small majorities in surprised by this development, on a ‘one nation’ platform, as they All 12 Labour black and marginal seats. In fact, the failure and cited results in Harrow West, did under minority ethnic MPs now to win Northampton South Finchley and Golders Green, Stephen Norris’s represent safe Labour seats. In represents an interesting trend in Enfield Southgate and Ilford campaign for mayor. Labour’s most cases their vote share tallied the 2001 election: the tendency North as being out of line with vote was indeed with regional party averages, with for Labour (and LibDem) supposedly ‘natural’Tory down some candidates increasing their incumbents in marginal seats sentiment among voters there throughout the capital, but the vote share and some seeing it fall actually to increase their vote and in similar constituencies. Tories were not by fairly small amounts. However, share, a result out of line with the However, such views the main three MPs saw their vote share overall national swing of underestimate the demographic beneficiaries of a pro-Livingstone drop substantially: Keith Vaz by approximately 2% to the Tories. shifts that have taken place in the anti-Labour 7.9%, Piara Khabra by 12.5%, and Such a swing would have UK over the past 20 years, vote, despite Khalil Mamood by 16.5%. In Ealing notionally yielded 20 new seats although some articles have taken their capture of 8 out of 14 Southall, Khabra was challenged for the Conservative Party, up the enormous shift in voting Assembly seats. by a number of independent including that of Shailesh Vara in patterns according to class. In The change in candidates, who together received Northampton South. Instead, in these constituencies, the black voter behaviour can more nearly 25% of the vote, including 30 targeted Labour marginals, the and minority ethnic population accurately be Avtar Lit with 12.3%. Khalil Tories gained only four seats, has increased substantially, with seen as Mamood lost a greater share of moved closer in three, and most statistics drawn from the benefiting Green and alternative Labour vote, most of which actually lost ground in swings to 1991 census. Left candidates. seems to have switched to the the Labour candidate in the other However, in London,1 where This is evidenced LibDem candidate, whose share 23 top targets. A similar story was many of these constituencies are by the fact that Tory vote share increased by 13%, though various played out in LibDem targets. In situated, the 1999 Labour Force did not increase socialist candidates also picked up the 18 top targets, the survey suggests an increase of significantly.The more than 5%. Conservatives were able to gain 400,000 black and minority ethnic status of Livingstone’s only two seats, move closer in Britons since the 1991 census, party affiliation Demographics two seats, and lose ground in the equivalent to six parliamentary will undoubtedly and the Changing other 14, including seeing small seats.These shifts occur most continue to complicate Nature of Constituencies LibDem majorities of 12 in Torbay significantly in areas that already Labour’s success One interesting feature of this and 56 in Kingston increase to have significant proportions of in London.

RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 17 black and minority ethnic voters, tactics during the 2001 election in probably unintended by-product suggesting that the interpretation the context of past Tory of Tory attacks on metropolitan of some areas as Tory successes in the capital.These voters is that black and Asian strongholds, won by Labour only suggestions can easily be Britons are even less likely to vote in the context of the landslides of extended to other urban areas. Conservative given that 1997 and 2001, might have to be One of the key elements of Tory approximately two-thirds of black GENERAL replaced by a recognition that the campaigning strategy was to make and Asian voters live in ELECTIONS II Tory party is currently failing to pronouncements against metropolitan areas.The connect with black and Asian ‘metropolitan elites’.While it is Conservative party may wish to Londoners, making such seats true that the Tories have a difficult speak for the ‘common man’ difficult to regain at any point in time winning certain inner-city instead of Labour’s chattering the future. constituencies, in the 1992 classes, but Labour still hold Since 1981, Greater London’s election they were able to win 41 almost all of the country’s black and minority ethnic London seats to the Labour poorest constituencies and population has increased from party’s 32. In 1987, on different metropolitan areas are less than 15% to approximately constituency boundaries, the ratio disproportionately represented in 30% today, affecting what used to was 57 to the Conservatives and unemployment hotspots. For be safe Conservative seats. Similar 23 to Labour, with the vote share some, an attack on metropolitan increases can be seen in other being split 46% to 32% in favour ‘elites’ can easily be interpreted as metropolitan areas, meaning that of the Tories. a distancing from the black and the definition of a safe Tory seat By 1997, the situation was minority ethnic community as a sometimes needs to be re- reversed, with Labour claiming 57 whole. examined. London seats, and the Tories just The point of all this is that This article has concentrated 11, as they also lost 5 seats to the constituencies have changed both on London constituencies not LibDems in southwest London. In demographically and in voting only because of extant 1999 2001, the Tories were able to habits.The change in metropolitan Labour Force Survey data, but regain only two of these seats, in constituencies does not represent also to appraise William Hague’s Romford and Upminster, and the a unique situation; in fact other further swings to Labour mean trends are just as remarkable and Table 6. Constituencies Where BNP Vote Share that all 49 UK constituencies with significant. For the first time ever Exceeded 2% in 2001 black and minority ethnic middle-class voters made up 50% populations over 20% are still of the overall electorate, Constituency % held by the Labour party and compared to just 30% in 1964 Conventry North East 2.0 unlikely to swing back to the when Harold Wilson won for Hayes and Harlington 2.2 Tories unless policies are changed. Labour. In the intervening period, Broxbourne 2.2 Furthermore, there are a growing the Labour party has been forced Sunderland North 2.3 number of constituencies with to rely on middle-class voters, Blaby 2.8 black and minority ethnic shifting to the centre ground to populations of between 10% and do so. Chingford and Woodford Green 2.9 20%. Given the overwhelming In 2001, the four main class Bethnal Green and Bow 3.3 support that such groups give to divisions saw somewhat surprising Lewisham East 3.3 Labour,Tory hopes will have to be swings: whereas the Labour party Birmingham Hodgehill 3.4 scaled back unless meaningful increased its share of the AB and Bexleyheath & Crayford 3.5 policy shifts are undertaken. C1 vote by 1.5 and 2% Stoke-On-Trent South 3.8 On the basis of these results, it respectively, C2 and DE voters is clear that the Conservatives are shifted to the Conservatives, by Ashton-Under-Lyne 4.5 finding it increasingly difficult to 2.5 and 6.5% respectively. Among Dewsbury 4.5 win in metropolitan areas. It is DE voters, the LibDems also West Bromwich West 4.5 fairly uncontroversial to state that gained a 5% vote share, meaning Bradford North 4.6 part of the reason is that the that among the poorest voters, Dudley North 4.7 Conservative party is finding it Labour saw its biggest decrease, Pendle 5.0 difficult to reach out to black and 7%. Britain has changed Asian voters, who now make up significantly over the past 20 Dagenham 5.0 an increasing proportion of the years, and it is Labour’s success in Poplar and Canning Town 5.1 metropolitan electorate, not just recognising this shift that has Barking 6.4 in London, but also in translated its somewhat small Oldham East & Saddleworth 11.2 Birmingham, Leicester, Manchester, majority in percentage terms Burnley 11.3 Leeds and Bradford. (similar to John Major’s 8 point Oldham West & Royton 16.4 Few of these voters could be victory in 1992) into a landslide in easily categorised as ‘elites’. A numbers of seats. A growing

18 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 generation gap should also be disenchanted attitude towards the establish further levers for success analysed closely by the next government leads them to in the next General Election.The Conservative leader. support groups such as the BNP. slow increase of black and Asian The constituencies where BNP Labour MPs continues, from 10 Far Right Candidates candidates received more than 2% before the election to 12 in the The 2001 election witnessed far of the vote are listed in Table 6. new parliament.The right candidates gain more than It is probably safe to say that a Conservatives and Liberal GENERAL 10% of the vote share in three number of disillusioned Labour Democrats continue to increase ELECTIONS II separate constituencies. voters decided to back the BNP. their black and minority ethnic Significantly, these seats were all While established BNP support in candidate numbers though in located in or near Oldham, where some constituencies and the hardly dramatic fashion, from 11 Acknowledge- unrest in the white and Asian selection of black or Asian Tory to 16 and 19 to 25 respectively. ments communities led to newspaper candidates usually affects If parties do not radically Details of candidates, headlines of ‘race riots enflaming’ Conservative vote share, in improve the progress of black and their party affiliations Oldham.While it is disturbing to Oldham East, Oldham West and minority ethnic members, black and constituencies note the numbers of seats where Burnley, other factors also played and Asian voters will switch off were taken from far right candidates received a role. In all three seats, Labour’s from political processes that fail to Operation Black around 5% of the vote, it is vote was down, particularly in address their concerns in greater Votes’s homepage perhaps more deplorable that Oldham West and Burnley, where numbers, a trend that now seems www.obv.org.uk. Oldham should see the highest it dropped by 7.6 and 8.6 points to extend to all parts of the British Vote share, swings vote for BNP candidates.This is respectively. In Oldham West, this electorate. Furthermore, the rise in and elected because Oldham has not been a was a greater drop than that far right vote in certain candidate listings can hotbed of far right support. In suffered by the Conservative constituencies and the low voter be found in full on other constituencies, the BNP candidate and in Burnley, the turnout demand that all political the BBC’s election scored high vote totals, but these Conservative candidate actually parties articulate positive coverage site were in areas where they have increased vote share. Given that meaningful policies addressing the www.bbc.co.uk/vote2 always been strong. the LibDem vote share also specific needs and experiences of 001. For further That the BNP have been able dropped in Burnley, it is probably black and Asian Britons, rather information on far to exploit tension in Oldham safe to say that a significant than adopting a laissez faire right vote share, demonstrates that one in six proportion of BNP voters in concept of multicultural drift. contact the people were convinced that a 2001 had supported the Labour Runnymede urges all parties to re- Community Security vote for the BNP was the best party in 1997. evaluate their shortlist procedures Trust 020 8457 means to participate in the and methods to ensure greater 9999. political process. It is unclear Conclusions participation from their black and whether votes for such candidates In the 2001 election, none of the Asian members. Greater numbers reflect the measure of voters’ political parties made dramatic of black and minority ethnic MPs agreement with the racist policies shifts in their attitudes towards from all political parties would of far right parties, or whether black and minority ethnic help to steady the future of multi- economic hardship and a candidates or voters, nor did they ethnic Britain.

Runnymede’s RR(A)A Response In February 2001, the government requested responses further applied to a number of to its proposals for implementation of the Race Relations named bodies, though these vary (Amendment) Act. Runnymede’s official response ran to in breadth and scope. Runnymede first 10 pages, from which we have extracted some of our recommended that no public main points below. body be exempt from the general duty to promote race equality. A Duty to Promote with the additions to the original commitment to the general duty Race Equality 1976 Act, and sought responses is the bare minimum required of The Race Relations (Amendment) on specific aspects of the every public body, and we were Act extends a duty to promote proposals. The document pleased to note that the language race equality on a wide range and contains a list of all public bodies of the Act has shifted from number of public bodies. The that are proposed to fall within “making arrangements for having consultation document explains the purview of the general duty. due regard” as articulated in the the background of this Act, along More extensive specific duties are original Act to directly having due

RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 19 regard at present. We further and it is hoped that these might require foundation schools noted that although the proposals will be reflected in the to explain how they intend to government requested responses final orders. meet the statutory requirement to the list of bodies included in Educational bodies have of the Race Relations the schedule, a list of bodies not different specific duties from (Amendment) Act. included in the Act was not those of the larger public bodies. RACE readily available, meaning that it Here we recommended that Enforcement Powers RELATIONS was necessary to scour the entire training be added as a specific Runnymede particularly list of bodies and try to duty for schools, as well as welcomes the CRE’s and (AMENDMENT) determine which bodies had not consultation and expressing Secretary of State’s enforcement ACT been included. action to remedy differential powers, filling in a significant gap outcomes for ethnic minorities. in the 1976 Act. However, we Key Features We also recommended that, thought that plans for remedial The consultation document lists where possible, schools should action by public bodies would be four key features of a body publish the results of their race an additional and effective way to promoting race equality as equality action plans in school ensure that the goals of race follows: development plans, annual equality do not fail. Remedial • monitor workforce reviews or publicity materials. action for public bodies would • assess how policies affect Where schools are unable to mean that such bodies had ethnic minorities, identify publish the information available considered the consequences of potential adverse effects and about their policies to promote repeated failure to meet their take remedial action if race equality, we recommended race equality objectives and as necessary that OFSTED and LEAs should such we felt it necessary to • monitor implementation of establish procedures whereby the recognise its importance for any policies & programmes to school’s information is published public body committed to race meet BME needs by the larger bodies. We were equality. • has a publicly stated policy on further concerned about the The consultation places a race equality results for foundation schools. strong emphasis on monitoring. Given that foundation schools are We are pleased to see that public Taking into account the not under the remit of Local bodies will have a duty to carry experience of organisations and Authority control, they may not out monitoring and think that the research in the field, Runnymede benefit from the Orders measures outlined have a felt it was necessary to add expressed in this Government beneficial effect on employment consultation as a fifth key feature Act. Therefore, we chances for black and minority for any body promoting race recommended that the DfES ethnic employees, from equality. Specific Duties More on Immigration Powers The consultation document recommends three separate ‘Jack Straw, the [then] Home Relations (Amendment) Act 2000, specific duties for various public Secretary, has given immigration compiled by Ann Dummett and bodies. The most extensive officials new powers to discriminate published by ILPA, publishes extracts from parliamentary debates, and duties are for large public bodies; against people on the grounds of their nationality when they enter the tracks ministerial statements on educational bodies have separate UK’, states an item in the June 2001 immigration, asylum and nationality requirements; finally, there is a list issue of Legal Action (p.5). as the Bill passed through Parliament. of bodies for which no specific The announcement goes on to Its primary purpose is to assist legal duties are required. In all cases, say that ‘the ministerial authorisation practitioners, giving ‘extracts from we reiterated our recommen- allows discrimination against certain ministerial statements as a guide to …plans for dation that consultation be nationalities, rather than in their what the courts may consider to be remedial included. Furthermore, we favour’, in spite of Home Office Parliament’s intentions in passing the action by recommended that some bodies ministers having earlier given the RR(A) Act 2000’. It can also be read public bodies currently listed in the last section, impression in the Commons that as a comprehensive narrative. would be an with no specific duties ‘special provisions were needed to Particularly informative are the extracts from Hansard in which Lord additional recommended, be moved to the make sure that certain ethnic or national groups could be given Lester’s contributions bring his and effective first list for which the full range of way to special compassionate treatment customary clarity to bear on the duties ought to apply. It seems intrinsic difficulties of attempting to ensure that when necessary’ (see Dummett likely that other experts and 2001). distinguish between discrimination the goals of practitioners will similarly Ministerial Statements: the on the grounds of ‘ethnic or national race equality recommend that other bodies be immigration exemption in the Race origin’ (lawful) or on grounds of ‘race do not fail. subject to the full range of duties,

20 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 recruitment to training to Relations (Amendment) Act race equality and possibly promotion. However, the permitting discrimination on reinforce stereotypes: document itself cites recent grounds of ethnic or national research suggesting that only 35% origin in relation to immigration It will be unlawful for the of local authorities are monitoring and asylum policy should be police to act upon perceptions as would be expected. removed. The ramifications of this that certain ethnic or national exemption were explained in The groups might be RACE Outstanding Future of Multi-ethnic Britain as disproportionately involved in RELATIONS Runnymede Concerns follows: criminal activity, yet lawful for (AMENDMENT) In this consultation process, the immigration service to be ACT Runnymede made 16 specific Immigration law by instructed to act on such recommendations for definition discriminates on perceptions in relation to amendment. While some of grounds of nationality, of course. immigration control.A vicious Legislation is these were specific to this But the exemption goes farther circle will be set in motion, and clearly an consultation process and were than this, for it specifically will be legitimised by the new important not fundamentally at odds with permits institutionalised legislation – a high degree of touchstone the proposals underlined in this discrimination on grounds of official and ministerial suspicion for any document, there were two ethnicity or national origin, of certain ethnic and national society… outstanding Runnymede concerns without the need to justify groups will lead to a high rate of that we again emphasised. differential treatment. It will refusals, and this in turn will lead First, we suggested, following permit instructions to be issued to greater suspicion. (MEB our research in Islamophobia and to officials to examine the claims report, 217-218) reiterated in Future of Multi-ethnic of people from certain Britain, that legislation should be backgrounds more closely or Conclusion introduced prohibiting direct or sceptically, or to target them for On the whole, the proposals for indirect discrimination on grounds detention or enforcement implementation in this consultation of religion or belief. The evidence action… It is the fact of document do represent a strong in support of this persecution, not ethnicity itself, commitment to race equality from recommendation is well which motivates an asylum the Government. Runnymede established, and four main reasons claim. looks forward to the final orders quoted from Islamophobia arising out of this consultation identified why the law should be The report goes on to state process and we were pleased to reformed. that such an exemption will take part in this process. Many Second, we recommended that produce an inconsistency in the other organisations have also the exemption in the Race government’s commitment to submitted their response to this consultation document and will have emphasised other points and or colour’ (unlawful) for immigration to what is necessary to give effect to concerns. The Race Relations purposes. the Government’s legitimate aims, (Amendment) Act marks a Lord Lester said in 1999:‘The with adequate judicial safeguards significant development in British sweepingly broad exception in against the abuse of this extraordinary legislation. This consultation Section 19c is incompatible with the power … ’ (ibid). process has enabled organisations very principle of non-discrimination If nationality can be used by to familiarise themselves more which the legislation is intended to immigration officials as the basis for secure. If the Home Office wishes to particularly rigorous examination of closely with the form and scope of make special arrangements aimed at entrants, or to justify detention or the legislation. However, in order providing protection to particular tougher entry conditions being for organisations to meet the goals groups seeking shelter in the United aimed at particular national groups, of the legislation, it will be Kingdom, such as the Bosnians and concerns about the ‘breadth of such important that guidance issued is Kosovars who were granted ‘lawful’ discrimination’ can only comprehensible and targeted. exceptional leave to remain during increase (see Legal Action June 2001, Legislation is clearly an important the recent crisis in the Balkans, it is p.5). touchstone for any society but difficult to understand how that Ann Dummett’s Ministerial assuring that institutions and would require an exception’ ([HoL Statements: the immigration exemption organisations promote race Hansard text 14.12.99], Dummett in the RR(A) Act 2000 was equality, or any other policy goal, pp.6–7). published in April 2001 by ILPA, And beyond that,‘the exception Lindsey House, 40–42 Charterhouse requires changing structures and to the fundamental right to equal Street, London EC1M 6JN. Legal promoting good practice so that treatment without discrimination Action is the monthly journal of all members of society can share a would need to be prescribed in LAG, 242 Pentonville Road, sense of community and legislation in a way carefully tailored London N1 9UN. contribute meaningfully to public life.

RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 21 Immigration policy – staking out the stakeholders Don Flynn of the JCWI introduces a new UKREN project on labour migration.

UKREN The UK Race and Europe much wider discussion about the the ways in which they currently Network (UKREN) has initiated a future of immigration policy is promote their interests through new project in the field of underway, and how vital it has dialogue with government immigration policy. Looking become for NGOs coming at the departments and political lobbying. particularly at developments issue from the standpoint of In late summer 2001 the with regard to labour human rights and race equality to project will publish separate migration, the project familiarise themselves with the reports on trades unions and intends to examine the way parameters of the new debate. business interests and immigration. in which stakeholder The UKREN project proposes The project is intended to organisations have to survey two vital areas to begin culminate with the organisation of been influencing the this process of mapping out the two seminars, bringing thinking of views of immigration policy representatives of immigration government and stakeholders – employers’ rights NGOs into dialogue with the European associations and the trades unions. trades unionists and business institutions during the Postgraduate students from the organisations. It is hoped that this recent period. University of North London, Gil will provide an opportunity for This project originated with the Robinson and Louise Raw, are wider dialogue and agreement on perception that current debate planning a programme of concerns common to trades about the future of immigration interviews with trades union unions, business organisations and policy is increasingly influenced by officials and work-place activists, the NGO sector. a recognition that migration is human resource managers, For further information about the now vital to the economic well- professionals, academics and UKREN immigration project, contact being of the UK and the other EU business journalists.The research Don Flynn, Project Co-ordinator, c/o member states.This analysis of the aims to identify the core areas of JCWI, 115 Old Street, London EC1V situation has emerged in recent concern for business and trades 9RT [Tel: 020 7553 7471; email: months from significant measures union associations, and to set out [email protected]]. reforming the work permit scheme, and supported in speeches and statements by Government Code of Practice for Employers government ministers. In addition, the financial press has been an The Government has issued a Code of During the passage of the I&A Bill increasingly vocal advocate of Practice under the Immigration and through the Commons in 1999 radical change to economic Asylum Act 1999 (Section 22) for the Government responded to criticism of migration policies – exemplified by guidance of employers.The Code, section 8 by stating its intention to The Economist’s call in its 31 March which came into effect on 2 May introduce a statutory code of practice issue to ‘let the huddled masses 2001, seeks to ameliorate the to ‘give a clear and simple message to in’ . discriminatory effects of section 8, employers who might be discriminating intentionally, or who The programme of immigration under which it is a criminal offence to may attempt to discriminate’. law harmonisation initiated at the employ a person who is not entitled The Code of Practice which has EU summit in Tampere in October to work in the UK. just been issued was drawn up after 1999 led to the publication of a Section 8, which places a burden consultation with a number of 28-page analysis of migration and on employers to ‘ensure that organisations including the CRE and the EU single market by the employment is offered only to those the Equality Commission for Northern European Commission in entitled to live and work in the UK’, has been criticised by business leaders Ireland. Item 6 under ‘Purpose and …migration November 2000. And David and trades unions as likely to damage status of this Code’ points out that is now vital Blunkett, within days of his race relations.The Better Regulation ‘Failure to observe the Code is not a to the appointment to the post of Home economic Task Force recommended in 1999 that breach of the law. But failure to observe Secretary, has announced his plans the Code is admissible in evidence in well-being of it should be repealed for its potential for a new labour migration policy, any proceedings under the 1976 Act or the UK and to cause ‘well-intentioned employers based possibly on the US ‘green the Race Relations (NI) Order 1997’ the other EU across all employment sectors to card’ scheme, or the Canadian before industrial and employment members discriminate against ethnic minority quota policy.What these job applicants’. tribunals. states. developments make clear is that a

22 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 National and international preparations for WCAR Runnymede’s Research and Policy Analyst (Europe), Sarah Isal, provides an update on how the UK Race and Europe Network (UKREN) is working with NGOs on planning for UKREN participation in the Durban World Conference Against Racism. UKREN’s consultation for Consultation meetings UKREN coordinators NGOs well under way The first phase consisted of 9 drafted a report outlining With the World Conference regional consultation meetings (in the main findings from the Against Racism two months away Belfast, Birmingham, Edinburgh, consultation and providing (31 August to 7 September 2001), Glasgow, Leeds, London, our government NGOs and community Manchester, Nottingham and representatives with organisations are working actively Sunderland).Three further recommendations on the to ensure their participation both meetings were organised: one to various themes that in its preparations and the discuss issues around youth will be discussed at conference itself. In this context, involvement in the World the World UKREN’s national consultation of Conference; one focusing on Conference.This UK-based NGOs is well under gender issues; as well as a meeting report will allow for the way. for Black-led organisations issues in common to be brought The aim of this consultation, for organised by 1990 Trust. together in one document, thus which UKREN was commissioned These meetings were giving the Government a clearer by the Race Equality Unit at the particularly interesting from the picture of what NGOs expect the Home Office, is to produce a perspective of the level of interest outcome of the World report highlighting the main demonstrated by participants, and Conference to be. Furthermore, it recommendations coming from the range of issues that came up is hoped that the report, which community–based organisations for discussion. Many issues in will be made public in June, will and NGOs in the UK, and for the common arose at the various also serve as an instrument for the government to carry these meetings – such as the Government beyond the recommendations forward at the importance of education in fighting Conference itself. World Conference. racism, or concern around the Here, at UKREN, we are media’s role in perpetuating planning for life after the Notes racism, particularly towards Conference too.We see this The Full Report of Item 7 states that while the Code asylum-seekers and refugees. consultation as an opportunity to the 3rd UKREN provides best practice in employment However, these meetings also strengthen our network and build National procedures,‘it is not comprehensive, provided an opportunity for new links with organisations and Roundtable has and it is for employers to operate participants to reflect on issues of individuals at regional and local just been transparent recruitment practices specific and local concern. level with whom we will carry on published (June which are consistent with the law, Participants in Scotland for working far beyond the events at 2001). For further ensuring fair treatment to all instance focused on Scottish Durban.The issue of follow-up to information about applicants’. identity; whilst Northern Ireland the World Conference is one this report, For further information see the full was concerned with discrimination which should mobilise all the contact Sarah Isal statement: The Immigration (Restrictions faced by Irish travellers. In the organisations involved in the at Runnymede on Employment) (Code of Practice) Order same way, the event organised by process leading up to the WCAR. [sarah.isal@trt. 2001, SI 2001 No. 1436, by visiting 1990 Trust was particularly There should be a clear strategy demon.co.uk]. the Home Office Website concerned to secure Black and [www.homeoffice.gov.uk]. For victim representation at the guidance, see the CRE’s publications Conference, as well as making sure UKREN will organise a strategy meeting for on the Act: The Asylum and Immigration that the compensation issue is organisations due to attend the WCAR in order Act 1996 Implications for Racial firmly on the World Conference to agree on a number of common priorities on Equality; and Race Relations Code of agenda.The meeting in London which to lobby the UK government. Once Practice: For the Elimination of Racial was interesting in that it focused established, these priorities will also be useful Discrimination and the Promotion of on global policy-oriented issues when lobbying at international level. Equality of Opportunity in Employment and international strategies for Further details on these meetings will be [10–12 Allington St, London SW1E NGOs. provided at a later stage. In the meantime, we 5EH; www.cre.gov.uk]. See also the encourage organisations who will attend the current issue of Equal Opportunities Consultation report WCAR to contact us in order to set up an Review No. 87, May/June 2001. At the end of the meetings phase, effective network.

RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 23 to ensure that everyone benefits delegations to carry their priorities What strategy for NGOs? from the outcomes of the WCAR: forward. It seems that a similar As mentioned above, there was the first step to this is ensuring that structure will prevail in South considerable concern with regard regional and local organisations Africa during the WCAR. It is to the low level of participation at receive all the available information therefore important to keep these such a crucial event as the 2nd on the outcome of the World caucuses in mind when thinking of PrepCom.There is also great UKREN Conference and its impact on their a strategy to influence the final concern regarding Group 21 daily work. governmental documents. meeting in a closed session, There was considerable concern meaning that NGOs do not have The Geneva PrepCom in the 2nd PrepCom about the lack access to the process, even as meeting (21 May to 1 June) of involvement of NGOs in the observers. Fortunately, there is still The latest meeting at international governmental process. Although time for action in the 3rd level took place between 21 May present, they were not able to take PrepCom. However, very few and 1 June and was scheduled to the floor in front of the assembly of NGOs will be present at that be the last preparatory committee government delegations to submit meeting due to lack of resources. meeting before the actual WCAR their comments on the Declaration It is therefore crucial for NGOs to (2nd PrepCom). Government and Programme of Action and mobilise themselves in their delegates spent the first three days were therefore locked out of the respective countries and agree on discussing the accreditation of process for most of the two weeks. priority areas that can then be NGOs that had been refused by pushed by those who will attend certain states. Once these matters What next? the 3rd PrepCom. had been resolved, there was It was decided that Group 21 It is important to remember concern that the negotiating would meet for the two weeks that there are several levels of process was very slow.The South immediately following the 2nd action for NGOs: they can act as African delegates suggested that a PrepCom.They will continue individual organisations as well as group of 21 states, representative working on the structure and part of a caucus to push certain of the five world regions, should format of the Declaration and common issues forward. be chosen to work separately and Programme of Action but will have in closed session on the no negotiating role.This meeting What strategy for Declaration and Programme of will be a closed session and will NGOs at national level? Action presented by the not be open to NGOs or UK NGOs also need to work at Secretariat in order to make these government delegates who are the national level.Those UK more ‘workable’.This meant not part of Group 21, even as NGOs who intend to go to the essentially that Group 21, as it is observers. Furthermore, it was WCAR need to get together on a now called, did no work on the decided that there would be a 3rd regular basis in the time remaining substance of the documents, just PrepCom scheduled to take place before the Conference, and work on their structure and format.The somewhere between 30 July and out what they will emphasise as documents reworked by Group 10 August in Geneva. priorities at international level. For more 21 were then used for information on negotiations in the 2nd week of the consultation, the PrepCom during which respect please contact: government delegates agreed to An anti-racist and multicultural festival is being celebrated in Finsbury Sarah Isal split into two working groups: one Park on 21 July. Organised by the Greater London Authority and UKREN World on the Declaration, and one on supported by the Mayor of London alongside the National Assembly Conference the Programme of Action. Against Racism and the South East Region TUC, the event is a free Against Racism However, despite these efforts to outdoor music and entertainment festival for all Londoners, and the Project accelerate the process, very little first in a series of annual ‘respect’ festivals to be organised in different The Runnymede progress was actually made, since parts of London during the Mayor’s term of office. Trust at the end of the PrepCom, only a Londoners are invited to ‘celebrate London’s diversity, make a 133 Aldersgate few paragraphs had been adopted. stand against racism and have a great, free day out’. In line-up and Street presentation the event will ‘target a young, 18–30, diverse audience’, London EC1A To what extent did NGOs but will also appeal to other age groups through its children’s play 4JA participate in the process? area, cabaret, displays, exhibitions and information stands. Tel: 020 7600 Many NGOs were present in Organisations are invited to be associated with the event through 9666 Geneva at the PrepCom, and participating in the exhibition areas and advertising in the festival Fax: 020 7600 many of these were international magazine (contact Terry Askew on 07944 767322). 8529 NGOs.They were very active in Information on festival events and administration can be obtained [email: organising caucuses, drafting from: Gulshan Sachdeva, Respect Festival, Room A213, GLA, Romney sarah.isal@trt. position papers and using these to House, Marsham St, London SW1P 3PY; and by email from: demon.co.uk] lobby various government [email protected]

24 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 Monitoring by Ethnicity in the Education System Best practice in monitoring by ethnicity in education has been pioneered in recent years by certain individual schools and LEAs.This paper, drawn up by Robin Richardson and published in the journal Multicultural Teaching, is based on the best practice which already EDUCATION exists, and is for the interest and use of LEA officers involved in formulating a response to the DfEE [now DfES] consultation paper issued in January 2001. Readers are welcome to photocopy this paper, and to pass it to colleagues and contacts.

Summary of concerns subliminal message in the Census Chinese, should be considered. The DfES’s proposals are broadly order is that that ‘White’ is the Language and religion: Other to be welcomed. But they could norm from which all other people things being equal, it would be be substantially improved, to bring deviate. valuable to collect information them in line with the best ‘African’: In many authorities, about language proficiency and practice which already exists in particularly in London, it is religion at the same time as certain LEAs and schools. essential to distinguish between collecting information about Particularly the proposed different parts of Africa. If, for ethnicity. To do so would signal classification system needs example, all Somali and Nigerian respect for pupils, and would help Contact Robin improving. If improvements are pupils are grouped together into foster pride in their heritage and Richardson at not made, several false and a single category, invaluable abilities. The information would Insted, 14 High damaging notions about ethnicity monitoring data will be lost. It is be invaluable for school and LEA- Street, and ethnic identity will be also disrespectful to the pupils level planning, even though it is Wembley, perpetuated throughout the themselves, and their families, to not required by the DfES. Some Middx HA9 education system and it will be imply that all African backgrounds specimen questions are included 8DD for further many years before the situation are the same. in the specimen form. information. can be retrieved. ‘Black African’ and A specimen form, based on ‘Black Caribbean’: The current best practice, is provided categories in the 1991 here.The DfES is encouraging Census led to use of the Ethnic and Cultural Background For everyone, their ethnic or cultural background is an important aspect of their each LEA to develop its own terms ‘Black Caribbean’ personality and identity. How would you describe your own background? Please read the words below and tick the one which best suits you. By all means add words of your own classification system. Please study and ‘Black African’. if you would like to. the form, and consider adapting it Sometimes these terms Black or Black British African ❑ to the needs of your own LEA – are useful. But there is Please say which country, for example Ghana, Nigeria, Somalia ______though it will be essential, of no need to use them on Caribbean ❑ Other (please say which) ______course, that your own form monitoring forms, for East Asian Chinese ❑ Japanese ❑ should be consistent with the example when collecting ❑ national scheme. information about Vietnamese Other (please say): ______Middle East children of mixed Please say which country, for example Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia ______

Important points heritage. Mixed background ❑ The specimen form embodies the ‘Asian’: Many LEAs Please say which, for example Pakistani/White, African/White, Chinese/Caribbean following points and principles. and schools prefer to ______‘Background’: Terms such as use the term ‘South South Asian or South Asian British Bangladeshi ❑ Indian ❑ ‘background’ and ‘heritage’ are Asian’ rather than just Pakistani ❑ Sri Lankan ❑ ❑ preferable to the term ‘group’, for ‘Asian’ to refer to people Other (please say which) ______White they do not imply (as, however, whose backgrounds are English, Scottish,Welsh ❑ Greek ❑ Irish ❑ Traveller ❑ ‘group’ tends to) that ethnic in Bangladesh, India , Turkish ❑ Other (please say) ______identity is fixed and final. And Pakistan or Sri Lanka.This Languages Please say which languages you know, in addition to English. Write their name in the left hand certainly the term ’background’ is usage should be column below, and indicate with ticks how well you know them: more readily understood by the reflected in the Name of language –––––––––––––––––––––––– ❑ know it a bit ❑ know it quite well ❑ know it very well students in secondary schools monitoring form. –––––––––––––––––––––––– ❑ know it a bit ❑ know it quite well ❑ know it very well –––––––––––––––––––––––– ❑ know it a bit ❑ know it quite well ❑ know it very well who will be filling in forms such as Amongst other things, it –––––––––––––––––––––––– ❑ know it a bit ❑ know it quite well ❑ know it very well the one overleaf. would remove the Religion Ordering: The categories in the anomaly of implying that What is your religious background? Please tick one of the following or write your own word: specimen form are in alphabetical Chinese people are not Buddhist ❑ Christian ❑ Hindu ❑ Islam/Muslim ❑ Jewish ❑ Sikh ❑ No religion ❑ order, not in the order to be used Asian.The category of Other (please say) ______in the 2001 Census.The ‘East Asian’, including

RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 25 nearly 15 years and he clearly hopes that the deliberations Combating Racial of the World Conference will lead to a strengthening of the UN instrument. He puts his case forcefully and cogently, especially for those who are unused to the Discrimination language of international institutions and the UN. The report concludes with ten specific Combating Racial Discrimination: the UN and its Member States, An MRG International recommendations, all dealing with the aims, objectives and REPORTS Report by Michael Banton, November 2000. possible outcomes of the World Conference.These extend ISBN 1 897 693 680. to addressing racial discrimination and inequality in the MRGI, 379 Brixton Road, London SW9 7DE mass media, organized sport, economic exclusion, [www.minorityrights.org] legislation, education, regeneration, urban planning and regional development. This report was commissioned by the Surveying these recommendations after reading the Minority Rights Group International document, it seems clear that a strengthening of ICERD (MRG) and addresses the obligations and CERD would be one of the most advantageous of member-states upon ratification of practical outcomes of the World Conference. In principle, the International Convention on the it would mean at the very least that all UN member states Elimination of All Forms of Racial should ratify the Convention. (Ideally, states should be Discrimination (ICERD).The report encouraged to make declarations under Article 14, which has been produced in context of the allows individuals and groups of individuals who believe World Conference Against Racism, that their rights have not been protected to communicate Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia this to CERD.) The resultant global arena would allow and Related Intolerance. In individuals and groups of individuals to see their particular, MRG expect that the complaints recognised and investigated, a significant World Conference will provide an development in the reduction of racial discrimination opportunity ‘to examine how the worldwide. implementation of ICERD can be strengthened and to assist in putting available recommendations into The Racial Equality action’. The report is an excellent guide Directive and EU for NGOs participating in the World Conference although it is primarily directed at states in the run-up to the World National Laws Conference. It outlines the purpose and role of CERD (Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination) The Starting Line and the Incorporation of the in a clear straightforward way, including what the Racial Equality Directive into the National Laws instrument is for, what the commission does and how of the EU Member States and Accession States, member states are intended to respond as well as their edited by Isabelle Chopin and Jan Niessen. Published by the Commission for Racial Equality actual compliance. and the Migration Policy Group, March 2001, Following on from the responsibilities of member ISBN 2-9600266-1-6 [www.cre.gov.uk] states, the report describes in some detail, 18 pages in all, [www.migpolgroup.com]. the various interactions of all 189 UN member states, with Runnymede has extra copies of this report, more detailed explanations for the 156 states that have and can mail single copies on request. signed ICERD. This document also provides a valuable historical sketch of the issue of racism in international institutions, Occasionally it happens that international institutions are in particular the UN, as well as the disappointing results of compelled to act on an issue based on pressures from civil previous World Conferences. For NGOs taking part in the society or non-governmental institutions rather than on World Conference in Durban later this year, the report consensus achieved among nation-states.Whereas makes for some sombre reading. However, it also provides lobbying governments and international institutions is an excellent advice for organisations in the context of these activity often thought to comprise, at best, a back- historical experiences – for example: noting that a breaking sleepless idealism by committed individuals and, majority vote does not necessarily entail implementation. at worst, a pointless waste of time by hopeless do- Furthermore, that concentration on specific instances of gooders, the successful passage of Article 13 and the Race racial discrimination prevents a focus on a more general Directive provides a strong counterweight to such human rights dimension and can undermine potential pessimism. alliances. However, Banton does see reasons for hope in The Starting Line Group was formed in 1991, as a the coming World Conference, particularly as preparatory coalition of more than 400 non-governmental actors from regional conferences will have helped to agree on across the European Union, with the goal of pressing for collective action. the adoption of European measures against racial Michael Banton has been associated with CERD for discrimination and racism. In 2000, the European Union

26 RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 in fact passed such legislation, The experiences of embodied in Article 13 of the unaccompanied child Amsterdam Treaty refugees and the Race Equality Directive, Unaccompanied Refugee Children: Have the lessons as an instrument to been learnt? Published by the Jewish Council for Racial REVIEWS amend the laws of Equality (JCORE) January 2001 as a teaching pack. member states JCORE, 33 Seymour Place, London W1N 6AT [[email protected]] before July 2003. This will undoubtedly herald Published by the Jewish Council for Racial Equality as a a new legislative resource pack for use in schools, youth organisations and commitment to community groups, Unaccompanied Refugee Children will combating racial help promote awareness of the plight of child asylum- discrimination seekers by revisiting the experiences of the Kinder in 1939. throughout the EU. The teaching pack contains: Where the Starting Line Group have been particularly • An overview of the history of the Kindertransport and influential is in the actual form of Article 13 and the the situation of unaccompanied child refugees today. Race Directive.The debates and drafting of the final • An anthology of readings and case studies. Directive were informed by the suggestions of the • Suggestions for discussion topics and further Starting Line Group, to which many references were research. made. In this publication of March 2001, a short preface • Practical suggestions for social action. and an introduction underline the commitment and • A list of useful resources. influence of the Starting Line Group, suggesting that By September 1939 a total of 9342 children had other movements from non-governmental organisations reached Britain on the Kindertransporte since its inception can indeed develop a significant role in shaping national in December 1938. In 1999, 3348 unaccompanied children and international policy and legislation. arrived in Britain of whom 70% are 16/17-year-olds. The two main sections of the report, by Jan Niessen The UK government’s reservation on signing the UN and Mark Bell respectively, explore the further Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1991, which development of European Anti-Discrimination policies, made an exception with regard to immigration and and the relationship between the final EU racial equality nationality, prevents child refugees from enjoying the same directive and the proposals made by Starting Line. rights as other children in Britain. Case studies illustrating Together these represent a distinctive explanation of the the experiences of unaccompanied children arriving in form and potential development of EU legislation and Britain are contrasted with the treatment of the Kinder. how it might be amended. Entry rules have not been relaxed on their behalf, and they The first essay charts the possible development of come usually as individuals rather than as part of a larger future EU legislation, whereas the second essay will be group with a common language and access to adult interesting to those who wish to compare the Race support.The result can be detention and/or a lower Directive as it exists with the proposals of the Starting standard of care than that offered to other children in Line Group. Notably, in some instances, the EU Directive need. went further than the proposals of Starting Line, though The Editor of the Teaching Pack, Jack Gilbert, believes there are more examples where the Directive fell short of that through studying the testimony of the Kinder ‘we can SLG’s proposals.The first essay suggests where further gain an important insight into the experience of being action by NGOs might be directed; the second affirms separated from one’s family, thrust into a new culture and that such mobilisation and lobbying can bring about an unfamiliar system’. By answering the question ‘What desired results. can I do?’, this publication seeks to enlarge the teaching of anti-racism for schoolchildren and adults, and encourage Omar Khan, Editorial and Policy Assistant, Runnymede practical participation in supportive activities.

New Light on Racism Just published – in May 2001 – is Reena Bhavnani’s Rethinking Interventions in Racism. Based on the findings of the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry, the book throws new light on racism – the attitudes that underlie it, its causes and manifestations – with particular emphasis on education and training, and what training on racial issues needs to achieve. The publisher is Trentham Books (Stoke on Trent; ISBN: 1 85856 252 X; 152 pages; £11.95), in collaboration with the Commission for Racial Equality. Reena Bhavnani will be writing about her book in our September issue, and at the beginning of October she is planning a round table seminar aimed at leaders, to explore pilot initiatives on organisational culture and racism.The venue will be in Central London. Further details from [email protected]

RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 27 CONTENTS Mentoring at the Multi-Ethnic Britain: Reporting on a Report Heart of the City Bhikhu Parekh 1 Events and Developments 8 RUNNYMEDE On 27 June 2001, the schools, business, mentors and What the Papers Said 9 Runnymede Trust Mentoring mentees. What the Papers Said Next 13 Handbook was made available to • Make recommendations to corporate patrons attending the strengthen the practice of General Elections and the Black Vote II: Heart of the City Carnival, a free school–business mentoring Election 2001 – Still not in the Picture lunchtime event at the Guildhall schemes. Omar Khan 15 Yard, London. A comprehensive briefing Runnymede’s RR(A)A Response 19 Heart of the City, a joint paper, entitled ‘Mentoring: School- initiative launched by the Bank of Business Links’ by Linda Appiah UKREN: England, the Corporation of and available from Runnymede, Immigration Policy – Staking Out the London and the Financial describes in detail the project’s Stakeholders Services Authority in September origins, observations and Don Flynn 22 2000, is a project that ‘seeks to outcomes. National and International mobilise the City’s significant Mentoring: Business and Schools Preparations resources towards greater Working Together is a handbook for WCAR community and charitable based on the research project. Sarah Isal 23 involvement’, by encouraging Written by Linda Appiah, Education: firms and individuals to get more supported by the Bank of Monitoring by Ethnicity in the involved, and to assist them in England and endorsed by Education doing so. Business in the Community, the System The Bank of England has for a handbook aims to encourage Robin Richardson 25 number of years encouraged its businesses to consider mentoring staff to participate in mentoring within their programmes of Reports: schemes, recognising the potential corporate social responsibility Combating Racial Discrimination 26 benefits to all those involved. In and community relations, and was The Race Equality Directive and EU the context of community/ published to coincide with Heart National Laws 26 Runnymede corporate partnership, the Bank of the City day (27 June). Unaccompanied Child Refugees 27 Team: has supported a Runnymede The handbook will also be Runnymede: Michelyn research project on mentoring, informally launched in September Mentoring at the Heart of the City 28 Laflèche, run by Linda Appiah, 2001 at the Bank of England, and Director Runnymede’s Research and Policy will eventually be available on Analyst (Education). both the Bank’s and Runnymede’s Bulletin No. 326, June 2001 Linda Appiah, The project’s three main websites. ISSN 0965-7762 Research and objectives were to: Visit the HotC website Policy Analyst • Identify structures and [www.theheartofthecity.com] for a In 2001,The Bulletin, (Education) procedures for setting up and comprehensive reference and Runnymede’s Quarterly newsletter, sustaining a school-business signposting service on how to get will be published in the months of March, June, September and Filiz Caran, mentoring scheme which involved in Heart of the City. December by: Projects Officer builds on established schemes Contact Runnymede that specifically or in general [[email protected]; The Runnymede Trust 133 Aldersgate Street, London EC1A 4JA Sarah Isal, service black and minority www.runnymedetrust.org] for Tel: 020 7600 9666 Fax: 020 7600 8529 ethnic pupils. information about the Handbook Email: [email protected] Research and Url: www.runnymedetrust.org Policy Analyst • Assess the impact of and the Briefing Paper. mentoring schemes on Annual subscription in 2001 is £22.00 (Europe)

Omar Khan, Editorial and CHANGE OF ADDRESS FOR Policy Assistant RUNNYMEDE Runnymede’s offices will be closed for two weeks, The Runnymede logo was Carol Mays, designed by Four IV Design Accountant between 9 and 20 July, as we relocate to new premises. Consultants. Other design elements were originated by Our email address and website remain unchanged as: Four IV and developed Ros Spry, Email: [email protected] url: www.runnymedetrust.org by St. Richards Press. Editor Typeset and printed by: St Richards Press Ltd. RUNNYMEDE’S QUARTERLY BULLETIN JUNE 2001 Leigh Road, Chichester, West Sussex PO19 2TU. Copyright © 2001 Runnymede Trust and individual authors. Tel: 01243 782988 The opinions expressed by individual authors do not necessarily represent the views of the Runnymede Trust.