OCCASIONAL PAPER

Affective Politics in Transitional North Africa: Imagining the Future Workshop and roundtable report

27–28 may 2013, Alexandria, Egypt

Editor: Maria Frederika Malmström Rapporteur: Maria Lindbäck

www.nai.uu.se ISBN 978-91-7106-747-0

Affective Politics in Transitional North Africa: Imagining the Future

Workshop and roundtable report from the Nordic Africa Institute and Swedish Institute Alexandria workshop 27–28 May 2013 Alexandria, Egypt

The Nordic Africa Institute and Swedish Institute Alexandria, 2013 Senior researcher: Dr Maria Frederika Malmström Rapporteur: Maria Lindbäck Affective politics in transitional North Africa: Imagining the future

Summary

The workshop is part of a research project initi- This workshop provided a much needed op- ated by Dr Maria Frederika Malmström, senior portunity for theoretical discussion of affect and researcher for North Africa in the Conflict, Secu- politics, as well as to build a new network of an- rity and Democratic Transformation cluster at the thropologists. Scholars will as a result be better posi- Nordic Africa Institute. Dr Malmström is of the tioned to share their research interests and also their view that in the aftermath of the 2011 uprisings and years of experience in the field, all in the interests of the recent instability in North African societies, deepening understanding of recent developments in European policy-makers and academics alike have transitional countries. tended to overlook the most powerful link, that be- Workshop discussions touched on a wide range tween politics and affect. Consequently, Dr Malm- of topics, from the very definition of affect, to ways ström invited a group of researchers to Alexandria of expressing affect and politics through poetry, in May 2013 to participate in a two-day workshop film-making, demonstrations and so on, to findings on this issue. The workshop was jointly arranged by on the disappearance or strengthening of affect and the Nordic Africa Institute and the Swedish Insti- politics in North African society in this transitional tute Alexandria. period.

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Content

Introduction...... 7 Biography of Maria Frederika Malmström...... 9 List of participants...... 10 Welcoming session...... 11 Presentations of Abstracts and Biographies – Day I...... 12 Mohammed Tabishat...... 12 Zakaria Rhani...... 12 Samuli Schielke...... 13 Senni Jyrkiäinen...... 14 Summary of discussions – Day I...... 15 Presentations of Abstracts and Biographies – Day II...... 17 Mustafa Aattir...... 17 Susanne Dahlgren...... 17 Aymon Kreil...... 18 Mark Westmoreland...... 18 Carl Rommel...... 19 Summary of discussions – Day II...... 21 Abstracts and Biographies of additional researchers in the network...... 23 Dida Badi...... 23 Igor Cherstich...... 23 Nefissa Naguib...... 24 Rachid Id Yassin...... 24 Summary Roundtable Discussions...... 26 Outcomes...... 28 References...... 29 Annex I – Workshop Programme...... 30

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Opening session of the roundtable discussions on the second day of the workshop on Affective Politics in Transitional North Africa: Imagining the Future. The picture shows Mark Westmoreland’s presentation of his research in Cairo entitled ‘Inti Mabsoota?’ (Are you happy?).

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Introduction

When I began to plan this event as a new senior noted the prevalence of cynicism, acceptance and researcher at the Nordic Africa Institute, I was also apathy in relation to state politics in Turkey, as I planning my new research in Cairo. At that time, I had during previous fieldwork. Awareness of a ter- was asking myself questions similar to those being rifying state is not, as she underscores, ‘a bowing- asked by Professor Farha Ghannam1 and other an- down form of submission.’ Rather, this submission thropologists after the uprisings in the region: How to power involves a high degree of agency (Navaro- do we understand the unfolding dynamic processes Yashin 2002:164). In Egypt, the majority obviously in North African societies in the aftermath of the opposed the Mubarak regime. They have used dif- 2011 uprisings, as well as today’s instability? ferent forms of action to try to free themselves from Affective politics in transitional North Africa former subordinate situations. Yet not everyone were becoming more and more important to me wants a liberal discourse focused on freedom and during the process of preparing for the workshop individual autonomy, and many may perceive con- and my new research. I asked myself: How do peo- cepts such as gender equality (as opposed to equity ple sense and express the aftermath of the ‘Arab or complementarity) as laden with cultural impe- Spring’? What is the role of affective politics in cre- rialism. Furthermore, many Egyptians do not op- ating new citizens? What is the role of non-discur- pose every actor from the former era. As Mahmood sive forces in social life in the uprisings? (2001:212) claims ‘agentival capacity is entailed not During my earlier research in Egypt, women and only in those acts that result in (progressive) change men of all ages felt that doomsday was approaching. but also those that aim toward continuity, stasis, The majority could see only a bleak future for them- and stability.’ selves and their children. They often described the In the aftermath of the 2011 uprisings and the suffering Egyptians experienced under Mubarak’s recent instability in North African societies, Euro- policies. People reacted with anger and dissatisfac- pean policy-makers and academics alike have tend- tion at the state’s weakness towards the Western ed to overlook the most powerful link, that between world and its economic mismanagement. Deterio- politics and affect. Affective politics in the region rating conditions of life and the instability in the have the capacity to influence senses of belonging. region contributed to a sense of loss of control, and However, current dynamics may contribute to loss undermined individual and collective security. Such of control and undermine individual and collective feelings were embodied and expressed in the form security, evoking uncertainty, insecurity and fur- of aggression, frustration and anxiety. During the ther violence in transitional North Africa. A more Iraq War, young people declared that it was time comprehensive understanding of contemporary for revolution in Egypt, a revolution more serious North African politics needs to include the body, than that which broke out during the bread riots the senses and public affect. Only then will we be of 1977: ‘Egyptians endure and endure, but in the able to understand human actions that are not me- end … [there will be] an explosion, and the time diated by language or consciousness. for reaction is here’ (Malmström 2009:62; Malm- Spinoza, Deleuze and Guattari and scholars ström 2013:38). It would take another ten years inspired by them (cf., Protevi 2009) define affect for that to happen. Yet, Egyptian political subjects as the pre-discursive forces that mould the body, have remained active. In the early 2000s, politics the senses and the consciousness. These forces can appeared as hidden transcripts (Scott 1990) rather be material or immaterial, for example, bodies or than as so-called revolution on the streets. The rules spaces, images as well as sound, light, scent, etc. Ac- of the state have been acted upon through apathy cording to these scholars, affects are related to (but and depression, but also through cynicism, rumour should not be understood as synonymous with) feel- and humour (Navaro-Yashin 2002). Passivity, sta- ings and emotions. Massumi suggests instead that bility and cynicism and other similar reactions may we understand affects as intense forces that have the actually be forms of agency. Navaro-Yashin (2002) ability to shape and flow through the body, where they will be materialised as emotion. He defines this 1. AAA, 14-20 November 2011, Montreal process as the ‘autonomy of affect.’ The anthropolo-

– 7 – Affective politics in transitional North Africa: Imagining the future gist Navaro-Yashin has argued that ‘the Deleuzian pologists, grasp affects through ethnography (not turn to affect [is] a reaction to the centrality of dis- only as autonomous from language)? cursivity in the human sciences’ (Navaro-Yashin During the workshop, participants analysed and 2007:12). However, the paradigmatic shift ‘has cast compared how public affect is mediated in spaces subjectivity against affect, as if one cancels the other of movement, as well as how the power of affective and as if one had to choose between camps of the- politics is expressed through (im)material sites. Also oretical approach: a subject-centered or an object- explored were the material and immaterial sites for orientated one’ (Navaro-Yashin 2007:14). Navaro- veiled political (dis)content, materialised in, for ex- Yashin, argues on the basis of her material that her ample, narratives, speech, humour, rumour, projec- ethnography pushed her: tions as well as through non-verbal expressions such … not to follow a new paradigm which would as bodily gestures, senses and silences. All of these have us cast away or turn a blind eye to observa- are agents in the making of public life and create tions or an imagination provided by other theoreti- links between political-economic transformations cal approaches. Instead, I feel I need to maintain and individual and collective experience. the scope provided by both theoretical orientations Participants were able over the two days to lis- on board, in spite of the fact that they have been ten to stimulating presentations and to give creative presented as though they were antithetical to one feedback in a relaxed atmosphere, as well as many another. I propose to ruin neither of them. (Navaro- opportunities to compare their research experiences Yashin 2007:15). and to discuss and develop theoretical insights into In this workshop in Alexandria, the opportunity was affective politics in anthropological work. Towards provided for participants to discuss the relationship the end of the second day, a roundtable discus- between emotion, consciousness, collective affect sion was held together with an invited audience of and ethnography. What is the role of ethnography Egyptian journalists, writers, policy-makers, stu- in the study of affects and politics? Is it possible to dents, college professors, youth activists and others. be multi-paradigmatic – to merge theories of affect They were also invited to take part in a continued and subjectivity – and use social constructionism dialogue on the workshop topics during a ‘tradi- and an object-orientated approach at the same time? tional’ SwedAlex roundtable discussion. Research- Are other theoretical approaches more suitable? Or ers seldom expose themselves to the ’risks’ of emic is the affective turn the antitheses of ethnography? criticism during academic conferences and ‘work- Theoretical reflections on affects in general are still in-progress’ workshops, or engage in direct dialogue scant in anthropological work, and there is a need with actors who are most often only the subjects of for systematic elaboration as well as application of their research. Instead, these workshops often lead affects theories in anthropology. The participants to dialogue with other researchers in closed rooms. were therefore also given the chance to reflect on The reason for the roundtable debate during this how analysis of sensoriality and public affect in rela- workshop was to open the way for dialogue in the tion to the movement of ideas elucidates and refines hope this would allow different actors to learn from theories of perception, performance and culture. one another and enrich future research. One of the There was insufficient time during the workshop most beautiful and fruitful outcomes for me, as a to reflect thoroughly on these questions, but there researcher and the initiator of this event, was ex- will obviously be further discussion, including at a periencing the affective politics that actually took workshop in the US in collaboration with New York place during the roundtable session’s heated dis- University. cussions, with all participants becoming more and It very soon became clear that the workshop more engaged and active. There were indeed intense participants study affect in different ways and ad- forces evident in the room, capable, in Massumi’s dressed the theme of affects and politics using dif- words, of shaping and flowing through the body, ferent theoretical approaches. However, irrespec- where they were materialised as emotion. Perhaps tive of participants’ theoretical choices – whether one of the most significant outputs of this work- social-constructivist or an object-oriented approach shop – showing the importance of affective politics or both or based on the assumption that the people – was something expressed by the invited audience they work with are likely to have the best theory at the end of our roundtable: the whole reason for – the discussions were left open. A more relevant the dilemmas of the 2011 uprising in Egypt (and starting point was rather, how can we, as anthro- in other countries in the region) and today is that

– 8 – Workshop and roundtable report those events were led by the emotions. Other dis- ticles and one report in Arabic and English di- cussions following the presentations and the final rected at policy-makers. roundtable debate were wide ranging, and reflected the breadth of the topic at hand. Especially during In sum, very little research has been undertaken the roundtable debate, the discussions emphasised into affective politics and the political recomposi- the experiences of Egyptian society, given the Egyp- tion of North Africa. Moreover, future policies tian audience, but also took account of Moroccan, clearly need to address the architecture of affective Libyan, Tunisian and Yemeni findings. These latter politics in transitional North Africa. The findings revealed both similarities and differences among the of this workshop will contribute to developing pol- countries. On several occasions during the roundta- icy advice in the region. However, the main focus ble discussions the point was made that one of the of the workshop was deepening regional research most vivid ways to understand the uprisings is by cooperation and strengthening international social studying literature and arts. This was also a recur- science dialogue on the complex interplay between ring theme throughout the workshop. For example, individuals and the discourses (and non-discourses) there were many discussions that revealed similari- that in part produce them. ties on topics such as the use of teargas as a meta- phor for what was happening all over North Africa Maria Frederika Malmström, Nordic Africa Institute during the protests, or the influence of soap operas 24 May 2013 and films in the region, found to be especially im- portant during the holy month of Ramadan. Maria Frederika Malmström Dr Malmström is a senior researcher for North The concrete objectives of the workshop were: Africa in the Conflict, Security and Democratic • To establish contacts and networks among re- Transformation cluster at the Nordic Africa Insti- searchers in different countries in North Africa tute. She is also a visiting scholar in performance and Europe who deal with affective politics and studies at the Tisch School of the Arts, New York elaborate links to policy-development University, and has been based in New York since • To evaluate the ‘state-of-the-art’ both with re- August 2013. Additionally, she is a gender consult- gard to research and policies on affective politics. ant for UNFPA, UNICEF and others, and mem- • To discuss and establish methodologies, con- ber of several academic/policy networks, including cepts and analytical frameworks for research and the Think Tank for Arab Women and FOKO, the with regard to policies on affective politics. Nordic research network on female circumcision. • To plan for a joint research proposal. She has a PhD (2009) in social anthropology from the School of Global Studies, University of Gothen- The expected results were: burg, Sweden. Her PhD dissertation examined how • The development of a network that will bring female gender identity is constantly created and rec- together key researchers from both Europe and reated in Egypt through daily practices, of which North Africa. female circumcision is central. The study explored • The establishment of a publication strategy for how the subject is made through the interplay of the project on affective ‘post-revolutionary’ poli- global hegemonic power structures and the most tics in North Africa. Discussions will include intimate sphere, which has been exposed in the in- publication of an edited volume of academic ar- ternational arena.

From left to right: Randa Hafez, Senior Programme Officer at the Swedish Institute; Alexandria, Victo- ria Sjölander, Acting Deputy Director at the Swedish Institute Alexandria; and Dr Maria Frederika Malmström, senior researcher at the Nordic Africa Institute.

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List of participants

Aymon Kreil American University in Cairo (AUC), Egypt, and University of Zurich, Switzerland Carl Rommel School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), UK Dida Badi Centre National de Recherches Préhistoriques, Anthropologiques et ­Historiques, Algérie Igor Cherstich School of Oriental and African Studies, UK Maria Frederika Malmström Nordic Africa Institute, Sweden and Performance Studies, Tisch School of the Arts, New York University, USA Mark Westmoreland American University in Cairo, Egypt, and Stockholm University, Sweden Mohammed Tabishat American University in Cairo, Egypt Mustafa Aattir Centre for Sustainable Development Research, Libya Nefissa Naguib Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI), Norway Rachid Id Yassin University Gaston Berger (UGB), Senegal Samuli Schielke Zentrum Moderner Orient, Germany Susanne Dahlgren Academy of Finland, Helsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies Senni Jyrkiäinen University of Helsinki, Finland Zakaria Rhani University Mohamed V-Souissi (IURS), Centre Jacques-Berque (CJB) pour le développement des sciences humaines et sociales au Maroc, Rabat

Cocktails on the roof of the Swedish Institute Alexandria after the roundtable discussions, with workshop participants and invited guests.

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Welcoming session

Victoria Sjölander, acting deputy director of the network), as well through their membership of our Swedish Institute Alexandria, and Dr Maria Fre­ network. Next year, another workshop with a fo- derika Malmström, senior researcher for the Con- cus on North Africa and affective politics will be flict, Security and Democratic Transformation clus- held at New York University, where Dr Malmström ter at the Nordic Africa Institute and initiator of the is a visiting scholar, to attract anthropologists from workshop, welcomed the participants to the work- the US. The aim is to include the American con- shop, a cooperative arrangement between the two tributions in the planned publication, of which Dr institutes, both part of the Swedish Foreign Service. Malmström, together with Professor Deborah Ka- The topic, Affective Politics in Transitional North pchan of Performance Studies, Tisch School of the Africa, should be seen as highly relevant and inno- Arts at New York University, will be the editors. vative, since it is still largely unexplored. The expected results of the workshop were to de- In her opening remarks, Dr Malmström observed: velop a network, built on Dr Malmström’s contacts, that will bring together key researchers from Europe During the next two days we will have the opportu- nity to listen to stimulating presentations and give and North Africa to establish a publication strategy creative feedback in a relaxed atmosphere, as well as for the project on affective ‘post-revolutionary’ poli- many opportunities to compare our research expe- tics in North Africa and to explore the possibilities riences. We will also be able to discuss and develop of publishing an edited volume of academic articles, theoretical thoughts on affective politics in anthro- as well as one report in Arabic and English aimed at pological work. Towards the end of the second day, policy-makers. there will be a roundtable discussion where young Unfortunately, for various reasons four par- people, policy-makers and the media will be invited ticipants could not attend the workshop, but they to attend as an audience. nevertheless contributed through their papers on She concluded: ‘Let’s begin our journey through af- affective politics (outlined below under Abstracts fective politics.’ and biographies of additional researchers of the

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Presentation of Abstracts and Biographies – Day I

Mohammed Tabishat Mohammed Tabishat is an assistant professor of so- ciocultural anthropology at the American Univer- sity in Cairo. Areas of interest include the compara- tive studies of health systems as multifaceted social constructs relating to complex aspects of society, including governance, symbolic systems, sexuality, and forms of embodiment, subjectivity and emo- tions. Other areas of research are: 1. anthropology of film, and 2. anthropology of education. Geo- graphical area: The Middle East and North Africa (MENA). He has conducted research in Egypt, Oman, UAE and Jordan. From left to right: Dr Malmström, Dr Kreil, Dr Dahlgren, Dr Aattir and Assistant Professor Westmoreland. Culture-bound Emotions: Thinking about the Notion of al-Nafs Zakaria Rhani This paper is concerned with the notion of ‘al-nafs’ Dr Rhani holds two PhDs, in biology and anthro- and the roles it plays in the social life of contempo- pology. He is an assistant professor at the Univer- rary Egypt. Al-nafs is used in several domains and is sity of Mohamed V-Souissi (IURS) and research thus a highly polysemic term. In the fields of psychol- associate at the Centre de Jacques Berque (CNRS ogy and psychiatry it means the psyche: the Arabic – USR3136). He was also a visiting scholar at expression ‘ilm al-nafs’ literally means ‘the science or Princeton University and at EHESS (Paris). Zakaria knowledge of the psyche.’ In the field of Quranic Rhani’s interests are: political imagination; history studies and the traditions of the Prophet Muham- and anthropology of revolutionary process; ethnog- mad (al-Hadith), al-nafs denotes the soul, the spirit raphy and postcolonial, postoriental discourse. He is or the subject representing either one of those en- the author of: Le pouvoir de guérir. Mythe, mystique livening the body – ‘the mindful body’ so to speak. et politique au Maroc. Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2014. Al-nafs too occupies centre stage in the writings of prominent Muslim scholars and physicians, includ- Uprising and Affects: Disaffection, Love and ing in particular Abu Hamid al-Ghazali and Ibn Empowerment Sina, which continue to enjoy great influence in cur- ‘With the movement of protestation, I learned to rent society. The influence is evident in writings of love my country. I want to see it among the greatest contemporary authors concerned with reforming so- and the prosperous countries where justice and free- cial life, reviving religious piety or translating mod- dom reign.’ This statement, made by a Moroccan ern specialised knowledge into local cultural forms. who participated in the F20M protest movement In this connection, Al-nafs is diversely explained in during 2012, illustrates, on one hand, how affects Arabic lexicons, classical and contemporary alike. and emotions were powerfully invested in the Arab Furthermore, it is used in everyday parlance to con- Spring and, on the other, how ‘love’ – of self, of vey a multitude of meanings, including desire, self, country – can be an expression of political desire. person, craving, appetite, pride, to mention but a Accordingly, ‘love’ is not an immutable ‘feeling’ few. My argument is that al-nafs provides an inte- but, on the contrary, an emergent and contingent grated field within which emotions can be examined experience that unfolds in a particular sociopolitical in terms specific to the cultural milieu within which context and, in turn, shakes the established order they operate. Such field can shed light on specific of politics. The ethnographic encounter shows that patterns for forming and reforming the contempo- these emerging experiences cannot be scrutinised rary subject. Crucially, and for aspects specific to al- at the level of discourses only, but also need to be nafs, forms of governance and social regulations can viewed within practices and actions, especially those be studied both reflexively and critically. that express both ‘disaffection’ and ‘love.’

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From the left: PhD candidate Rommel and Assistant Professor Rhani during the roundtable discussions.

Samuli Schielke as a movement – in fact, it is seriously disorganised. Samuli Schielke was born in Helsinki, Finland in Rather, the revolutionaries are united by a shared af- 1972 and received his PhD in social sciences from fect of rejection. Looking for the existential grounds the University of Amsterdam in 2006. He is cur- of that affect of rejection, I have observed a strik- rently head of the In Search of Europe: Considering ing congruence between revolutionary activism the Possible in Africa and the Middle East research and literary and artistic practice. There seems to be group at Zentrum Moderner Orient in Berlin. His something about the outlook towards the world that ongoing ethnographic research in Egypt touches connects the practice of literary imagination and ex- on topics of festive culture, religiosity, morality and pression with the valorisation of difference, critique ambiguity, aspiration and frustration, migration and rejection that is so central to the revolutionary and imagination, revolutionary politics and literary current. Searching for the grounds of this linkage in lives. He is author of the books You’ll be late for the personal trajectories of writers in Alexandria, I ar- Revolution (in Arabic, 2011), The Perils of Joy (2012), gue for an understanding of critical affect that links Ordinary Lives and Grand Schemes (with Liza De- the genres of fantasy, personal idiosyncrasy and the bevec, 2012) and The Global Horizon (with Knut structuring effects of political economy. Graw, 2012).

‘Those who said no: Writing and the politics of rejection.’ One of the most tangible outcomes of the uprising of 2011 was the emergence of a new kind of political subjectivity among an active and visible minority who would often call themselves ‘the revolutionar- ies’ (implying that others who speak in the name of the revolution are not). This active minority partici- pated in the ongoing protests against the Mubarak regime, then against military rule and eventually against the Muslim Brotherhood. In ideological terms, it has been variously described as liberal, left- ist, secular, or a gang of thugs. However, in practice it has neither a political ideology nor is it organised Dr Schielke during the roundtable presentations.

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Senni Jyrkiäinen al surroundings. In addition to urban spaces such as Senni Jyrkiäinen is a PhD candidate in social and cafés and shopping malls, Facebook and chatrooms cultural anthropology at the University of Helsinki. represent potential places for youth to meet the op- She is currently in Egypt conducting ethnographic posite sex. fieldwork for her PhD. While in Egypt, she works Simultaneously, as a number of studies point out, as a visiting fellow at the Finnish Institute in the growing Islamisation has occurred in Egyptian so- Middle East in Bibliotheca Alexandrina. Her work ciety since the 1970s. My paper investigates online focuses on gender and sexuality, Islam, youth and dating against the background of norms of proper social media. gender interaction, often understood as Islamic, and points out the potential conflict between existing Online Dating, Courtship and Islam among courtship practices and Islamic norms of decency Egyptian Youth in Egypt. This summary presents my ongoing PhD research I compare young women’s narratives on dating about online dating and courtship among the with young men’s in order to discern gender differ- Egyptian middle-class youth in Alexandria. With ences in the ways of speaking about mixed-gender large cohorts of young people, Egypt’s population socialising and in interpreting social norms that reg- remains young. Many problems, such as youth un- ulate gender interaction. To place online socialising employment and the economic marginalisation of and dating in a larger framework, I compare young young Egyptians, are linked to the current sociopo- people’s narratives of courting with those of their litical crisis. Without economic independence and parents and grandparents. In collecting data, I have adequate housing, young people face problems in applied ethnographic methods such as participant getting married and establishing a family of their observation, interviews and analysis of social media own. The average age of marriage has risen and the data such as Facebook. Blogs, chats and user profiles period of youth and dependency on parents has are analysed against the observations of real people lengthened. Thus questions of gender mixing and in their environments. courting have become topical again. I argue that as the subject of online dating has In Egypt, the use of new technologies is an es- been considered outside the norm or even taboo, it sential part of urban consumer culture and middle- is linked to larger questions of changing concepts of class lifestyles. New communication technologies sexuality and youth. The study deals with ordinary enable young middle-class men and women to com- young people who seek a balance between the need municate easily with each other in urban and virtu- for love and being an upright, pious Muslim.

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Summary of discussions – Day I

During the first presentation of the day, it was sug- Discussion moved on to the Moroccan research gested that people learn much of what they know of scrutinising ‘love’ as an emerging concept in the society not only from their daily lives, but also from demonstrations. One question concerned the pos- TV and films. People learn from and copy what sibilities, psychological and sociopolitical, of ‘love’ they see in movies. Discussions on this topic con- unifying the efforts to achieve democratisation tinued and it was suggested that it might be possible and social justice? In answering this, the issue of to widen the study of the effect of popular films on the sacredness of the king, the political and spir- Egyptian society and their contribution to shap- itual head of the country, was identified as a major ing Egyptian identity to include soap operas, since dilemma. The king’s centrality has led to scarifica- these might be even more important on account of tion of the political sphere: politics have been made their popularity, especially during the holy month into something private, instead of public. Research of Ramadan, when the whole region is organised at hand found that the use of a message of love in around these TV series. Another point related to Moroccan demonstrations had somehow contrib- analysis, how to measure these findings and draw uted to strengthening national affects, specifically demonstrable connections between behaviour in so- the people’s love of their country, which contributed ciety and films. One idea was to look more closely to people’s sense of ownership of their country. The at films before and after the 2011 uprising to search demonstrations led to the realisation that popular for some kind of shift, and to establish whether it actions could achieve change, and, with this, peo- is possible to draw parallels with how politics are ple’s love of their country grew. articulated. One participant observed that what had hap- On the issue of ‘al Nafs’ (see Mohammed pened in Egypt might be the exact opposite of the Tabishat’s presentation above), the question was Moroccan example. During the 2011 uprising when raised during the discussions about how this can Egyptians met in Tahrir Square, they were united, be studied within anthropology? It was argued that but afterwards they discovered they do not love one what is considered physical is culturally determined another, they discovered their differences. It was – we are not only flesh and blood, but at the same also pointed out that President Mohammed Morsi, time what constitutes flesh and blood can have dif- in one of his speeches attempting to unify the polar- ferent meanings to others. Possible studies of al ised Egyptian people, encouraged Egyptians to hug Nafs were thought of as refreshing largely due to the one another, which in itself could be interpreted as subject’s unpredictability. a play at love. On the subject of ‘revolutionary’ poetry in Egypt, discussion lingered on the subject of teargas as a metaphor, and how teargas has been used to describe the protesters’ situation. In poetry, there are constant references to protesters coming up against the gas, as if the gas represents something else. One researcher felt that the teargas expresses a masculine experience, a chance to play a heroic role. Women are part of the uprisings, but situations when gas is fired are considered a male experience. Another researcher held that the situation in other cities is different from that in Cairo: for instance, in Alexandria the division between men and women doesn’t seem to be as clear-cut. Even if there usu- ally is a division of labour between men and women during demonstrations and a chance to assume a Members of the audience participating in the roundtable heroic role, that doesn’t seem to be an exclusively discussion. masculine role – the situation is more complex. On

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From left to right: PhD candidate Rommel, Assistant Professor Rhani, Dr Schielke and Assistant Professor Tabishat, all part of the panel of researchers answering questions during the roundtable debate.

the issue of gas, it was mentioned that it could be possible to explore this theme further during the seen not as a substance, but as a phase, because it discussions. lies somewhere between liquid and solid. It certain- On the subject of terminology, participants ly constitutes an interesting occurrence in writings discussed the difficulty of using such categories as that have emerged since the ‘Arab Spring.’ ‘leftist’ in documenting the MENA region, because The discussion turned to the chosen concepts, Western notions of the meaning of this word may including the expression of ‘the Arab Spring’, which differ from the meaning in the Arab world. The has been widely debated. Another unclear phrase researcher is thus obliged to define terminology that was mentioned was the recurring idea expressed within its context. in interviews with activists during the uprisings that It was also suggested that the Egyptian language ‘we are doing it for the street,’ in which the termi- is undergoing vulgarisation, clearly evident not only nology of ’the street’ provides no clear location and in the revolutionary poetry but also in the language refuses to define itself according to faction. The re- of the streets during the protests. In Egyptian soci- searchers also found that there is ongoing unifica- ety, respect is still one of the most powerful forces, tion of the language, an attempt at creating unity but according to one researcher, people are actively through language and everyday speech. It was not vulgarising their language.

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Presentation of Abstracts and Biographies – Day II

Mustafa Aattir sprang up. Many were happy that democracy had fi- Mustafa Aattir has a PhD in sociology from the nally arrived and what was accomplished represents University of Minnesota (1971). He has held a num- an important development in Libya’s political life. ber of university positions, among them dean of lib- However, democracy is more than political liberal- eral arts, director of a university research centre and ism: major democratic values have to be assimilated university president. Dr Aattir’s published output into the Libyan value system. Today, daily behav- in both Arabic and English exceeds 150 books and iour patterns largely violate the primary principles papers. of democracy. Demonstrations and protests have become an everyday occurrence and these activi- Freedom of expression may be the only gain Libyans ties are not only peaceful. Ordinary individuals are will get out of the Arab Spring able to publicly criticise all officials, including the There is no doubt the historical circumstances a highest religious figures, and behavioural patterns country has been exposed to will affect the cultural emphasising violence have become widespread. system by introducing new values, which in turn are Laws representing anti-democratic values have been expressed in the behaviour of individuals. They may passed. This is why we raise the question: Will Liby- adopt the main characteristics of a certain historical ans be satisfied with freedom of speech as the only epoch, so that their behaviour will reflect the values gain from the Arab Spring? that epoch emphasises. However, individuals may not agree with the values and philosophy of the ep- Susanne Dahlgren och, and in their behaviour will oppose them. In Susanne Dahlgren obtained a PhD in anthropology keeping with this assumption, since Libyans expe- in 2004 for her dissertation ‘Contesting Realities. rienced so many value systems, Libyan culture will Morality, Propriety and the Public Sphere in Aden, incorporate properties from each. To understand Yemen.’ She undertook her PhD studies at the uni- the impact of this situation on events in Libya over versities of Helsinki and Edinburgh and at the Lon- recent years, and what will happen in the near fu- don School of Economics. She was a post-doctoral ture as a result of the Arab Spring, we need to exam- fellow at the Helsinki Collegium for Advanced ine certain historical circumstances. Studies (2005-08) and was involved in the research During the era of Italian colonialism, Liby- project entitled Spatial Moralities, Islam and the ans were deprived of their most important human Public Sphere in the Middle East, which formed a needs. In addition to poverty, Libyans were deprived part of the Academy of Finland’s research project of all kinds of freedom. They were exposed to ex- Making a Good Muslim – Contested Fields of Reli- tremely harsh repression and suppression, which gious Normativity in the Age of Global Islam. caused individuals to look to the tribe for recogni- Since 2008, she has been an Academy of Finland tion as well as social and psychological support, in research fellow at the Helsinki Collegium for Ad- the absence of modern institutions. When Omar vanced Studies working as part of the project Rights Gadhafi took power in 1969, several ambitious so- in Law and at Home. Islamic Shari’a as Formal and cioeconomic development plans were implemented. Informal Legal Practice. This takes her back to These led to widespread education, healthcare, southern Yemen and the city of Aden, where she car- modern infrastructures and other forms of mate- ries out ethnographic field studies in a family court. rial modernisation. At the same time, Gadhafi’s hi- Her latest project deals with Tunis and the contests erarchical system, accompanied by a strong police over spatial moralities in public places. Dahlgren and intelligence force, suppressed the people. These has published on, among other issues, Islamic and conditions led to dissatisfaction and the resentment colonial law, segregation, sexuality, the family and spread among the population and resulted in the the public sphere. civil war of 2011. Streets as contesting sites. Ethnographic reflec- After the regime fell, political parties were tions on everyday moralities in Tunis formed, elections were held, civil society was es- Before the Jasmine Revolution, Tunisia enjoyed tablished, and private newspapers and TV stations the reputation of modernist model among its neigh-

– 17 – Affective politics in transitional North Africa: Imagining the future bours. In particular, it was viewed as nurturing en Sciences sociales (Paris) and the University of moderate Islam and a separation of state and reli- Neuchatel (2012). His main research interests are gion. This reputation was fuelled by the regimes of love, sex and gender issues, scientific and religious Bourguiba and Ben Ali and their policies of West- authority, and the claim of class identity. ernisation, which opened up Tunisia economically and to a limited extent also politically, and brought Anxious Times: Fear of crime in Egypt after 2011 about compulsory public education and women’s Even before the events of 2011, insecurity was a rights. Thus, it was a great surprise, both inside Tu- common topic in Egypt. Stories about delinquency nisia and out, when Islamists won the first free elec- were common. Most of the time they followed the tions in 2011. logic of contrasting one’s own area to places deemed Still, as Tunisian sociologist Frej Stambouli has dangerous, and of designating the frequentation suggested, Islam is a central matrix of the Tunisian of particular individuals as risky. In this way, talk social fabric, so that one should not be surprised at about crime reasserts the boundaries of local com- its fresh and offensive ascent. Islam is indeed a key munities. Inside these, it enacts networks of mutual component of a larger symbolic network that con- trust and respect. In January-February 2011, of- stitutes the collective memory of the Maghrebi peo- ficial media coverage gave prominence to the loss ple. In addition, Islam has throughout the history of of security in their coverage of events, with police Maghreb had a double role of defence and protec- disappearing from the streets of Cairo and stories tion of the ‘believers’ community’ (Stambouli nd). of looting by freed prisoners. In response, ‘popular In today’s Tunisia, the rise and spread of moderate committees’ were organised in place of the police. Islamism is a reaction among the young generation, Hence, security issues have been directly linked to which feels marginalised and excluded. the perception of unfolding change, and since then This does not, however, adequately explain the the lack of security has remained a common way miraculous rise of Salafism in Tunisia. Salafists to criticise its outcomes. For the upper and middle have become familiar to the Tunisian public classes, lack of security is increased by the fear of a through their spectacular attacks on ‘non-believing’ ‘revolution of the hungry people’ to come. My con- phenomena, and for their gatherings where angry tribution seeks first to explore practical and expres- young men shout takbir and watch martial arts per- sive ways of speaking about crime: the first aim to formances. Such manifestations of force cause fear adapt to precise situations while the second work among the population. This ‘playing out of Islam’ as a diagnosis of the state of society. On the other can be contrasted with the previous regime’s at- hand, based on analysis of the indicators used in a tempts to play with Islamic symbols to create posi- recent research report commissioned by the Egyp- tive images that link the deeper matrix of Islam to tian Mental Health Service to measure the trauma the autocratic state. Where Ben Ali failed, Salafists of insecurity, I consider the class variables possibly succeed: by transforming the way Islam should be influencing the definition of things to fear. practised ‘correctly,’ small groups of extremists may change how faith is practised in Tunisia. My paper Mark Westmoreland suggests that Tunisia will experience rapid change Mark Westmoreland currently serves as an assistant unless a Salafist take-over of Islamic symbols is pre- professor of anthropology at the American Univer- vented. In particular, I am interested in looking at sity in Cairo. His research examines the produc- plays with affect, that is, how different ways of prac- tion of alternative visualities in the contemporary tising religion are played out against one another Middle East and how local image practices mediate in ways that cause everything from contentment to emergent cultural imaginaries, subvert the geopo- fear, from insecurity to fulfilment. litical gaze and envision the region anew. He will begin an international postdoctoral fellowship at Aymon Kreil Stockholm University in August 2013, where he Dr Kreil is currently a visiting scholar at the Mid- intends to complete several word- and image-based dle East Studies Centre of the American University projects about emergent digital practices in the in Cairo and research fellow at the University Re- Middle East. These include a book project entitled search Priority Program (URPP) Asia and Europe ‘Catastrophic Images,’ which shows how experimen- of the University of Zurich. He holds a joint PhD tal documentary practices play a crucial role in ad- in anthropology from the Ecole des Hautes études dressing recurrent political violence in Lebanon. By

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From left to right: Dr Kreil and Dr Dahlgren during the roundtable discussions. Seen in the background is a member of the roundtable audience.

‘making sense’ of the war on an affective level, these ways. Yet, given the heavy-handed way that journal- practitioners subvert the epistemological codes of ism has tended to address the ‘Arab Street’ (Singer- traumatic evidence and reveal unarticulated imagi- man and Amar 2006), the shift to more open-ended naries for living during catastrophic times. Turning engagements reveals how the political is embedded his attention to the generative possibilities of docu- within the personal in ways that become obscured mentary activism in Egypt, his next project traces by heavy-handed questions. These vox populi in- the political aesthetics of citizen journalism. He is terviews capture spontaneous responses and give also preparing an edited volume, Thinking with a fresh perspective to the different moods and opin- Camera during Revolutionary Times, that explores ions among participants in this post-revolutionary the renewed investment in political visibility as well moment. Collecting responses in Cairo’s different as efforts to rethink what constitutes the political. districts has revealed distinct differences in people’s concerns – from the lack of work and money reiter- Inti Mabsoota?: Public (Un)happiness in the ated by street vendors to more bourgeois interests in Revolutionary Wake good food and romantic relationships. The corpo- Made in the wake of the 2011 Egyptian revolution, real and visceral aspects of these class sensibilities Inti Mabsoota? is an experimental ethnographic thus show the uneven experience of the revolution video project that draws on the emerging mobile on an affective register. aesthetics of cellphone filmmaking. In order to reframe Egypt’s street politics and complicate re- Carl Rommel ductive assessments of the Arab Spring (Khatib Carl Rommel is a PhD candidate in anthropology 2012), this project approaches the political context at the School or Oriental and African Studies, Lon- obliquely by foregrounding spontaneous perspec- don. In late March 2013, he completed 20-months tives. Inspired by the landmark cinéma-vérité film, of ethnographic fieldwork in Cairo on a project Chronique d’un été (Rouch and Morin, 1960), in dealing with a range of social and political impli- which participants ask people on the streets of Par- cations of football in Egypt over the last decade. is if they are happy, several of my students at the In particular, he is interested in how the material, American University in Cairo became mobile film economic and discursive infrastructures that circu- units, asking people the same innocuous question, late around the game throughout the city inform ‘Inta mabsoot?/Inti mabsoota?’ – Are you happy a range of affective and emotional practices, and (satisfied, content)? As with France’s colonial wars how these in turn translate into politically relevant for Parisians, the uncertainty and frustration of po- subjectivities. He will submit his thesis by the end litical turmoil weighs on Cairenes in idiosyncratic of 2014.

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Members of the audience during the roundtable discussions.

When affect is no more: Exploring alterations of whose songs, fireworks and stadium displays argu- football’s ability to affect from the late Mubarak era ably reclaim both a subversive sort of ‘youthful fun’ until the present (El-Sherif 2012), and a ‘self-dignity’ that was broken In this paper, I account for some findings from my down during the many years of humiliating police ongoing PhD research in anthropology about Egyp- oppression (Ismail 2012). tian football, which highlights how the game’s abil- The paper suggests that these recent shifts in ity to affect and craft emotions has changed over football-related affect are interlinked and related to the past decade. In the last years of the Mubarak a combination of historical factors: the 2011 revo- era, football developed into a crucial part of the re- lution, changing media discourses, new material gime’s soft-power machinery, as part of what some tools for cheering and connecting, legislation and today call a ‘bubble’ of nationalist hubris and suc- the results of a few key matches. Theoretically, my cess. At stadiums and in front of televisions, an un- material challenges the relevance of drawing a clear precedented series of victories for the national team line between, on the one hand, affect, objects and and the biggest club al-Ahly crafted a set of mas- embodiment and, on the other, emotions, subjec- culinised and authoritarian Egyptian subjectivities tivation and discourse. Clearly, the Egyptians’ ties through a range of affective and emotional prac- to football are very direct and highly embodied, yet tices. The paper specifically interrogates how this the transformation of affective attachment during affective bubble has gradually fallen apart in recent the last decade also shows how these bodily bonds years. In my research, I constantly meet people tell- are reshaped by (im-) material and (non-)discursive ing me that football ‘used to be everything’ in their factors, through which people ‘learn [not] to be af- lives, but that they now ‘do not really care anymore’ fected’ (Latour 2004) by the game in novel ways. and rather focus their attention on ‘more important Furthermore – and as the experience of the Ultras things.’ A lot of affect that used to exist in rela- demonstrates – affective (emotional?) practices and tion to the game has in other words disappeared, discourses can be instrumental in the process of although at the same time very different types of crafting highly politicised, gendered and generation- affective registers have evolved among Cairo’s ‘Ul- al subjectivities, which in turn have very tangible ef- tras fans’, a new and younger type of fan groups,, fects on the direction of the revolutionary process.

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Summary of discussions – Day II

The discussions of the workshop’s second day start- that the uprising was a reaction to the exclusion of ed out with the perceived lack of security and the such a large part of the population from political fear that has spread throughout Egyptian society power and the lack of access to the political scene. It after the uprising in 2011. One of the researchers was also suggested that this is a global phenomenon, argued that there seems to be an anxiety among even though it might be more explicit in North Af- the upper class in relation to the poor, or the poor rica. people rising up, which constitutes a sort of urban The discussions on the ‘Inti mabsoota’ project fear. The fear that predominates in the countryside were of a more methodological nature. For exam- differs and this creates social boundaries between ple, the presence of the camera was mentioned: what different segments of the society. There are topogra- does the camera add, since so many of the answers phies being created in Egyptian society where peo- revolved around the state of the country? It was as ple feel safe only in their own neighbourhood, and if the question was more direct than intended. It for an anthropologist it is important to map these was also mentioned that the question itself, ‘are you new spaces and meanings of fear. It was also pointed happy?,’ suggests that there is an issue about happi- out that the 2011 uprising also shook the roles of ness. The researchers agreed there is a need to in- Egyptian institutions: it became unclear who was clude their own framing of the methodology and responsible for fighting violence. No matter how we their intentions in the analysis of their findings. The choose to understand the reality of this perceived findings themselves were also addressed, since these fear, it is important to recognise that it has a strong differed among the various people chosen as inter- subjective component. The issue of a class society viewees. In general, more people in the Zamalek and the different ways of participating in demon- area mentioned personal happiness, while vendors strations were also mentioned in relation to Aden, talked about economic issues and in the downtown even though there it is mostly poor people who take the answers were more political. The discussions to the streets in the demonstrations, while the mid- also covered the issue of the soft power of foot- dle and upper class participate in the protests in ball in Egypt, and how the game has been used as other ways. propaganda and to establish calm: there are football The discussions continued on to the issue of matches taking place, so we have no problems. It women’s participation in the demonstrations in was suggested that under Mubarak’s regime football Yemen and it was mentioned that the previous ex- became a means of showing people outside Egypt clusion of women is today being questioned. Fur- that all was well, while the lack of games in Egypt thermore, one researcher mentioned hearing for today, on account of the Port Said massacre, is hurt- the first time men speak out against the niqab, for ing the country’s image. example. Men were heard to say they want to be able to communicate with women, especially in the workplace. It was therefore suggested that the upris- ings in southern Yemen might result in a chance for women to re-establish themselves, since the issue of women’s participation was seen as part of the Yem- eni uprising. It was also mentioned that in Egypt the Salafi movement and the adoption of the niqab became more common during the years 2006-07, but the permanence of these changes was also ques- tioned during discussions. One observation was that, in Aden, the need to prove oneself as a Muslim in the eyes of others has begun to fade with the rise of political interest. One of the reasons for the uprisings was de- scribed as the crisis of participation: it was argued Member of the audience during the roundtable discussions.

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Member of the roundtable audience asking questions.

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Abstracts and biographies of additional researchers in the network

This section includes the biographies and abstracts Dans ce qui suit, nous allons présenter le groupe of researchers invited to take part in this initial politique des Touaregs libyens avant d’analyser, dans workshop, but unable to attend for different rea- une approche diachronique, les alliances tradition- sons. All are part of the network being formed as a nelles que ses membres ont tissées avec les autres clans result of the initiative. de la Libye, dans le cadre de la gestion de leur terri- toire traditionnel (I) ; nous examinerons ensuite la Dida Badi reformulation qu’ils ont faite de ces alliances, d’abord Dr Dida Badi holds a PhD from the Bayreuth In- pour prendre position dans le dernier conflit qu’a ternational Graduate School of African Studies connu leur pays, puis afin de se faire une place dans (BIGGAS), Bayreuth University, Germany. He is le nouvel échiquier politique qui se dessine (II) ; nous currently an anthropologist researcher at The Na- allons ensuite discuter de l’origine de l’installation tional Center for Prehistoric, Anthropological and des Touaregs sahéliens, en relation avec le régime Historical Research (CNRPAH) in Algiers. He has kadhafien déchu et des stratégies qu’ils mettent ac- published books and many articles in various aca- tuellement en place afin de se maintenir en Libye demic publications on Tuareg society, culture, and après la guerre (III) ; en conclusion, nous essayerons language. de proposer une lecture prospective des enjeux poli- Chargé de recherches au centre national de re- tiques auxquels font face les Touaregs libyens et les cherches préhistoriques, anthropologiques et histor- directions dans lesquelles ils vont évoluer (IV). iques d’Alger. 03, rue D. Franklin Roosevelt, 16500. Igor Cherstich 2 Les Touaregs et le conflit en Libye Igor Cherstich holds a PhD in social anthropology Si les mouvements du printemps arabe ont montré from the School of Oriental and African Studies in l’importance de la société civile dans la mobilisation London, where he has worked as a senior teaching populaire contre les régimes en place, les alliances fellow. Igor has conducted extensive anthropologi- tribales et claniques ont cependant servi de mode cal fieldwork in Western Libya since 2006, inves- opératoire pour la mobilisation populaire, lors de la tigating Sufism, Salafism, youth culture, politics révolution libyenne, dans la lutte contre le régime and tribal dynamics. He has taught courses on kadhafien et ce, en raison de l’absence d’une vérita- anthropological theory and on the anthropology ble société civile et partis politiques organisés. of Islam at SOAS, Agha Khan University and In- En effet, le conflit libyen a mis au jour l’ampleur stitute of Ismaili Studies and has worked as guest et l’importance de la manipulation des alliances lig- lecturer at various institutions, including King’s nagères, érigée en un véritable système politique par College. He has published on contemporary Libya Kadhafi, depuis sa prise du pouvoir en renversant la in academic journals and books, as well as in na- monarchie fédérale des Sennoucides, en 1969. tional newspapers (Il Corriere della Sera, il Mani- Le cas de Touaregs libyens, étudié dans ce texte, festo, The National), blogs (Huffington Post, Open offre un exemple et une illustration de l’importance Democracy) and magazines. His most recent pub- de la réactivation de la logique des alliances tribales lication is a chapter on the perception of Qaddafi’s traditionnelles, déjà remarquée pour les Oulad Ali body in The Arab Spring and Beyond (ed. Pnina de la Cyrénaïque par T. Hüsken (2012), dans un Werbner, University of Edinburgh Press, 2014). Igor contexte de non-Etat, lors de la révolution libyenne, has been consulted as an expert on Libyan affairs by d’abord pour prendre position dans le conflit et, scholars, law firms, consultancy firms, newspapers, ensuite, se faire une place dans le nouvel échiquier TV channels (Channel Four, ABC Australia) and politique qui se dessine à l’issue de la guerre, en con- by various organisations, including Human Rights tractant des nouvelles associations. Watch. Recently he has collaborated with the Uni- versity of Leiden and the University of Benghazi on 2. Ce texte s’appuie, en grande partie, sur ma propre expéri- a socio-legal project on access to justice in Libya. ence de recherche et mes observations empiriques sur le ter- rain de l’Ajjer (Algérie/Libye), dans le cadre de mon PhD Igor also has a degree in archaeology, and prior to soutenu à Bayreuth, en 2010. his anthropological work took part in archaeologi-

– 23 – Affective politics in transitional North Africa: Imagining the future cal surveys and excavations in Eastern Libya and in Nefissa Naguib Italy, presenting his findings in archaeology publi- Nefissa Naguib (PhD) is an anthropologist. She cations. He is part of the archaeological mission of is research professor at Chr. Michelsen Institute the University of Chieti in Libya, and has contrib- (CMI) in Bergen, Prof II in the department of so- uted to the renewal of the ethnographic museum of cial anthropology, University of Bergen and director Shahat (Eastern Libya). of the Military Civilian relationships project funded by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Her Cigarettes, Tea and Deleuzian Laziness at the time specialisation lies in faith-based activism; humani- of the Jamahiriyya tarism; gender, aesthetics and politics of water and Over one year and a half, Libya has become one of food; and religious minorities. Dr Naguib is the re- the protagonists of the Arab Spring. In February search director of the Muslim Devotional Practices, 2011, after months of conflict, the pluri-decennial Aesthetics and Cultural Formation project funded dictatorial regime of Mu’ammar al Qaddafi came by the Research Council of Norway, and serves of to an end. Libya has entered a new phase of change as the coordinator of Cultures and Politics of Faith and hope, but also of challenge and potential insta- programme. Her current research interests are in bility. Libyans, and particularly the Libyan youth, Egypt and Brazil. welcomed the revolution of 2011 as a moment of much expected dynamicity: a time of social and po- Men, food and emotions in contemporary Egypt litical ‘movement’ after four long decades of still- Food resonated with attitudes and emotions relating ness. In order to understand how Libyans perceived to men’s and women’s understandings about self and the revolution as a sudden explosion of change, it is others and their underlying interactions. A meal is a important to investigate the ‘stillness’ that preceded gift that sates desire, gives pleasure, evokes memory it. Relying on material collected during my field- and creates attachments. This paper is about food work in 2006-08, and in the course of a visit to Lib- in its emotional and material dimensions as seen ya I made in 2012, I will shed light on how Libyans through the narratives of Egyptian men. The ac- under Qaddafi felt physically and mentally ‘still,’ counts rest on men’s voices, on how men convey unable to move forward, stuck in a situation of static food’s extraordinary ability to historicise, encode alienation that pushed many of them to kill time and regulate their close relationship to their spouse in guest-rooms, articulating their sense of forced in- and children. It is an attempt to ask questions about activity through chats, laziness, tea and cigarettes. the link between men’s struggles to feed their fami- Drawing on Spinoza, Deleuze produced a series of lies well and often, their anticipations and everyday reflections that help us to understand this phenom- practices. Buying and sharing meals has a way of enon. Deleuze famously defined affect as ‘as the binding and tearing apart morals and economy, continuous variation of the power of acting’ (1978). households and state, the personal and communal According to Deleuze/Spinoza, human affairs are and the body and psyche. Food moves between lad- the results of encounters between bodies that affect en and empty tables, and the story of food in Egypt the power of acting of each other, generating de- is as much about struggle as it is about human at- grees of activity and inactivity. As beings, humans tachments. In this paper, I return to the kind of are continuously affected (and continuously affect) promise anthropology holds as an exploration into each other on a pre-semantic level, oppressing or en- human social potentialities. It is a turn towards the couraging a broader sense of movement and change notion of culture and food as an ‘art of living’ and (or its opposite) without necessarily resorting to ver- as a way for men to engage with everyday family bal communication. The Libyan case shows that living. institutions do the same. Under Qaddafi, Libya was ruled through nepotism and injustice, and Libyans felt bodily oppressed and pushed to inactivity. The Rachid Id Yassin regime affected its subjects on a bodily level, gener- Rachid Id Yassin holds a PhD in sociology from ating laziness and stillness. In the article, I look at EHESS (Centre for Sociological Analysis and Inter- the complexities of this phenomenon, and evaluate vention) and has taught at the Centre for the Study the applicability of Deleuze’s ideas by showing how of Religions at the University Gaston Berger (UGB) they offer a good tool for understanding the recent and in the department of sociology at the University past and the present of Libya. Perpignan-Via Domitia (UPVD) since 2007. A re-

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Member of the audience during the roundtable discussions.

search associate at EHESS and the Catalan Institute a Friday, indeed! However, if these Fridays of this of Social Science Research (UPVD), he coordinates spring 2011 punctuated the strategy and political the Observatory of Worlds of the Mediterranean action of the democratic transition movements in and the Middle East (UGB). His work currently the Arab world, the monotony of the weekly prayer focuses on Islam and regionalisms (European and sermons in Morocco allowed me to make a disso- African). A graduate in sociology, anthropology, re- nant ethnography. In front of the screen, I followed ligious studies and Islamic studies, he is a consultant the events through the media and social networks. to international organisations and member of vari- Fridays of Egyptian anger or those of Syrian dignity ous research groups. contrasted with Fridays of Moroccan serenity. The affective politics of the Sharifian regime did not al- A sacred spring or Fridays of Moroccan serenity low these religious gatherings to be politicised. The I was in Morocco on Friday, 17 December 2010, the crowd of faithful listened to sermons blessing His day when Mohamed Bouazizi immolated himself Majesty, imploring God to protect him and to pre- in Tunisia. A month later, the Tunisian president serve the country from the disorders in the other fled the country and was welcomed by the Saudi Arab countries. Did the popular sacredness of the monarchy, where he experienced his first day of ex- monarch lead the February 20 Movement to call for ile, Friday, 15 January 2011. In Egypt, the president demonstrations on Sundays? How is the Moroccan did not leave the country, and his fall took place on political scene structured by a politic investment 11 February 2011, also a Friday. The Libyan leader of collective affects, where religion is dissolved in a experienced a more violent fate during the political patriotism that the king embodies literally? Other- transition in his country: he died on 20 October wise how is one to understand the controversy of the 2011, his last night was a Friday too. In Morocco, kiss of the hand that the Islamists confronted after the Arab Spring produced a constitutional reform their victory in the elections? What role will Islam following a referendum organised on 1 July 2011 – play in the future of Moroccan democracy?

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Summary of Roundtable discussions

Introduction tant because it is this issue that binds the individual The roundtable discussions started out with brief to the public. One researcher claimed that this point introductions by the researchers who had partici- of departure will help us to not only understand the pated in the workshop of themselves and their work. uprisings in the region, but also possibly why they Audience members were invited to do the same. To occur. An example mentioned during the workshop get the discussions going, the video from the ‘Inti was the notion of ‘love’ in Morocco, or Egyptian mabsoota?’ (Are you happy?) research project was humour and jokes. No-one contested the important shown as an example of how to tackle the topic and role emotions played in the uprisings, but what was how to present research in an alternative way. debated was whether they had had a direct effect on the outcome. It was suggested that the so-called Arab Spring has uncovered some affects that drove Summary of discussions and others that inhibited the uprisings. According The audience quickly asked the panel for a work- to one researcher, affects driving events in the re- ing definition of the term ‘affective’ before entering gion seem to be, for example, hope, frustration and into the discussions. It was pointed out that there is anger, as also motives related to kinship, family and no single definition of ‘affective politics,’ but that religious belonging. An example of the opposite, the researchers are exploring how affects and emo- why people do not take part, seems to be fear and tions are driving uprisings in the region or, alter- disappointment. Yet it was argued that additional natively how they have in some cases disappeared research is needed to deepen these insights: these during these turbulent times, since this connection findings are still broad and should be broke down between politics and affect seems to run both ways. into smaller components as well as further analysed The researchers explained that many issues can to be better understood. be investigated under this umbrella, but the main One audience member pointed out that looking focus is the role affective politics can have on the at the uprisings from an affective point of view is par- street, among the public, and what they mean in ticularly interesting for a writer, but also the reverse, relation to change or stasis. that affects in politics can easily be studied through One member of the audience noted that the literature and arts. It was suggested that one of the topic of affective politics is important in order for tools Egyptian people possess is jokes and sarcasm. Europeans to better understand the North African It is not far-fetched to say that the uprisings have region in flux. been extremely emotional for people living in North It was suggested that the Arab Spring somehow Africa, as well as in the diaspora. One of the par- changed the image – with the eventual consequence ticipating researchers mentioned that events seem to of new stereotypes of Arabs emerging and that these have reached a crossroads: the revolution will take new perspectives and questions need to be addressed. either the road to happiness or sadness. The main One of the researchers mentioned that the European aim of the 2011 uprising in Egypt was achieving reaction to the Arab uprisings stemmed in part from popular satisfaction, but where is it heading? Tahrir fear of more immigrants trying to escape to Europe, Square has experienced both love and hate during hence the despatch of warships to the Mediterrane- the uprisings. The same researcher noted how the an. The researcher panel expressed the view that the collective energies at Tahrir have changed from what social scientists’ role is to provide various interpreta- was described as ‘magic’ rights after the uprisings, to tions and analyses of why the uprisings took place. the complete opposite after the realisation dawned This increased knowledge will, it is hoped, ease the that so much had not been met. One member of fears among people in Europe as well as prevent fur- the audience during the discussions commented on ther Islamophobia and neo-orientalism. European how many active Egyptians felt abused or misused citizens, politicians and policy-makers should be after the events in 2011. It was also argued that this able to better understand the Arab struggles with is because those people who started the 25 January the help of an affective politics approach. It was also uprising did not come to power, which meant that suggested that studying affective politics is impor- their aim had not been realised. At this point in the

– 26 – Workshop and roundtable report

Researchers participating in one of many discussion sessions during the two days of workshop. discussions, one participant stressed the importance concluded. Another view expressed by the audience of listening to young people and of being involved during the discussions was that the whole reason for in discussions with them. the dilemmas today is that the 2011 uprising was led An observation made by one invited roundtable by emotions. participant was that Egyptians can be seen as an One reflection by the audience on the uprisings emotional people, that Egyptian history is written in Egypt was that people seem to unite more easily in an emotional way and that readers learn about behind negative demands, when they express what Egyptian history in a way that colours the way they they do not want, but it is harder to unite all the will look at it. The comment prompted an explana- factions behind something they actually do want. tion by one researcher of the anthropologists’ role in Furthermore, this was supposedly one of the rea- this, namely putting these emotions in some type of sons many say the 2011 uprising is incomplete. The framework in order for them to be analysed. Dur- discussions between researchers and audience sug- ing the uprising itself, it was very clear that former gested that to understand what happened in the re- President Mubarak’s speech made an immense im- gion in recent years, it was important to study the pact on the Egyptian people, but the question as to wall of fear so long present. The reason for the up- how this should be analysed was left unresolved. risings was breaking this wall, but in Libya, Tunisia It was also suggested, both by audience mem- and Egypt people are instead building new walls of bers and one of the researchers, that the Egyptian fear, according to some members of the roundtable people were united only during the first few days of audience. Even though the discussions mostly fo- the first uprising (2011), but that people soon went cused on Egypt, probably due to the mostly Egyp- their separate ways. The economic problems facing tian presence at the roundtable, participants also Egypt are part of the threat to the cohesion of the talked about the different experiences of the Arabic people. But affect seems also to have held back posi- Spring around the region. For example, the Egyp- tive development in Egypt. One audience member tian and Moroccan cases were portrayed as sharply argued that because many Egyptians are focused on contrasting by some of the researchers, because in one particular demand, they miss the bigger picture Morocco the different groups are said to have been and therefore preclude longer-term thinking. The united by the revolution, while the opposite is tak- allegedly emotionalism in Egypt’s current politics ing place in Egypt. Mentioned as a promising over- can therefore be seen as preventing development. all consequence of the Arab transitions is how hope The awareness of the populace has increased with and awareness have risen. However, roundtable par- the uprisings, but awareness needs to be accompa- ticipants affirmed that there is still much to learn nied by reason. Without this, it is easier for people about the countries of the region and their varying to be misled and exploited, the invited participant experiences.

– 27 – Affective politics in transitional North Africa: Imagining the future

Outcomes

This report is the initial concrete outcome of the The workshop provided the opportunity for an- workshop that is to be considered as the first in a se- thropologists working in North Africa and Europe ries of planned events to further explore the topic of to come together and share not only research inter- affective politics in transitional North Africa. The ests, but also their years of research experience. It report is directed at policy-makers and will be pub- was an opportunity to compare and to learn from lished in Arabic and English. one another in an open working environment. As The roundtable debate during this workshop a direct result of this first workshop, a network of was a success – it was affective politics ‘going on’ researchers has been established as an initial step in in the room through intense debate, reflection and further deepening regional research cooperation. discussion in a non-hierarchal way. It showed that During the workshop, the researchers discussed affective politics is crucial to an understanding of methodologies, concepts and analytical frameworks transitional North Africa. The invited audience ar- for research and policies on affective politics as well gued that this is actually what the uprisings are all as evaluating the ‘state-of-art’ with regard to both. about! This part of the workshop not only opened Initial talks also took place to plan a future joint up a dialogue and created opportunities for the ac- academic publication on the topic of affective ‘post- tors to learn from one another, but will enrich future revolutionary’ politics in North Africa, comprising research as well as contribute to alternative ways of an edited volume of academic articles. holding academic workshops.

Members of the audience during the roundtable discussion and PhD candidate Senni Jyrkiäinen listening to the translation.

– 28 – Workshop and roundtable report

References

Deleuze, G. and Guattari, F. (1993). A Thousand Pla- mas. Annual Report 2012. Uppsala, Nordic teaus. Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Minneapolis, Africa Institute. Retrieved from: http://www. University of Minnesota Press. nai.uu.se/about/organisation/annualreport/ NAI_2012AnnualReport_HighRes.pdf Deleuze, G. (1978). Lecture’s Transcripts on Spino- za’s concept of Affect. In E. and J. Deleuze (eds). Malmström, M. (2009). Just like couscous: Gender, http://www.gold.ac.uk/media/deleuze_spinoza_ Agency and the Politics of Female Circumcision affect.pdf (accessed on 8 October 2013). in Cairo. Department of Social Anthropology, Göteborg University. El-Sherif, A. (2012). ‘The ultras’ politics of fun con- front tyranny.’ Egypt Independent, 3 Feb. Massumi, B. (1995). ‘The Autonomy of Affect.’ Cultural Critique (Special issue: The Politics of Ghannam, F. (2011). Presentation. American An- Systems and Environments, pt. 2) (31):83-110. thropological Association (AAA), 14-20 Nov., Montreal. Navaro-Yashin, Y. (2002). Faces of the State. Secular- ism and Public Life in Turkey. Princeton, Prince- Ismail, S. (2012). ‘The Egyptian Revolution against ton University Press. the Police.’ Social Research: An International Quar- terly 79(2):435–62. Protevi, J. (2009). Political Affect. Connecting the Social and the Somatic. Minneapolis, University of Khatib, L. (2012). Image Politics in the Middle East: Minnesota Press. The Role of the Visual in Political Struggle. London and New York, I.B. Tauris. Rouch, J. and Morin, E. (1960). Chronique d’un Été (90 min. film). Latour, B. (2004). ‘How to Talk About the Body? The Normative Dimension of Science Studies.’ Scott, J.C. (1990). Domination and the Arts of Resist- Body & Society 10(2–3):205–29. ance. Yale: Yale University Press. Mahmood, S. (2001). ‘Feminist Theory, Embodi- Singerman, D. and Amar, P. (eds) (2006). Cairo Cos- ment, and the Docile Agent: Some Reflections mopolitan: Politics, Culture, and Urban Space in on the Egyptian Revival.’ Cultural Anthropology the New Globalized Middle East. Cairo, American 6(2):202–36. University in Cairo Press. Malmström, M. F. (2013). Ihbaat again? Ihbaat Stambouli, F. (2010). ‘Global Change and the Rise – frustration – is one of the emotions in play of Islam in North Africa.’ Paper presented at the as Egyptian people try to cope with their new 11th Mediterranean Research Meeting, Toscana, political circumstances. In Development Dilem- 24–27 March 2010.

– 29 – Affective politics in transitional North Africa: Imagining the future

A nnex Affective I Politics in Transitional North Africa: Imagining the Future Workshop Alexandria, Egypt, May 27-­28, 2013

Tentative Programme

Monday 27 May, Venue: Swedish Institute in Alexandria

Swedish Institute Alexandria 9.00 Welcome by the organizers

The Victoria Nordic Sjölander, Africa Acting Institute Deputy Director

Maria Frederika Malmström, esearcher senior r for North Africa in the ‘Conflict, Security and Democratic Transformation’ cluster at the Nordic Africa Institute

9.30 Session Introduction 1: of Presentations the participants

10.00 : Mohammed Tabishat, Egypt Zakaria Rhani, Morocco Coffee Moderator: break Maria Frederika Malmström

11.00

11.20 LunchDiscussions session 1

12.00 Session 2: Presentations

13.30 : Samuli Schielke, Egypt Senni Jyrkiäinen; Finland Moderator: Coffee Break Aymon Kreil

14.30 – 30 – 38 Workshop and roundtable report

15.00 Discussions session 2

15.40 Summing up Discussions: Day one 17.00 -18.00 Free time

18.00 - Dinner (Abu Seed)

Tuesday 28 May, Venue: Swedish Institute in Alexandria

10.00 Session 3: Presentations: Mustafa Aattir, Libya Susanne Dahlgren, Tunisia Aymon Kreil, Egypt Moderator: Maria Frederika Malmström

11.00 Coffee break

11.20 Discussions session 3

12.00 Lunch

13.00 Session 4: Presentations: Mark Westmoreland, Egypt Carl Rommel, Egypt Moderator: Samuli Schielke

13.40 Discussions session 4

14.20 Coffee Break

15.00-17.00 Roundtable discussions (Egyptian students and policymakers will be invited)

17.00-17.30 Free time

17.30 Cocktail and Summing up the workshop Affective Politics in Transitional North Africa: Imagining the Future. Future Plans.

19.00 - Dinner (Fish market)

– 31 – 39

ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

˻ΔηϗΎϧϣϟ΍ΔγϠΟ ˺˾̄˹˹

ϝϭϷ΍ϡϭϳϟ΍ΕΎηϗΎϧϣϟ΍ιϳΧϠΗ ˺˾̄˽˹

ύ΍έϔϟ΍Εϗϭ ˺́̄˹˹-˺̀̄˹˹ ΩϳγϭΑ΃ ˯Ύηόϟ΍ ˺́̄˹˹

ΔϳέΩϧϛγϹΎΑϱΩϳϭγϟ΍ΩϬόϣϟ΍ϥΎϛϣϟ΍ˬϭϳΎϣ˻́˯ΎΛϼΛϟ΍

νϭέόϟ΍˼ΔγϠΟϟ΍ ˺˹̄˹˹ ΎϳΑϳϟˬέϳρ΃ϰϔρλϣ αϧϭΗˬϥϳέϐϟ΍Ωϥ΍ίϭγ έλϣˬϝϳέϛϧϭϣϳ· ϡϭέΗγϣϟΎϣΎϛϳέΩϳέϓΎϳέΎϣϕγϧϣϟ΍

ΓϭϬϘϟ΍ϝϭΎϧΗϟΔΣ΍έΗγ΍ ˺˺̄˹˹

˼ΕΎηϗΎϧϣϟ΍ΔγϠΟ ˺˺̄˻˹

˯΍Ωϐϟ΍ ˺˻̄˹˹

νϭέόϟ΍˽ΔγϠΟϟ΍ ˺˼̄˹˹ έλϣˬΩϧϻέϭϣΗγϳϭϙέΎϣ έλϣϝϳϣϭέϝέΎϛ ϲϛϠϳϳηϲϟϭϣΎγϕγϧϣϟ΍

˽ΕΎηϗΎϧϣϟ΍ΔγϠΟ ˺˼̄˹˹

ΓϭϬϘϟ΍ϝϭΎϧΗϟΔΣ΍έΗγ΍ ˺˼̄˹˹

ΔγΎϳγϟ΍ωΎϧλϭϥϳϳέλϣϟ΍Ώϼρϟ΍ΓϭϋΩϡΗΗϑϭγ ΓέϳΩΗγϣϟ΍ΓΩ΋Ύϣϟ΍ωΎϣΗΟ΍ΕΎηϗΎϧϣ ˺̀̄˹˹-˺˾̄˹˹

ύ΍έϔϟ΍Εϗϭ ˺̀̄˼˹-˺̀̄˹˹

ΔϳϟΎϘΗϧϻ΍ΎϳϘϳέϓ΃ϝΎϣηϲϓΔϳϧ΍ΩΟϭϟ΍ΔγΎϳγϟ΍ϝϣϋΔηέϭιϳΧϠΗϭϝϳΗϛϭϛϟ΍ ˺̀̄˼˹ ϝΑϘΗγϣϟ΍ρρΧϝΑϘΗγϣϟ΍έϭλΗ

ϙϣγϟ΍ϕϭγ ˯Ύηόϟ΍ ˺̂̄˹˹

– ۳۱ – ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ

ϝϭϷ΍ϕΣϠϣϟ΍

ϝΑϘΗγϣϟ΍έϭλΗΎϳϘϳέϓ΃ϝΎϣηϟΔϳϟΎϘΗϧϻ΍ΔϠΣέϣϟ΍ϲϓΔϳϧ΍ΩΟϭϟ΍ΔγΎϳγϟ΍ ˻˹˺˼ˬϭϳΎϣ˻́-˻̀ˬέλϣˬΔϳέΩϧϛγϹ΍ΔϳϠΑϘΗγϣϟ΍ϝϣόϟ΍Δηέϭ

Εϗ΅ϣΞϣΎϧέΑ

ΔϳέϳΩϧϛγϹΎΑϱΩϳϭγϟ΍ΩϬόϣϟ΍ϥΎϛϣϟ΍ˬϭϳΎϣ˻̀ϕϓ΍ϭϣϟ΍ϥϳϧΛϹ΍

ϥϳϣυϧϣϟ΍ϝΑϗϥϣΏϳΣέΗϟ΍ ̂̄˹˹ ΔϳέΩϧϛγϹΎΑϱΩϳϭγϟ΍ΩϬόϣϟ΍ έϳΩϣϟ΍Ώ΋ΎϧϝΎϣϋ΄ΑΔϣ΋ΎϘϟ΍ˬέΩϧϻϭΟγΎϳέϭΗϛϳϓ

ϲϓΎϧΩϧϛγϻ΍ϲϘϳέϓϷ΍ΩϬόϣϟ΍ ϲρ΍έϘϣϳΩϟ΍ϝϭΣΗϟ΍ΔϠΗϛϲϓΎϳϘϳέϓ΃ϝΎϣηϟΓέϳΑϛΔΛΣΎΑˬϡϭέΗγϣϟΎϣΎϛϳέΩέϓΎϳέΎϣ ϲϓΎϧΩϧϛγϹ΍ϲϘϳέϓϷ΍ΩϬόϣϟ΍ϲϓϲϧϣϷ΍ϭϲϋ΍έλϟ΍ϭ

ϥϳϛέΎηϣϟ΍ΔϣΩϘϣ ̂̄˼˹

νϭέόϟ΍˺ΔγϠΟϟ΍ ˺˹̄˹˹ έλϣˬΕΎηϳΑρΩϣΣϣ Ώέϐϣϟ΍ˬϲϧΎΣέΎϳέϛί ϡϭέΗγϣϟΎϣΎϛϳέΩϳέϓΎϳέΎϣϕγϧϣϟ΍

ΓϭϬϘϟ΍ϝϭΎϧΗϟΔΣ΍έΗγ΍ ˺˺̄˹˹

˺ΕΎηϗΎϧϣϟ΍ΔγϠΟ ˺˺̄˻˹

˯΍Ωϐϟ΍ ˺˻̄˹˹

νϭέόϟ΍˻ΔγϠΟϟ΍ ˺˼̄˼˹ έλϣˬϲϛϠϳηϳϟϭϣΎλ ΍Ωϧϼϧϓˬϥϧϳϳϛέϳϳϲϧγ ϝϳέϛϧϭϣϳ·ρϳγϭϟ΍

ΓϭϬϘϟ΍ϝϭΎϧΗϟΔΣ΍έΗγ΍ ˺˽̄˼˹

– ۳۰ – ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺍﺟﻊ

mas. Annual Report 2012. Uppsala, Nordic Deleuze, G. and Guattari, F. (1993). A Thousand Africa Institute. Retrieved from: http://www. Plateaus. Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Min- nai.uu.se/about/organisation/annualreport/ neapolis, University of Minnesota Press. NAI_2012AnnualReport_HighRes.pdf Deleuze, G. (1978). Lecture’s Transcripts on Spino- Malmström, M. (2009). Just like couscous: Gen- za’s concept of Affect. In E. and J. Deleuze (eds). der, Agency and the Politics of Female Circum- http://www.gold.ac.uk/media/deleuze_spinoza_ cision in Cairo. Department of Social Anthropol- affect.pdf (accessed on 8 October 2013). ogy, Göteborg University. El-Sherif, A. (2012). ‘The ultras’ politics of fun con- Massumi, B. (1995). ‘The Autonomy of Affect.’ front tyranny.’ Egypt Independent, 3 Feb. Cultural Critique (Special issue: The Politics of Ghannam, F. (2011). Presentation. American Systems and Environments, pt. 2) (31):83-110. Anthropological Association (AAA), 14-20 Nov., Navaro-Yashin, Y. (2002). Faces of the State. Montreal. Secularism and Public Life in Turkey. Princeton, Ismail, S. (2012). ‘The Egyptian Revolution against Princeton University Press. the Police.’ Social Research: An International Protevi, J. (2009). Political Affect. Connecting the Quarterly 79(2):435–62. Social and the Somatic. Minneapolis, University Khatib, L. (2012). Image Politics in the Middle of Minnesota Press. East: The Role of the Visual in Political Strug- Rouch, J. and Morin, E. (1960). Chronique d’un gle. London and New York, I.B. Tauris. Été (90 min. film). Latour, B. (2004). ‘How to Talk About the Body? Scott, J.C. (1990). Domination and the Arts of The Normative Dimension of Science Studies.’ Resistance. Yale: Yale University Press. Body & Society 10(2–3):205–29. Singerman, D. and Amar, P. (eds) (2006). Cairo Mahmood, S. (2001). ‘Feminist Theory, Embodi- Cosmopolitan: Politics, Culture, and Urban ment, and the Docile Agent: Some Reflections Space in the New Globalized Middle East. on the Egyptian Revival.’ Cultural Anthropology Cairo, American University in Cairo Press. 6(2):202–36. Stambouli, F. (2010). ‘Global Change and the Rise Malmström, M. F. (2013). Ihbaat again? Ihbaat of Islam in North Africa.’ Paper presented at the – frustration – is one of the emotions in play 11th Mediterranean Research Meeting, Tos- as Egyptian people try to cope with their new cana, 24–27 March 2010. political circumstances. In Development Dilem-

– ۲۹ – ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ

ﺍﻟﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ

ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻧﺗﻳﺟﺔ ﻣﻠﻣﻭﺳﺔ ﻟﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻳﺟﺏ ﺍﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺃﺗﺎﺣﺕ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺻﺔ ﻟﻌﻠﻣﺎء ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻠﺳﻠﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻷﺣﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻣﺧﻁﻁ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻟﻣﻭﺍﺻﻠﺔ ﺍﺳﺗﻛﺷﺎﻑ ﻳﻌﻣﻠﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﻭﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ ﻟﻳﺄﺗﻭﺍ ًﻣﻌﺎ ﻭﻳﺗﺑﺎﺩﻟﻭﻥ ﻟﻳﺱ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ. ﻭﻳﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﺍﻻﻫﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺛﻳﺔ ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺧﺑﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺛﻳﺔ ﻟﺩﻳﻬﻡ. ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻭﻑ ُﻳﻧﺷﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺗﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺟﻠﻳﺯﻳﺔ. ﻓﺭﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﻭﻟﻠﺗﻌﻠﻡ ﻣﻥ ﺑﻌﺿﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺑﻌﺽ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻳﺋﺔ ﻋﻣﻝ ﻣﻔﺗﻭﺣﺔ. ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻭﻛﻧﺗﻳﺟﺔ ﻣﺑﺎﺷﺭﺓ ﻟﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ، ﻓﻘﺩ ﺗﻡ ﺇﻧﺷﺎء ﺷﺑﻛﺔ ﻣﻥ ًﻧﺟﺎﺣﺎ – ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﺗﺟﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﻓﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﻛﺧﻁﻭﺓ ﺃﻭﻟﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﻌﻣﻳﻕ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺛﻲ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻳﻣﻲ. ﺍﻟﻣﻛﺛﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻔﻛﻳﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺑﻁﺭﻳﻘﺔ ﻏﻳﺭ ﻫﺭﻣﻳﺔ. ﻭﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ، ﻧﺎﻗﺵ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻬﺟﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻔﺎﻫﻳﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻣﺻﻳﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ. ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻁﺭ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻠﻳﻠﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻋﻭﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺩﻭﺭ ﺣﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ!. ﻫﺫﺍ ﻭﻛﺫﻟﻙ ﺗﻘﻳﻳﻡ "ﺁﺧﺭ ﺍﻹﺑﺩﺍﻋﺎﺕ" ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻛﻝ ﻣﻧﻬﺎ. ﺍﻟﺟﺯء ﻣﻥ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻟﻡ ﻳﻔﺗﺢ ًﺣﻭﺍﺭﺍ ﻭﻟﻡ ﻳﻧﺷﺊ ًﻓﺭﺻﺎ ﻟﻠﻔﺎﻋﻠﻳﻥ ﻟﻠﺗﻌﻠﻡ ﻛﻣﺎ ﺟﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺎﺩﺛﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺗﺧﻁﻳﻁ ﻣﻧﺷﻭﺭ ﺃﻛﺎﺩﻳﻣﻲ ﻣﻥ ﺑﻌﺿﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺑﻌﺽ ﻓﺣﺳﺏ ﻭﻟﻛﻧﻪ ﺳﻳﺛﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻠﻳﺔ ﻭﻛﺫﻟﻙ ﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻠﻲ ﻣﺷﺗﺭﻙ ﺣﻭﻝ ﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ "ﻓﻲ ﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺎﻫﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺑﺩﻳﻠﺔ ﻟﺗﻧﻅﻳﻡ ﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ. ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ" ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﻳﺗﺿﻣﻥ ﻣﺟﻠﺩ ﻣﺣﺭﺭ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ.

ﺃﻋﺿﺎء ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﻭﻁﺎﻟﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻧﻲ ﻳﻳﻛﻳﻳﻧﻥ Senni Jyrkiäinen ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﺍﺳﺗﻣﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺗﺭﺟﻣﺔ.

– ۲۸ – ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺩﺓ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺟﻠﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺗﻐﺭﻗﺕ ﻳﻭﻣﻳﻥ. ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻼﺣﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺃﺑﺩﺍﻫﺎ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﺗﻡ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﺑﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺳﻲ ﻭﺭﺍء ﻣﻌﺿﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﺩﻋﻭﺗﻬﻡ ﻟﺣﺿﻭﺭ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺍﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱ ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺗﻘﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻁﻑ. ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﻡ ﺃﺷﺧﺎﺹ ﻋﺎﻁﻔﻳﻳﻥ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ ﻣﻛﺗﻭﺏ ﺑﻁﺭﻳﻘﺔ ﻋﺎﻁﻔﻳﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍء ﻓﻬﻣﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ ﺑﻁﺭﻳﻘﺔ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺇﺣﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻁﺭﺣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺷﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻅﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺳﻳﻧﻅﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ ﺇﻟﻳﻪ. ﻭﺣﺙ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﻠﻳﻕ ﺗﻔﺳﻳﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﻳﺗﺣﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺳﻬﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻛﺑﺭ ﺧﻠﻑ ﺍﻟﻣﻁﺎﻟﺏ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﺑﻳﺔ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﻟﺩﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻣﺎء ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ، ﻭﻫﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻋﻧﺩﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺑﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻳﺭﻳﺩﻭﻧﻪ، ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺻﻌﺏ ﺗﻭﺣﻳﺩ ﻛﻝ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻁﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻭﻉ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﻭﻣﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺻﺎﺋﻝ ﻭﺭﺍء ﺷﻲء ﻣﺎ ﻳﺭﻳﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻝ. ًﻭﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺑﺗﺣﻠﻳﻠﻬﺎ. ﻭﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻧﻔﺳﻬﺎ، ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺿﺢ ًﺟﺩﺃ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺧﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﻔﺗﺭﺽ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻫﻭ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻷﺳﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺩﻓﻌﺕ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺱ ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺑﻕ ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻪ ًﺗﺄﺛﻳﺭﺍ ًﻛﺑﻳﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ، ﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱ ﻏﻳﺭ ﻣﻛﺗﻣﻠﺔ. ﻭﺍﻗﺗﺭﺣﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺟﺭﻯ ﺑﻳﻥ ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﺅﺍﻝ ﻋﻥ ﻛﻳﻑ ﻳﻧﺑﻐﻲ ﺗﺣﻠﻳﻝ ﺫﻟﻙ ُﺗﺭﻙ ﺑﺩﻭﻥ ﺣﻝ. ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻔﻬﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺃﺷﻳﺭ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻣﻥ ﻗﺑﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﺿﺎء ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﻭﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﻳﺭﺓ، ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻬﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺟﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺧﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺟﻭﺩ ﻣﻧﺫ ﺣﺩ ﺳﻭﺍء ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ًﻣﺗﺣﺩﺍ ﻓﻘﻁ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻳﻠﺔ ﻓﺗﺭﺓ ﻁﻭﻳﻠﺔ. ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺑﺏ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻭ ﻛﺳﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺟﺩﺍﺭ، ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻟﻠﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ (ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱)، ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﺳﺭﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺫﻫﺏ ﻛﻝ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ ﻭﺗﻭﻧﺱ ﻭﻣﺻﺭ ﻳﺑﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﺑﺩﻻً ﻣﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺟﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻭﻑ ﺟﺩﻳﺩﺓ ﻣﻧﻬﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺑﻳﻠﻪ. ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﻛﻝ ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻭﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﺻﺭ ًﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﺑﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻋﺿﺎء ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ؟ ﻫﻲ ﺟﺯء ﻣﻥ ﺗﻬﺩﻳﺩ ﺗﻣﺎﺳﻙ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺏ. ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﻳﺑﺩﻭ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺭﻛﺯﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻅﻣﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺻﺭ ﻭﺭﺑﻣﺎ ﻳﺭﺟﻊ ﺃﻋﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺗﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻳﺟﺎﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ. ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﺿﺎء ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ، ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺑﺳﺑﺏ ﺗﺭﻛﻳﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻁﻠﺏ ﻭﺍﺣﺩ ﺑﻌﻳﻧﻪ، ﺗﺣﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻭﻥ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺈﻧﻬﻡ ﻳﻔﺗﻘﺩﻭﻥ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺻﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻛﺑﺭ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺗﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺣﻭﻟﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻔﻛﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ. ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺑﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺛﺎﻝ، ﺻﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻁﻭﻝ. ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺗﻧﺎﻗﺿﺔ ﺑﺷﻛﻝ ﺣﺎﺩ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺏ ُﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺗﺎﻟﻲ، ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺍﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻁﻔﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺯﻋﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺗﻭﺣﺩﺩﺕ ﺑﻔﻌﻝ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ، ﺑﻳﻧﻣﺎ ﻳﺣﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﻛﺱ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺗﻧﻣﻳﺔ. ﻭﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻫﻳﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ. ُﻭﺫﻛﺭ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺗﻳﺟﺔ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻋﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﺗﺣﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ ﻳﺣﺗﺎﺝ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻛﻭﻥ ًﻣﺻﺣﻭﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻘﻝ. ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺻﻌﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ. ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻣﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﺃﻛﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻭﻥ ﻭﺑﺩﻭﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻬﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺗﻡ ﺗﺿﻠﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺳﺗﻐﻼﻟﻬﻡ، ﻛﻣﺎ ﺧﺗﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﺯﺍﻝ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﻟﻛﺛﻳﺭ ﻟﻧﻌﺭﻓﻪ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻋﻭ. ﻭﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻅﺭ ﺃﺧﺭﻯ ﻋﺑﺭ ﻋﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ ﻭﺧﺑﺭﺍﺗﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ.

– ۲۷ – ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ

ﻣﻠﺧﺹ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

ﻣﻘﺩﻣﺔ ﻧﻘﻁﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﻁﻼﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺳﻭﻑ ﺗﺳﺎﻋﺩﻧﺎ ﻟﻳﺱ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺩﺃﺕ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﺑﻣﻘﺩﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻳﺯﺓ ﻣﻥ ﻗﺑﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ ﺑﻝ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺳﺎﻋﺩﻧﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺃﺳﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﺩﻭﺛﻬﺎ. ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﺷﺎﺭﻛﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﻡ ﻭﺑﻌﻣﻠﻬﻡ. ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺇﺣﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻣﺛﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺫﻛﺭﺕ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻫﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻭﻡ ُﻭﺩﻋﻲ ﺃﻋﺿﺎء ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﻘﻭﻣﻭﺍ ﺑﻧﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻝ. ﻭﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ "ﺍﻟﺣﺏ" ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻛﺎﻫﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻧﻛﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﺔ. ﻭﻟﻡ ﻳﻌﺗﺭﺽ ﺍﺳﺗﻣﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ، ُﻋﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻳﺩﻳﻭ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺛﻲ ِﺃﻧﺕ ﺃﺣﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺗﻠﻌﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﻋﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺑﺳﻭﻁﺔ؟ (ﻫﻝ ﺃﻧﺕ ﺳﻌﻳﺩﺓ؟) ﻛﻣﺛﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺗﻧﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﻧﻭﻗﺵ ﻫﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﻟﻬﺎ ًﺗﺄﺛﻳﺭﺍ ًﻣﺑﺎﺷﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻧﺗﻳﺟﺔ. ﻭﺃﺷﻳﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﺩﻳﻡ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﺑﻁﺭﻳﻘﺔ ﺑﺩﻳﻠﺔ. ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ُﻳﺳﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ ﻗﺩ ﻛﺷﻑ ﺑﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ُﻳﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻵﺧﺭﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﻣﻧﻌﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ. ًﻭﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻷﺣﺩ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ، ﻳﺑﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻠﺧﺹ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﺣﺩﺍﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺑﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺛﺎﻝ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﻹﺣﺑﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺿﺏ ﻭﻛﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺭﺍﺑﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺭﺓ ﻁﺎﻟﺏ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﺭﻳﻕ ﺍﻟﺧﺑﺭﺍء ﺑﺗﻭﺿﻊ ﺗﻌﺭﻳﻔﺎ ﻋﻣﻠﻳﺎ ﻟﻣﺻﻁﻠﺢ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺗﻣﺎء ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻧﻲ. ﻭﻣﺛﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻛﺱ، ﺣﻳﺙ ﻳﺑﺩﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺧﻭﻑ ﻭﺧﻳﺑﺔ "ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ" ﻗﺑﻝ ﺍﻟﺩﺧﻭﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ. ﻭﺃُﺷﻳﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻭﺟﺩ ﺍﻷﻣﻝ ﻫﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺳﺑﺏ ﻭﺭﺍء ﻋﺩﻡ ﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ. ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻣﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﺗﻌﺭﻳﻑ ﻭﺍﺣﺩ "ﻟﻠﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ"، ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﻳﻛﺗﺷﻑ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻭﻥ ﻛﻳﻑ ﻗﻳﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺟﺭﺍء ﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﻳﺔ ﻟﺗﻌﻣﻳﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺭﺅﻯ: ﻳﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻁﻑ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺩﻻً ﻣﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﻻ ﺗﺯﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ ﻭﻳﻧﺑﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺗﻡ ﺗﺗﻔﺗﻳﺗﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻛﻭﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﻳﻑ ﻳﺧﺗﻔﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺿﻁﺭﺑﺔ ﺃﺻﻐﺭ ﻓﺿﻼً ﻋﻥ ﺗﻧﺎﻭﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻣﺯﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻠﻳﻝ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﻓﻬﻣﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻷﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺑﺩﻭ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺳﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻼ ﻧﺣﻭ ﺃﻓﺿﻝ. ﺍﻻﺗﺟﺎﻫﻳﻳﻥ. ﻭﺃﻭﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻭﻥ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺗﻧﺎﻭﻝ ﺑﻌﺽ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﺿﺎء ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺿﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺣﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻣﻅﻠﺔ، ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﺭﻛﻳﺯ ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺳﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻳﺛﻳﺭ ﺍﻫﺗﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻛﺎﺗﺏ ﺑﺷﻛﻝ ﺧﺎﺹ، ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻠﻌﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﻭﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻛﺱ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺻﺣﻳﺢ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻬﻝ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻧﻳﻪ ﻓﻳﻣﺎ ﻳﺗﻌﻠﻕ ﺑﺎﻟﺗﻐﻳﻳﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺭﻛﻭﺩ. ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﺩﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻧﻭﻥ. ﻭﺃﺷﻳﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻭﻻﺣﻅ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﺿﺎء ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﺑﺄﻫﻣﻳﺔ ﺗﻧﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﻳﻣﺗﻠﻛﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻧﻛﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﺧﺭﻳﺔ. ﻭﻟﻳﺱ ﺑﻌﻳﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻳﻭﻥ ﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻧﻘﻭﻝ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﻋﺎﻁﻔﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ ﻟﻸﺷﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻐﻳﺭ ﻣﺳﺗﻣﺭ ﺑﺷﻛﻝ ﺃﻓﺿﻝ. ﻳﻌﻳﺷﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ. ﻭﻛﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻬﺟﺭ. ﻭﺫﻛﺭ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﻭﺃﺷﻳﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ ّﻏﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺻﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺩ ﻣﺎ – ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻷﺣﺩﺍﺙ ﻳﺑﺩﻭ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻭﺻﻠﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻔﺗﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻕ: ﻣﺎ ﻳﺗﺭﺗﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻁﺎﻑ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻧﻣﻁﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩﺓ ﻟﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﺳﺗﺄﺧﺫﻧﺎ ﺇﻣﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻁﺭﻳﻕ ﺍﻟﺳﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻁﺭﻳﻕ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺎﺳﺔ. ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻧﺎﻭﻝ ﺗﻠﻙ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺋﻠﺔ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺳﻲ ﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﻫﻭ ﺗﺣﻘﻳﻕ ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩﺓ. ﻭﺫﻛﺭ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻔﺎﻋﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺿﺎء ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺑﻲ ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﺃﻳﻥ ﺗﺗﺟﻪ؟ ﻓﻠﻘﺩ ﺷﻬﺩ ﻣﻳﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺭﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺣﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﻳﻧﺷﺄ ًﺟﺯﺋﻳﺎ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺧﻭﻑ ﻣﻥ ﻣﺣﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺯﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻬﺎﺟﺭﻳﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻛﺭﺍﻫﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺩ ﺳﻭﺍء ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ. ﻭﻻﺣﻅ ﻧﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺙ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺍﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ، ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺗﺎﻟﻲ ﺇﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺳﻔﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺭ ﺑﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺗﻐﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻳﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺭﻳﺭ ﻣﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻭﺻﻑ ﺍﻷﺑﻳﺽ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻭﺳﻁ. ﻭﻋﺑﺭ ﻓﺭﻳﻕ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻣﺎء ﺑﺎﻟﺣﻘﻭﻕ "ﺍﻟﺳﺣﺭﻳﺔ" ﺑﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻛﺱ ًﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﺿﺢ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﻫﻭ ﺗﻘﺩﻳﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻔﺳﻳﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺣﻠﻳﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻛﺛﻳﺭ ﻟﻡ ﻳﺗﺣﻘﻕ ﺑﻌﺩ. ﻭﻋﻠﻕ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﺿﺎء ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﺑﺳﺑﺏ ﺣﺩﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ. ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺯﺍﻳﺩﺓ ﺳﻭﻑ ﺗﺳﻬﻝ، ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺷﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺷﻁﺎء ﻭﻳﺄﻣﻠﻭﺍ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﺍﻟﻣﺧﺎﻭﻑ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ ﻭﻛﺫﻟﻙ ﻣﻧﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺯﻳﺩ ﺑﺎﻹﻳﺫﺍء ﺃﻭ ﺇﺳﺎءﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺃﺣﺩﺍﺙ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱. ﻛﻣﺎ ﻗﻳﻝ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻣﻥ ﻛﺭﺍﻫﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺗﺷﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩ. ﻭﻳﻧﺑﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻁﻧﻳﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻳﺭﺟﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﺑﺩﺃﻭﺍ ﺛﻭﺭﺓ ۲٥ ﻳﻧﺎﻳﺭ ﻟﻡ ﻳﺻﻠﻭﺍ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻳﻳﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﻳﻥ ﻭﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻛﻭﻧﻭﺍ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻳﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ ﻣﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻧﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺩﻓﻬﻡ ﻟﻡ ﻳﺗﺣﻘﻕ. ﻭﻋﻧﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻧﻘﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺟﻳﺩ ﻟﻠﺻﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﺑﻣﺳﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ. ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ، ﺭﻛﺯ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻣﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﻣﺎ ﺗﻣﺕ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻣﻬﻣﺔ ﻷﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﺗﻧﺎﻗﺷﻭﺍ ﻣﻌﻬﻡ. ﺍﻟﻘﺿﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺭﺑﻁ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﺟﻣﻬﻭﺭ. ﻭﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ

– ۲٦ – ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

ﻋﺿﻭ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ.

ﺍﻟﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺩﺱ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺟﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺻﻔﺎء ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺑﻲ ﺳﻣﺣﺕ ﻟﻲ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺃﻗﻭﻡ ﺑﺄﻧﺛﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻳﺎ ﻣﺗﻧﺎﻓﺭﺓ. ﻭﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺷﺎﺷﺔ، ﺗﺎﺑﻌﺕ ﻛﻧﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺏ ﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻓﻕ ۱۷ ﺩﻳﺳﻣﺑﺭ ۲۰۱۰، ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﺣﺩﺍﺙ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻝ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺷﺑﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ. ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﻧﺗﺣﺭ ﻓﻳﻪ ﻣﺣﻣﺩ ﺍﻟﺑﻭﻋﺯﻳﺯﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻭﻧﺱ. ﻭﺑﻌﺩ ﺷﻬﺭ، ﻓﺭ ﺟﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺿﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺟﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻛﺭﺍﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﺗﺗﻧﺎﻗﺽ ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺱ ﺍﻟﺗﻭﻧﺳﻲ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺑﻼﺩ ﻭﺭﺣﺑﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻠﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻌﻭﺩﻳﺔ، ﺣﻳﺙ ﻣﻊ ﺟﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺻﻔﺎء ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺑﻲ ﺣﻳﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻧﻅﺎﻡ ﻗﺿﻰ ﻓﻳﻬﺎ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻳﻭﻡ ﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻔﻰ، ﻭﻫﻭ ﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﻌﺔ، ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻓﻕ ۱٥ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻳﻔﻲ ﻟﻡ ﺗﺳﻣﺢ ﺑﺗﺳﻳﻳﺱ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺗﺟﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻧﻳﺔ. ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﺷﺩ ﻳﻧﺎﻳﺭ ۲۰۱۱. ﺃﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ، ﻟﻡ ﻳﺗﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺱ ﺍﻟﺑﻼﺩ، ﻭﺗﻧﺣﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺅﻣﻧﻳﻥ ﻳﺳﺗﻣﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺧﻁﺏ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺑﺎﺭﻙ ﺟﻼﻟﺗﻪ ﻭﺗﺗﻭﺳﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ۱۱ ﻓﺑﺎﻳﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱، ﻭﻫﻭ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻳﻭﻡ ﺟﻣﻌﺔ. ﻭﺷﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺯﻋﻳﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ﻟﺣﻣﺎﻳﺗﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺣﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺑﻼﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻻﺿﻁﺭﺍﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺟﻭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ًﻣﺻﻳﺭﺍ ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ًﻋﻧﻔﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺗﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻼﺩﻩ. ﻭﺗﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺭﻯ. ﻫﻝ ﻗﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺳﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺑﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﻠﻙ ﺣﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ۲۰ ﺃﻛﺗﻭﺑﺭ ۲۰۱۱، ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺁﺧﺭ ﻟﻳﻠﺔ ﻗﺿﺎﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻣﺭﻩ ﻳﻭﻡ ۲۰ ﻓﺑﺭﺍﻳﺭ ﻟﻠﻣﻁﺎﻟﺑﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻣﻅﺎﺭﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺣﺩ؟ ﻛﻳﻑ ﻧﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﻌﺔ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺏ، ﺃﻧﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ ًﺇﺻﻼﺣﺎ ًﺩﺳﺗﻭﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﺛﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺑﻲ، ﻋﻘﺏ ﺍﺳﺗﻔﺗﺎء ﺗﻡ ﺗﻧﻅﻳﻣﻪ ﻓﻲ ۱ ﻳﻭﻟﻳﻭ ۲۰۱۱ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻳﻭﻡ ﺟﻣﻌﺔ. ﺣﻳﺙ ﻳﺫﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻧﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻳﺟﺳﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻣﻠﻙ ًﻓﻌﻠﻳﺎ؟ ﻭﺇﻻ ﻛﻳﻑ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ! ﻭﺑﺭﻏﻡ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺟﻣﻌﺔ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺭﺑﻳﻊ ۲۰۱۱ ﻗﺩ ﻳﻣﻛﻥ ﻟﺷﺧﺹ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺧﻼﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺑﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﻳﺩ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺃﻛﺩﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺗﺭﺍﺗﻳﺟﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺣﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻳﻭﻥ ﺑﻌﺩ ﻓﻭﺯﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ؟ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺳﻳﻠﻌﺑﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﺭﺗﺎﺑﺔ ﺧﻁﺏ ﺍﻟﺻﻼﺓ ﺍﻹﺳﺑﻭﻋﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺏ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺑﻳﺔ؟

– ۲٥ – ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ

ﺍﻟﺳﺟﺎﺋﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺷﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻛﺳﻝ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺻﺭ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻫﻳﺭﻳﺔ Deleuzian. ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺫﺍء؛ ﻭﺍﻷﻗﻠﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻧﻳﺔ. ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺓ ﻧﻔﻳﺳﺔ ﻧﺟﻳﺏ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺩﻯ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭﻧﺻﻑ، ﺃﺻﺑﺣﺕ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺃﻧﺻﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ. ﺃﺑﺣﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﺳﻠﻡ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻝ ﻭﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ ﺗﻛﻭﻳﻥ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻓﺑﺭﺍﻳﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱، ﻭﺑﻌﺩ ﺷﻬﻭﺭ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺻﺭﺍﻉ، ﺍﻧﺗﻬﻰ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﻣﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﺟﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻧﺭﻭﻳﺞ. ﻭﺗﻌﻣﻝ ﻛﻣﻧﺳﻕ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﺎﺗﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﻟﻣﻌﻣﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺫﺍﻓﻲ. ﻭﺩﺧﻠﺕ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ ﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﻟﺑﺭﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻹﻳﻣﺎﻥ. ﻭﺍﻫﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﺟﺩﻳﺩﺓ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻐﻳﻳﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻝ ﻭﻟﻛﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺗﺣﺩﻯ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺗﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺑﺭﺍﺯﻳﻝ. ُﻣﺣﺗﻣﻝ. ﻭﺭﺣﺏ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﻭﻥ ًﻭﺧﺻﻭﺻﺎ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻲ ﺑﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱ ﻛﻠﺣﻅﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻧﺎﻣﻳﻛﻳﺔ ﻣﺗﻭﻗﻌﺔ ﺑﺷﺩﺓ: ﻭﻫﻭ ﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﻋﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺻﺭﺓ "ﻟﻠﺣﺭﻛﺔ" ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻋﻘﻭﺩ ﻁﻭﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺗﺭﺩﺩ ﺻﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻁﻌﺎﻡ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻁﻑ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺗﻔﺎﻫﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺳﻛﻭﻥ. ﻭﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﻓﻬﻡ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﻳﻥ ﻟﻠﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﺑﺎﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻧﺳﺎء ﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﺧﺭﻳﻥ ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻋﻼﺗﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻛﺎﻣﻧﺔ. ﺇﻥ ًﺍﻧﻔﺟﺎﺭﺍ ُﻣﻔﺎﺟﺋﺎ ﻟﻠﺗﻐﻳﻳﺭ، ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻬﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺑﺣﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﺩﻭء ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺳﺑﻘﻬﺎ. ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺑﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻫﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺷﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﺑﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻌﺔ ﻭﺗﺳﺗﺣﺿﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﻛﺭﺓ ﻭﺑﺎﻻﻋﺗﻣﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺟﻣﻌﺗﻬﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻳﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺗﻧﺷﻲء ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺍﺑﻁ. ﻭﻳﺗﺣﺩﺙ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﻌﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺑﻌﺎﺩﻩ ۲۰۰٦-۲۰۰۸، ﻭﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۲، ﺳﻭﻑ ﺃﺳﻠﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻁﻔﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻛﻣﺎ ﻳﺗﺿﺢ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ. ﺍﻟﺿﻭء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺷﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻅﻝ ﺣﻛﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺫﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﻡ ﻻ ﻭﻳﺭﺗﻛﺯ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺻﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺇﻋﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻋﻥ ﻳﺯﺍﻟﻭﻥ ًﺟﺳﺩﻳﺎ ًﻭﻋﻘﻠﻳﺎ ﻏﻳﺭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻳﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺭﻙ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺗﻣﺳﻛﻳﻥ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻁﻌﺎﻡ ﻏﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺗﺎﺑﺔ ﺃﺣﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺗﺭﻛﻳﺯ ﻭﺗﻧﻅﻳﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻻﻏﺗﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺳﺎﻛﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻧﻬﻡ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﺿﻳﻌﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻳﺑﺔ ﺑﻳﻧﻬﻡ ﻭﺑﻳﻥ ﺯﻭﺟﺎﺗﻬﻡ ﻭﺃﻁﻔﺎﻟﻬﻡ. ﺇﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺣﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﻁﺭﺡ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﻓﻳﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻔﻳﺩ ﻣﻌﺑﺭﻳﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺷﻌﻭﺭﻫﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺧﻣﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺟﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻷﺳﺋﻠﺔ ﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻳﻥ ﻛﻔﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻟﺗﻭﻓﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻁﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺟﻳﺩ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺩﺷﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻛﺳﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺷﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﺟﺎﺋﺭ. ًﻭﺍﺳﺗﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺳﺑﻳﻧﻭﺯﺍ، ﻷﺳﺭﻫﻡ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻛﺛﻳﺭ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻷﺣﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻭﻗﻌﺎﺗﻬﻡ ﻭﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺎﺗﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻣﻳﺔ. ﺃﻧﺗﺞ ﺩﻳﻠﻭﺯ ﺳﻠﺳﻠﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺳﻌﺎﺩﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ. ﺇﻥ ﺷﺭﺍء ﻭﺟﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻁﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺗﻘﺎﺳﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻁﺭﻳﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺑﻁ ﻭﺗﻣﺯﻳﻕ ﻭﻋﺭﻑ ﺩﻳﻠﻭﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺣﻭ ﻣﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﺗﺑﺎﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻣﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺷﺧﺻﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻌﻳﺔ ﺳﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﺻﺭﻑ (۱۹۷۸). ًﻭﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﺩﻭﻟﻭﺯ/ﺳﺑﻳﻧﻭﺯﺍ، ﺗﻌﺗﺑﺭ ﺍﻟﺷﺅﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺟﺳﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻭﺡ. ﻭﻳﺗﺣﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﻁﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻭﻻﺕ ُﺍﻟﻣﺣﻣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺑﺷﺭﻳﺔ ﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻠﻘﺎءﺍﺕ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻷﺷﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺅﺛﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺗﺻﺭﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻏﺔ. ﺗﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﻌﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻛﻔﺎﺡ ﻛﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺣﻭﻝ ﻛﻝ ﻣﻧﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻭﻟﺩ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺷﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﺧﻣﻭﻝ. ﻭﻛﻛﺎﺋﻧﺎﺕ، ﻳﺗﺄﺛﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺍﺑﻁ ﺍﻹﻧﺳﺎﻧﻳﺔ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ، ﺃﻋﻭﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻧﻭﻉ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﺑﺷﺭ ﺑﺎﺳﺗﻣﺭﺍﺭ (ﻭﻳﺅﺛﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺗﻣﺭﺍﺭ) ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺿﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺑﻌﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺗﺣﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻛﺗﺷﺎﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻣﻛﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻣﺳﺗﻭﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺑﻝ ﺍﻟﺩﻻﻟﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻘﻣﻌﻭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻳﺷﺟﻌﻭﻥ ﻣﻌﻧﻰ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﻟﻠﺣﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺳﺎﻧﻳﺔ. ﻭﻫﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺣﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭﻩ "ﻓﻥ ﻣﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻐﻳﻳﺭ (ﺃﻭ ﻧﻘﻳﺿﻪ) ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﺟﻭء ﺑﺎﻟﺿﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺗﻭﺍﺻﻝ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻲ. ﻓﻧﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﻳﺎﺓ" ﻭﻛﻭﺳﻳﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﺗﻌﺎﻣﻝ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻳﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻣﻳﺔ ﻟﻸﺳﺭﺓ. ُﻭﺗﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺅﺳﺳﺎﺕ ﺗﺣﺫﻭ ﺣﺫﻭﻫﻡ. ﻓﻔﻲ ﻅﻝ ﺣﻛﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺫﺍﻓﻲ، ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ ُﺗﺣﻛﻡ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺳﻭﺑﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻅﻠﻡ ﻭﺷﻌﺭ ﺭﺷﻳﺩ ﺇﻳﺩ ﻳﺎﺳﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺿﻁﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺩﻱ ُﻭﺩﻓﻌﻭﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺧﻣﻭﻝ. ﻭﺃﺛﺭ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺷﻳﺩ ﺇﻳﺩ ﻳﺎﺳﻳﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺩﻱ ًﻣﻭﻟﺩﺍ ﺍﻟﻛﺳﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻛﻭﻥ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ، ﻣﻥ EHESS (ﻣﺭﻛﺯ ﺗﺣﻠﻳﻝ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺩﺧﻝ) ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺃﻧﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﻘﻳﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻭﺃﻗﻳﻡ ﺇﻣﻛﺎﻧﻳﺔ ﺗﻁﺑﻳﻕ ﺃﻓﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﺗﺩﺭﻳﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺭﻛﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻏﺎﺳﺗﻭﻥ ﺑﻳﺭﻏﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻳﻕ ﺇﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻳﻑ ﺗﻘﺩﻡ ﻭﺳﻳﻠﺔ ﺟﻳﺩﺓ ﻟﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻳﺏ (UGB) ﻭﻓﻲ ﻗﺳﻡ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻳﺭﻳﻧﻐﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﻳﺗﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ. (UPVD) ﻣﻧﺫ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۰۷. ﻭﻫﻭ ﺑﺎﺣﺙ ﻣﺳﺎﻋﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺭﻛﺯ ﺗﺣﻠﻳﻝ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺩﺧﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﻛﺎﺗﺎﻻﻧﻲ ﻟﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﻧﻔﻳﺳﺔ ﻧﺟﻳﺏ (UPVD). ﻭﻫﻭ ﻳﻧﺳﻕ ﻣﺭﺻﺩ ﻋﻭﺍﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺭ ﺍﻷﺑﻳﺽ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻭﺳﻁ ﻧﻔﻳﺳﺔ ﻧﺟﻳﺏ (ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ) ﻫﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻣﺔ ﺃﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ. ﻭﺍﻟﺷﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻁ.(UGB). ﻭﻳﺭﻛﺯ ﻋﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﺳﺗﺎﺫ ﺑﺎﺣﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺗﺷﺭ ﻣﻳﺷﻠﻥ (CMI) ﻓﻲ ﺑﻳﺭﻏﻥ. ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻳﻣﻳﺎﺕ (ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺔ). ﻭﻫﻭ ﺧﺭﻳﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺳﺗﺎﺫﺓ ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺳﻡ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻧﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﻳﺭﻏﻥ ﻭﻣﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻧﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺳﻛﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﺗﻣﻭﻳﻝ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻳﺔ، ﻭﻫﻭ ﻣﺳﺗﺷﺎﺭﻟﻠﻣﻧﻅﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻳﺔ ﻭﻋﺿﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺷﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺭﺟﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﺭﻭﻳﺟﻳﺔ. ﻭﻳﻛﻣﻥ ﺗﺧﺻﺻﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺛﻳﺔ. ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻳﻣﺎﻥ؛ ﺍﻹﻧﺳﺎﻧﻳﺔ؛ ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺱ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻝ ﻭﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺎء

– ۲٤ – ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

ﺍﻟﻣﻠﺧﺻﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺗﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺍﻹﺿﺎﻓﻳﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﻛﺔ

ﻳﺗﺿﻣﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺳﻡ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﺗﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﻠﺧﺻﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﺗﻡ ﻻﺗﺧﺎﺫ ﻣﻭﻗﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺻﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻷﺧﻳﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺩﻫﻡ، ﻭ ﻟﻠﺣﺻﻭﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻭﺗﻬﻡ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻭﻟﻛﻧﻬﻡ ﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻁﻳﻑ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﺭﺗﺳﻡ (۲)، ﻭﺳﻭﻑ ﻧﻘﻭﻡ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻳﺳﺗﻁﻳﻌﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﺿﻭﺭ ﻷﺳﺑﺎﺏ ﻋﺩﻳﺩﺓ. ﻭﻫﻡ ًﺟﻣﻳﻌﺎ ﺟﺯء ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﻛﺔ ﺑﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺃﺻﻝ ﺗﻭﻁﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﺍﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺣﻠﻳﻳﻥ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺗﻬﻡ ﺑﺄﺗﺑﺎﻉ ﻧﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺷﻛﻠﺕ ﻧﺗﻳﺟﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﺑﺎﺩﺭﺓ. ﺍﻟﻘﺫﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺧﻠﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﺭﺍﺗﻳﺟﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻳﻘﻭﻣﻭﻥ ﺑﺗﻧﻔﻳﺫﻫﺎ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺍﻟﺑﻘﺎء ﻓﻲ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺣﺭﺏ (۳)، ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺧﺗﺎﻡ، ﺳﻭﻑ ﻧﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻘﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﺩﺍ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺭﺍءﺓ ﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻠﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺿﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻭﺍﺟﻪ ﻗﺑﻳﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﺍﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﺩﺍ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻥ ﻛﻠﻳﺔ ﺑﻳﺭﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺗﺟﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺳﻭﻑ ﺗﺗﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻳﻬﺎ (٤). ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻧﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺔ (BIGGAS)، ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻳﺭﻭﺕ، ﺃﻟﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ. ﻭﻫﻭ ًﺣﺎﻟﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺣﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺇﻳﻐﻭﺭ ﺷﻳﺭﺳﺗﻳﺵ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﻛﺯ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻧﻲ ﻟﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﻋﺻﻭﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺑﻝ ﺍﻟﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﺇﻳﻐﻭﺭ ﺷﻳﺭﺳﺗﻳﺵ ﺣﺎﺻﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺗﺎﺭﻳﺧﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺔ (CNRPAH) ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺟﺯﺍﺋﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ. ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﻛﻠﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻗﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻧﺩﻥ، ﺣﻳﺙ ﻭﻗﺩ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻧﺷﺭ ﺑﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻛﺗﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺧﺗﻠﻑ ﻋﻣﻝ ﻓﻳﻬﺎ ﻛﺯﻣﻳﻝ ﺗﺩﺭﻳﺱ ﺃﻭﻝ.ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺟﺭﻯ ﺇﻳﺟﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻳﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺷﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ ﺣﻭﻝ ﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﺍﺭﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ. ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﺎﻣﻝ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺭﺏ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ ﻣﻧﺫ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۰٦، ﻗﺎﻡ ﻓﻳﻪ ﺯﻣﻳﻝ ﺃﺑﺣﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﻛﺯ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻧﻲ ﻷﺑﺣﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﺻﻭﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺑﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺻﻭﻓﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻠﻔﻳﺔ ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻳﻧﺎﻣﻳﻛﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺗﺎﺭﻳﺧﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺟﺯﺍﺋﺭ. ۰۳، ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺩ. ﺍﻟﻘﺑﻠﻳﺔ. ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺗﺩﺭﻳﺱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻭﻝ ﻧﻅﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺔ ﻭﺣﻭﻝ ﻓﺭﺍﻧﻛﻠﻳﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻓﻠﺕ، ۱٦٥۰۰. ﺃﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ SOAS ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺁﻏﺎ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻭﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﻣﺎﻋﻳﻠﻳﺔ. ﻭﻟﻘﺩ ﻋﻣﻝ ﻛﻣﺣﺎﺿﺭ ﺯﺍﺋﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺧﺗﻠﻑ ۲ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﺍﺭﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺻﺭﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻣﺅﺳﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻛﻠﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻠﻙ. ﻭﻟﻘﺩ ﻧﺷﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺻﺭﺓ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺣﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺃﻫﻣﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻛﺗﺏ ﻭﻛﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺻﺣﻑ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻣﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﺋﺔ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺑﻳﺔ ﺿﺩ ﺍﻷﻧﻅﻣﺔ، ﻓﻘﺩ ﺗﻡ ﺍﺳﺗﺧﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺑﻠﻳﺔ (Il Corriere della Sera, il Manifesto, The National) ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺷﺎﺋﺭﻳﺔ ﻛﻁﺭﻳﻘﺔ ﻋﻣﻝ ﻟﻠﺗﻌﺑﺋﺔ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺑﻳﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺩﻭﻧﺎﺕ (ﻫﺎﻓﻳﻧﻐﺗﻭﻥ ﺑﻭﺳﺕ، ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻔﺗﻭﺣﺔ) ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺟﻼﺕ. ﺍﻟﻧﺿﺎﻝ ﺿﺩ ﻧﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺫﺍﻓﻲ، ﻭ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻧﻅﺭﺍ ﻟﻌﺩﻡ ﻭﺟﻭﺩ ﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﻣﺩﻧﻲ ﻭﺃﺣﺩﺙ ﻣﻧﺷﻭﺭ ﻟﻪ ﻫﻭ ﻓﺻﻝ ﻋﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺟﺛﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺫﺍﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺣﻘﻳﻘﻲ ﺃﻭﺃﺣﺯﺍﺏ ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﻣﻧﻅﻣﺔ. ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺩﻩ ( ُﺍﻟﻣﺣﺭﺭ ﺑﻧﻳﻧﺎ ﻭﺭﺑﻧﺭ، ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺻﺣﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺩﻧﺑﺭﺓ، ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ، ﻓﻘﺩ ﻛﺷﻔﺕ ﺍﻟﺻﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻲ ﻣﺩﻯ ﻭﺃﻫﻣﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕ ۲۰۱٤). ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻭﻥ ﻳﺳﺗﺷﻳﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻳﻐﻭﺭ ﻛﺧﺑﻳﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﺋﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺎﻣﻝ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻧﺳﺏ، ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺍﻗﻳﻣﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻅﺎﻡ ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻘﻳﻘﻲ ﻣﻥ ﻗﺑﻝ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﺔ ﻭ ﺷﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻭﻥ ﻭﺷﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺻﺣﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻧﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺫﺍﻓﻲ ﻣﻧﺫ ﻭﺻﻭﻟﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻳﻕ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﻠﻛﻲ ﺍﻟﺗﻠﻔﺯﻳﻭﻧﻳﺔ (ﺍﻟﻘﻧﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺑﻌﺔ، ﺍﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺗﺭﺍﻟﻳﺎ) ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺳﻧﻭﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ۱۹٦۹. ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻅﻣﺎﺕ. ﺑﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻫﻳﻭﻣﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺗﺱ ﻭﻭﺗﺵ. ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻭﺗﻘﺩﻡ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﺍﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻣﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺗﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﻗﺔ، ﻟﻳﺩﻥ ًﻣﺅﺧﺭﺍ ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻥ ﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﻭﻝ ﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ-ﻗﺎﻧﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺛﺎﻻ ﻷﻫﻣﻳﺔ ﺇﺣﻳﺎء ﻣﻧﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺑﻠﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﻠﻳﺩﻳﺔ ﻭ ﺗﻭﺿﺣﻬﺎ، ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺍﻟﻭﺻﻭﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ. ﻛﻣﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻳﻐﻭﺭ ﺣﺎﺻﻝ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻛﻣﺎ ﺳﺟﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻝ ﻫﺎﺳﻛﻥ T. Hüsken (۲۰۱۲ ) ﻷﻭﻻﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻋﻠﻣﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ، ﻭﻗﺑﻝ ﻋﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻲ، ﺑﺭﻗﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻳﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻼﺩﻭﻟﺔ،ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﺔ، ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻻﺗﺧﺎﺫ ﻣﻭﻗﻌﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺷﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻭﺣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻧﻘﻳﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺛﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺷﺭﻕ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺻﺭﺍﻉ ﻭﻣﻥ ﺛﻡ ﺍﻟﺣﺻﻭﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩ ﺇﻳﻁﺎﻟﻳﺎ، ﻭﻗﺩﻡ ﻧﺗﺎﺋﺟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻧﺷﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ. ﻭﻫﻭ ﺟﺯء ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺣﺭﺏ، ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺗﻌﺎﻗﺩ ﻣﻊ ﺟﻣﻌﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩﺓ. ﺍﻟﺑﻌﺛﺔ ﺍﻷﺛﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺷﻳﺗﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺳﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺟﺩﻳﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺣﻑ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ، ﺳﻧﺳﺗﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻁﻭﺍﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺛﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺷﺣﺎﺕ (ﺷﺭﻕ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ). ﻗﺑﻝ ﺗﺣﻠﻳﻝ ﻟﺗﺣﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﻠﻳﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺃﻗﺎﻡ ﺃﻋﺿﺎءﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺷﺎﺋﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ،ﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺃﺭﺍﺿﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﻠﻳﺩﻳﺔ (۱)، ﺛﻡ ﺳﻧﻧﻅﺭ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺻﻳﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻗﺎﻣﻭﺍ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕ، ﺃﻭﻻ

Ce texte s’appuie, en grande partie, sur ma propre -۲ expérience de recherche et mes observations empiriques sur le terrain de l’Ajjer (Algérie/Libye), dans le cadre de mon PhD soutenu à Bayreuth, en ۲۰۱۰.

– ۲۳ – ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ

ﺃﻋﺿﺎء ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﻳﺳﺄﻟﻭﻥ ﺑﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﺳﺋﻠﺔ.

– ۲۲ – ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

ﻣﻠﺧﺹ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ – ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ

ﺑﺩﺃﺕ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻣﻊ ﻏﻳﺎﺏ ﻣﻠﺣﻭﻅ ﻟﻸﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ. ﻭﻗﻳﻝ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻟﻣﻳﺔ. ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻣﻥ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﻊ ﻭﺟﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺧﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻗﺩ ﺍﻧﺗﺷﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺭﺟﺎء ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ ﻗﺩ ﺗﻛﻭﻥ ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ًﻭﺿﻭﺣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ. ﺑﻌﺩ ﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱. ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺑﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻕ ﺑﻳﻥ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺣﻭﻝ ﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ " ِﺃﻧﺕ ﻣﺑﺳﻭﻁﺔ" ﺫﺍﺕ ﻁﺎﺑﻊ ً ُ ﺍﻟﻁﺑﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻳﺎ ﻓﻳﻣﺎ ﻳﺗﻌﻠﻕ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻘﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭﺍء ﻳﺭﺗﻔﻊ ﻣﻣﺎ ﻳﺷﻛﻝ ًﻧﻭﻋﺎ ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ﻣﻧﻬﺟﻳﺔ. ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺑﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺛﺎﻝ، ﺫﻛﺭ ﻭﺟﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻛﺎﻣﻳﺭﺍ: ﻭﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺧﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺣﺿﺭﻱ. ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺧﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﺳﻭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﻳﻑ ﻳﺧﺗﻠﻑ ﺗﺿﻳﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﻛﺎﻣﻳﺭﺍ ﻷﻥ ﻛﺛﻳﺭ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺩﻭﺭ ﺣﻭﻝ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺑﻼﺩ؟ ُ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻳﻧﺷﺊ ًﺣﺩﻭﺩﺍ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﺍﺋﺢ ﺍﻟﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ. ﻭﺑﺩﺍ ﺍﻷﻣﺭ ﻭﻛﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﺅﺍﻝ ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ﻣﺑﺎﺷﺭﺓ ﻣﻣﺎ ُﻗﺻﺩ ﺑﻪ. ﻛﻣﺎ ﺫﻛﺭ ﻭﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﺭﺳﻭﻣﺎﺕ ﻁﺑﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻳﺔ ُﺗﻧﺷﺄ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ ﺣﻳﺙ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﺅﺍﻝ ﻧﻔﺳﻪ "ﻫﻝ ﺃﻧﺕ ﺳﻌﻳﺩ؟ ﻳﺷﻳﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﻣﺷﻛﻠﺔ ﻳﺷﻌﺭ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻷﻣﻥ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺣﻳﺎء ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﻡ، ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ ﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺳﻌﺎﺩﺓ. ﻭﺍﺗﻔﻕ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﺿﻣﻳﻥ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﺑﻠﻭﺟﻳﺎ، ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﺧﻁﻳﻁ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺗﺄﻁﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻬﻡ ﻟﻠﻣﻧﻬﺟﻳﺔ ﻭﻧﻭﺍﻳﺎﻫﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺣﻠﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﺧﻭﻑ. ﻛﻣﺎ ﺃُﺷﻳﺭ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱ ﻫﺯﺕ ﺗﻭﺻﻠﻭﺍ ﺇﻟﻳﻬﺎ. ﻛﻣﺎ ﺗﻡ ﺗﻧﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﻧﻔﺳﻬﺎ ﻷﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺧﺗﻠﻑ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺅﺳﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﺔ: ﻭﻟﻡ ﻳﻛﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻣﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﻭﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻳﻬﻡ ﺍﻻﺧﺗﻳﺎﺭ ﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺷﺧﺻﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﻬﻡ. ﻣﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺅﻭﻝ ﻋﻥ ﻣﻛﺎﻓﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻧﻑ. ﺑﻐﺽ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﻭﺑﺻﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ، ﻋﺑﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺯﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺯﻣﺎﻟﻙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﺧﺗﻳﺎﺭﻧﺎ ﻟﻔﻬﻡ ﺣﻘﻳﻘﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺧﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻣﺩﺭﻙ، ﻭﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻬﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺗﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺷﺧﺻﻳﺔ ﺑﻳﻧﻣﺎ ﺗﺣﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺋﻌﻭﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺿﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ، ً ﻟﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﻧﺻﺭ ﻣﻭﺿﻭﻋﻲ ﻗﻭﻱ. ﻛﻣﺎ ُﺫﻛﺭﺕ ﻗﺿﻳﺔ ﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﻁﺑﻘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺳﻁ ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻳﻧﺔ ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ. ﻛﻣﺎ ﻏﻁﺕ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻳﻣﺎ ﻳﺗﻌﻠﻕ ﺑﻌﺩﻥ، ﻭﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﻗﺿﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﻋﻣﺔ ﻟﻛﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﻭﻛﻳﻑ ﺗﻡ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﻓﺋﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻅﻣﻬﻡ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭﺍء ﻳﻧﺯﻟﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺷﻭﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﺳﺗﺧﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺑﺔ ﻛﺩﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺗﺣﻘﻳﻕ ﺍﻟﻬﺩﻭء. ﻭﺗﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ، ﻓﻲ ﺣﻳﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺑﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻭﺳﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻳﺎ ﺗﺷﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻡ ﻭﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﻳﺱ ﻟﺩﻳﻧﺎ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺷﻛﻼﺕ. ﻭﺃﺷﻳﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﺣﺗﺟﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺑﻁﺭﻕ ﺃﺧﺭﻯ. ﺃﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻅﻝ ﻧﻅﺎﻡ ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ، ﺃﺻﺑﺣﺕ ﻛﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻡ ﻭﺳﻳﻠﺔ ﺗﻅﻬﺭ ﻟﻠﻧﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺳﺗﻣﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺿﻳﺔ ﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺃﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺻﺭ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻛﻝ ﺷﻲء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺭﺍﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻳﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻏﻳﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻟﻌﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻳﻣﻥ ُﻭﺫﻛﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﺻﺎء ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺑﻕ ﻟﻠﻧﺳﺎء ﻳﺗﻡ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ. ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﺑﺳﺑﺏ ﻣﺫﺑﺣﺔ ﺑﻭﺭﺳﻌﻳﺩ ﻳﺿﺭ ﺑﺻﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺑﻼﺩ. ًﻭﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﺫﻛﺭ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺳﻣﻊ ﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﺭﺓ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻳﻧﺗﻘﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﻘﺎﺏ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺑﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺛﺎﻝ. ﻭﺳﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭﻫﻡ ﻳﻘﻭﻟﻭﻥ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﻡ ﻳﺭﻳﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻭﺍﺻﻝ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻧﺳﺎء ُﻭﺧﺻﻭﺻﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ. ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺗﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﻳﻝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻧﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﻳﻣﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺗﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺗﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﻧﺳﺎء ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﺄﺳﻳﺱ ﻧﻔﺳﻬﺎ، ًﻧﻅﺭﺍ ﻷﻥ ﻗﺿﻳﺔ ﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﺳﺎء ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺗﻌﺗﺑﺭ ًﺟﺯء ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻳﻣﻧﻳﺔ. ﻛﻣﺎ ﺫﻛﺭ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﺃﺻﺑﺣﺕ ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻔﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﺭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ًﺷﻳﻭﻋﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ ۲۰۰٦-۲۰۰۷، ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ُﺷﻛﻙ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﻣﻭﻣﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺗﻐﻳﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ. ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺇﺣﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻣﻼﺣﻅﺎﺕ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﻥ، ﺑﺩﺃ ﺍﻻﺣﺗﻳﺎﺝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺛﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺕ ﻛﻣﺳﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻳﻭﻥ ﺍﻵﺧﺭﻳﻥ ﻳﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﻫﺗﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ. ُﻭﺻﻔﺕ ﺇﺣﺩﻯ ﺃﺳﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺃﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﺔ: ﻭﻗﻳﻝ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﻝ ﺑﺳﺑﺏ ﺍﺳﺗﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺛﻝ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺟﺯء ﺍﻟﻛﺑﻳﺭ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﺻﻭﻟﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﻬﺩ ﻋﺿﻭ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ.

– ۲۱ – ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ

ﺃﻋﺿﺎء ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ.

ﻋﻧﺩﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺩ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﺃﻱ ﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ: ﺍﻛﺗﺷﺎﻑ ﺗﻌﺩﻳﻼﺕ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻛﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻡ ﻣﻥ ﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺟﻌﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﺍﺳﺗﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺃﻏﺎﻧﻳﻬﻡ ﻭﺃﻋﻣﺎﻟﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺭﻳﺔ ًﺍﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻥ ﺃﻭﺍﺧﺭ ﻋﻬﺩ ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ ﺣﺗﻰ ﻳﻭﻣﻧﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻭﻋﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻹﺳﺗﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﻡ ﻧﻭﻉ ﺗﺧﺭﻳﺑﻲ ﻣﻥ "ﻓﺭﺡ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ" ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ، ﺃﻭﺿﺢ ﺑﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﻣﻥ ﺑﺣﺛﻲ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ (ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻳﻑ ۲۰۱۲) ﻭﺍﻟﻛﺭﺍﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺗﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺩ ﺳﻭﺍء ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺣﻭﻝ ﻛﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﻠﻘﻲ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﻬﻳﻥ ﻣﻥ ﻗﺑﻝ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺿﻭء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺗﻐﻳﺭ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺑﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺗﺄﺛﻳﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻁﻑ (ﺇﺳﻣﺎﻋﻳﻝ ۲۰۱۲). ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ ﻋﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺿﻲ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﻳﺭﺓ ﻭﻳﺷﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﻳﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻥ ﻋﻬﺩ ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ، ﺗﻁﻭﺭﺕ ﻛﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻡ ﻟﺗﺻﺑﺢ ًﺟﺯء ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺍﻷﻫﻣﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻌﻠﻕ ﺑﻛﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻡ ﻣﺗﺭﺍﺑﻁﺔ ﻭﻣﺭﺗﺑﻁﺔ ﺑﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻣﻝ ﺁﻟﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﻋﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻧﻅﺎﻡ، ﻛﺟﺯء ﻣﻣﺎ ﻳﻁﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﺑﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﺎﺭﻳﺧﻳﺔ: ﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱، ﺗﻐﻳﺭ ﺧﻁﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻝ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ "ﻓﻘﺎﻋﺔ" ﻏﻁﺭﺳﺔ ﻗﻭﻣﻳﺔ ﻭﻧﺟﺎﺡ ﻗﻭﻣﻲ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﺗﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺃﺟﻬﺯﺓ ﻣﻭﺍﺩ ﺟﺩﻳﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﻬﺗﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻭﺍﺻﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺷﺭﻳﻊ ﻭﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻣﺑﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻳﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻠﻔﺯﻳﻭﻥ، ﻋﺑﺭﺕ ﺳﻠﺳﻠﺔ ﻏﻳﺭ ﻣﺳﺑﻭﻗﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻧﺗﺻﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺗﺧﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺳﻳﺔ. ﻭﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺣﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭﻳﺔ، ﺗﺗﺣﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻧﻲ ﻭﺃﻛﺑﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻲ ﻋﻥ ﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺔ ﺭﺳﻡ ﺧﻁ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﺷﻳﺎء ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺟﺳﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺟﻬﺔ ﻭﺑﻳﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺗﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻛﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﻭﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻁﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﺍﺗﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺧﻁﺎﺏ ﻣﻥ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺭﻯ. ﻭﺑﻭﺿﻭﺡ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﻁﻔﻳﺔ. ﻭﻳﻧﺎﻗﺵ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻁ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ ﺑﻛﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻡ ﻣﺑﺎﺷﺭﺓ ًﺟﺩﺍ ﻭﻣﺟﺳﺩﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺩ ﻛﺑﻳﺭ، ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺩﻳﺩ ﻛﻳﻑ ﺍﻧﺧﻔﺿﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ًﺗﺩﺭﻳﺟﻳﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻻﻟﺗﺻﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻷﺧﻳﺭ ﻳﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﻳﺭﺓ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﺑﺣﺛﻲ، ﺍﻟﺗﻘﻳﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﺑﺷﻛﻝ ﻣﺗﻭﺍﺻﻝ ﻳﺧﺑﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﺄﻥ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﺷﻛﻳﻝ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﺍﺑﻁ ﺍﻟﺟﺳﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻣﻝ ﻛﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﺗﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺗﻛﻭﻥ ﻛﻝ ﺷﻲء ﻓﻲ ﺣﻳﺎﺗﻬﻡ، ﻭﻟﻛﻧﻬﻡ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻏﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻳﺗﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﺄﺛﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺣﻘﻳﻘﺔ ﻳﻐﺿﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻑ ﻋﻧﻬﺎ، ﻭﺑﺩﻻً ﻣﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻳﺭﻛﺯﻭﺍ ﺍﻫﺗﻣﺎﻣﻬﻡ (ﻻﺗﻭﺭ ۲۰۰٤) ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻌﺑﺔ ﺑﻁﺭﻕ ﺟﺩﻳﺩﺓ. ًﻭﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ – ﻭﻛﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ "ﺃﺷﻳﺎء ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ًﺃﻫﻣﻳﺔ". ﻭﺑﻌﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﺧﺭﻯ ﺍﺧﺗﻔﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺗﻌﺭﺽ ﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ ﺍﻷﻟﺗﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ (ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻁﻔﻳﺔ) ﺍﻋﺗﺎﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻛﻭﻥ ًﻣﻭﺟﻭﺩﺍ ﻓﻳﻣﺎ ﻳﺗﻌﻠﻕ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻌﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﺧﻁﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻛﻭﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻣﻠﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺗﻁﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﺟﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ًﺍﻟﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ ًﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺫﺍﺗﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺳﻳﺳﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺩ ﻛﺑﻳﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻧﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻷﺟﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺷﺟﻌﻲ ﺍﻷﻟﺗﺭﺍﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ، ﻭﻫﻡ ﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺔ ﺟﺩﻳﺩﺓ ﻭﺃﺻﻐﺭ ًﺳﻧﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻟﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﺑﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻣﻭﺳﺔ ًﺟﺩﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺗﺟﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻠﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﻳﺔ.

– ۲۰ – ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻳﺳﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻳﻣﻳﻥ: ﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭ ﻛﺭﻳﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺓ ﺩﺍﻟﻐﺭﻳﻥ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ. ﻭﻳﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺧﻠﻔﻳﺔ ﻋﺿﻭ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ.

ِﺃﻧﺕ ﻣﺑﺳﻭﻁﺔ؟: ﻋﺩﻡ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﻬﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺻﺣﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺷﺧﺻﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻅﻬﺭ ﺻﻭﺕ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺏ ﺗﻠﺗﻘﻁ ًﺭﺩﻭﺩﺍ ِﺃﻧﺕ ﻣﺑﺳﻭﻁﺔ؟ ﻫﻭ ﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻔﻳﺩﻳﻭ ﺍﻹﻧﺛﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺭﻳﺑﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﻁﻲ ًﻣﻧﻅﻭﺭﺃ ًﺟﺩﻳﺩﺍ ﻟﻣﺧﺗﻠﻑ ﺍﻷﻣﺯﺟﺔ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍء ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺗﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﺣﻅﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ. ﻭﻟﻘﺩ ﻛﺷﻑ ﺟﻣﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﻌﺗﻣﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻣﺎﻟﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺣﻣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺷﺋﺔ ﻟﺻﻧﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺣﻳﺎء ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﺧﺗﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺿﺣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺧﺎﻭﻑ ﺑﺎﺳﺗﺧﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺗﻑ ﺍﻟﻣﺣﻣﻭﻝ. ﻭﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺻﻳﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ - ﻣﻥ ﺍﻓﺗﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﺅﻛﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺟﻭﻟﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ ﻭﺗﻌﻘﻳﺩ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﻳﻳﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺧﺗﺯﺍﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ ﺍﻫﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ﺑﺭﺟﻭﺍﺯﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻁﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺟﻳﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﺳﻳﺔ. (ﺍﻟﺧﻁﻳﺏ ۲۰۱۲)، ﻳﻘﺗﺭﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﻕ ﻭﻫﻛﺫﺍ ﺗﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻟﺟﻭﺍﻧﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻣﻳﻘﺔ ﻟﺣﺳﺎﺳﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻁﺑﻘﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺷﻛﻝ ﻏﻳﺭ ﻣﺑﺎﺷﺭ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﻟﺟﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﺔ ﻟﻠﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺟﻝ ﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻲ. ﻟﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻭﻳﺔ. ﻭﻫﻭ ُﻣﺳﺗﻭﺣﻰ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻳﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺭﺯ Chronique d'un été ،cinéma-vérité، (ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭﻣﻭﺭﺍﻥ، ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﺭﻭﻣﻳﻝ ۱۹٦۰)، ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﺳﺄﻝ ﻓﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻭﺍﺭﻉ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﺭﻭﻣﻳﻝ ﻫﻭ ﻁﺎﻟﺏ ﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻛﻠﻳﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﻭﺍ ﺳﻌﺩﺍء ﻭﺃﺻﺑﺢ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺗﻼﻣﻳﺫﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻗﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺔ، ﻟﻧﺩﻥ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺧﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻷﻣﺭﻳﻛﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻭﺣﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻳﻠﻡ ﻣﺗﻧﻘﻠﺔ ﺗﺳﺄﻝ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﻧﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﺳﺅﺍﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۳، ﺃﻛﻣﻝ ۲۰ ًﺷﻬﺭﺍ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻳﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻹﺛﻧﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺑﺭﻱء ﺃﻧﺕ ﻣﺑﺳﻭﻁ؟ ِﺃﻧﺕ ﻣﺑﺳﻭﻁﺔ؟ - ﻫﻝ ﺃﻧﺕ ﺳﻌﻳﺩ ( ٍﺭﺍﺽ، ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺣﻭﻝ ﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ ﻳﺗﻌﺎﻣﻝ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻣﺑﺗﻬﺞ). ﻭﻛﻣﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﺣﺭﻭﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻌﻣﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﻔﺭﻧﺳﺎ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﻟﻛﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺿﻲ. ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺭﻳﺳﻳﻳﻥ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻳﻘﻳﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﺣﺑﺎﻁ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻻﺿﻁﺭﺍﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﻭﻳﻬﺗﻡ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺧﺻﻭ ﺑﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺇﺧﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺑﻧﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺗﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻳﺅﺛﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﻳﻳﻥ ﺑﻁﺭﻕ ﺗﺗﻣﻳﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺭﺍﺑﺔ. ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺗﺳﻠﻳﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﺳﺗﻁﺭﺍﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻧﺗﺷﺭ ﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺑﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻣﻳﻊ ﺑﻁﺭﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺿﺭﺏ ﺑﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺣﺩﻳﺩ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﺕ ﺇﻟﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺻﺣﻑ ﻟﻣﺧﺎﻁﺑﺔ" ﺃﻧﺣﺎء ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻳﻧﺔ ﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﻁﻔﻳﺔ، ﺍﻟﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ" (ﺳﻳﻧﺟﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻣﺎﺭ ۲۰۰٦)، ﻳﻛﺷﻑ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ ﻭﻛﻳﻑ ﻳﻣﻛﻥ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﺑﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺗﺭﺟﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﺍﺗﻳﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺻﻠﺔ ﻣﻥ ُ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺯﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻻﻟﺗﺯﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻔﺗﻭﺣﺔ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺗﺿﻣﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﻳﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺣﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ. ﻭﺳﻭﻑ ﻳﻘﺩﻡ ﺃﻁﺭﻭﺣﺗﻪ ﺑﺣﻠﻭﻝ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱٤. ﺩﺍﺧﻝ ﺍﻟﺷﺧﺻﻳﺔ ﺑﻁﺭﻕ ﺃﺻﺑﺣﺕ ﻣﺣﺟﻭﺑﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻣﺛﺎﺋﻝ ﺛﻘﻳﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﺄﺓ.

– ۱۹ – ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ

ﻭﻻ ﻳﺯﺍﻝ، ﻛﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﺗﺭﺡ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺗﻭﻧﺳﻲ ﻓﺭﺝ ﺳﺗﺎﻣﺑﻭﻟﻲ، ﻭﺍﺗﺑﻌﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﻣﻧﻁﻕ ﺗﻧﺎﻗﺽ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺷﺧﺹ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻗﺎﻟﺏ ﻣﺭﻛﺯﻱ ﻟﻠﻧﺳﻳﺞ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺗﻭﻧﺳﻲ ﺑﺣﻳﺙ ﻳﻧﺑﻐﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻛﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻌﺗﺑﺭ ﺧﻁﻳﺭﺓ ﻭﻣﻧﻁﻕ ﺗﺣﺩﻳﺩ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﻳﺎﺩ ﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻧﺳﺎﻥ ﺃﻻ ﻳﻧﺩﻫﺵ ﻣﻥ ﺻﻌﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﺟﻭﻣﻲ. ﺇﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﻳﻧﻳﻥ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻣﺣﻔﻭﻑ ﺑﺎﻟﻣﺧﺎﻁﺭ. ﻭﺑﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻳﻘﺔ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﺩﻳﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻧﺻﺭ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺷﺑﻛﺔ ﺭﻣﺯﻳﺔ ﺃﻛﺑﺭ ﺗﺷﻛﻝ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﻛﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺟﺭﻳﻣﺔ ﻳﺅﻛﺩ ًﻣﺟﺩﺩﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺣﻠﻳﺔ. ﻭﺩﺍﺧﻝ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻟﻠﺷﻌﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺑﻲ. ﻭﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻌﺎﺕ، ﻳﺣﺩﺙ ﺷﺑﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺛﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺗﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺑﺎﺩﻟﻳﻥ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﻳﻧﺎﻳﺭ- ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺏ ًﺩﻭﺭﺍ ًﻣﺯﺩﻭﺟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ "ﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺅﻣﻧﻳﻥ" ﻭﺣﻣﺎﻳﺗﻪ ﻓﺑﺭﺍﻳﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱، ﺃﻋﻁﺕ ﺗﻐﻁﻳﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻝ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺭﺳﻣﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻫﻣﻳﺔ (ﺳﺗﺎﻣﺑﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ). ﻭﻓﻲ ﺗﻭﻧﺱ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ، ُﻳﻌﺗﺑﺭ ﺻﻌﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻧﺗﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺗﻳﺎﺭ ﻟﻔﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻐﻁﻳﺗﻬﺎ ﻟﻸﺣﺩﺍﺙ، ﻣﻊ ﺍﺧﺗﻔﺎء ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻁﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺷﻭﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺗﺩﻝ ﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﻝ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺟﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﺷﻌﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﺗﻬﻣﻳﺵ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻭﻗﺻﺹ ﺍﻟﻧﻬﺏ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﻘﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺳﺟﻧﺎء ﺍﻟﻣﻔﺭﺝ ﻋﻧﻬﻡ. ﻭﺍﻹﻗﺻﺎء. ًﻭﺍﺳﺗﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ، ﺗﻡ ﺗﻧﻅﻳﻡ "ﺍﻟﻠﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺑﻳﺔ" ﺑﺩﻻً ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻁﺔ. ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﻻ ﻳﻔﺳﺭ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺑﺻﻭﺭﺓ ﻛﺎﻓﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺻﻌﻭﺩ ُﺍﻟﻣﻌﺟﺯ ﻟﻠﺳﻠﻔﻳﺔ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺗﺎﻟﻲ، ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺎﺋﻝ ﺍﻷﻣﻧﻳﺔ ﻣﺭﺗﺑﻁﺔ ًﺍﺭﺗﺑﺎﻁﺎ ًﻣﺑﺎﺷﺭﺍ ﺑﺈﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻭﻧﺱ. ﻭﺃﺻﺑﺢ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻔﻳﻭﻥ ﻣﺄﻟﻭﻓﻳﻥ ﻟﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺏ ﺍﻟﺗﻭﻧﺳﻲ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻐﻳﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﺭﻱ. ﻭﻣﻧﺫ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺣﻳﻥ ﻅﻝ ﺍﻹﻧﻔﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﻧﻲ ﻭﺳﻳﻠﺔ ﺷﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﺟﻣﺎﺗﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﺫﻫﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ "ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻹﻳﻣﺎﻥ"، ﻭﻟﺗﺟﻣﻌﺎﺗﻬﻡ، ﻟﻧﻘﺩ ﻧﺗﺎﺋﺟﻬﺎ. ﻓﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ ﻟﻠﻁﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺗﻭﺳﻁﺔ، ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺧﻭﻑ ﺣﻳﺙ ﻳﺻﺭﺥ ﺍﻟﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻛﺑﺭﻳﻥ ﻭﻳﺷﺎﻫﺩﻭﻥ ﻋﺭﻭﺽ ﻣﻥ ﺣﺩﻭﺙ ﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺟﻳﺎﻉ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﻧﻲ. ﻭﺗﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﺳﺎﻫﻣﺗﻲ ﻓﻧﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺱ. ﻭﺗﺳﺑﺑﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻣﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺩﻭﺙ ﺃﻭﻻً ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻛﺷﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻠﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻌﺑﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺗﺣﺩﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺧﻭﻑ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻛﺎﻥ. ﻫﺫﺍ "ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺏ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ" ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺟﺭﻳﻣﺔ: ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻟﻠﺗﻛﻳﻑ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺩﻗﻳﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻳﻥ ﻳﺗﻧﺎﻗﺽ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺣﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺑﻕ ﻟﻠﻌﺏ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺭﻣﻭﺯ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺑﻣﺛﺎﺑﺔ ﺗﺷﺧﻳﺹ ﻟﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ. ﻭﻣﻥ ًﻧﺎﺣﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺇﻧﺷﺎء ﺍﻟﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻳﺟﺎﺑﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺭﺑﻁ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻟﺏ ﺍﻷﻋﻣﻕ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ ﺃﺧﺭﻯ، ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺣﻠﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺅﺷﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺧﺩﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﺑﺣﺙ ﺑﺎﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﺑﺩﺍﺩﻳﺔ. ﺣﻳﺙ ﻓﺷﻝ ﺑﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﻧﺟﺢ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻔﻳﻭﻥ: ﻣﻥ ﺣﺩﻳﺙ ُﻳﺟﺭﻯ ﺑﺗﻛﻠﻳﻑ ﻣﻥ ﺧﺩﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺻﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻘﻳﺎﺱ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﺣﻭﻳﻠﻬﻡ ﻟﻠﻁﺭﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻳﻧﺑﻐﻲ ﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻬﺎ "ﺑﻁﺭﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺻﺩﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺳﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﻧﻲ، ﻓﺈﻧﻧﻲ ﺃﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺗﻐﻳﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﺣﻳﺣﺔ". ﻭﻗﺩ ﺗﻐﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺻﻐﻳﺭﺓ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻁﺭﻓﻳﻥ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺑﻘﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺗﻣﻝ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺅﺛﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺭﻳﻑ ﺍﻷﺷﻳﺎء ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻧﺧﺎﻑ ﻣﻧﻬﺎ. ﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻳﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻭﻧﺱ. ﻭﻳﺷﻳﺭ ﺑﺣﺛﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻭﻧﺱ ﺳﻭﻑ ﺗﺷﻬﺩ ًﺗﻐﻳﺭﺍ ًﺳﺭﻳﻌﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻡ ﻳﺗﻡ ﻣﻧﻊ ﺍﺳﺗﺣﻭﺍﺫ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻔﻳﻳﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻣﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﻳﺳﺗﻣﻭﺭﻻﻧﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻳﺔ. ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺧﺻﻭﺹ، ﺃﻧﺎ ﻣﻬﺗﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﻅﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺭﺣﻳﺎﺕ ﻳﺷﻐﻝ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﻳﺳﺗﻣﻭﺭﻻﻧﺩ ًﺣﺎﻟﻳﺎ ﻣﻧﺻﺏ ﺃﺳﺗﺎﺫ ﻣﺳﺎﻋﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺗﺄﺛﺭ. ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﻫﻲ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺃﺩﺍء ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻥ ﺿﺩ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺭﻳﻛﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ. ﻭﻳﺗﻧﺎﻭﻝ ﺑﺣﺛﻪ ﺑﻌﺿﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺑﻌﺽ ﺑﻁﺭﻕ ﺗﺗﺳﺑﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺩﻭﺙ ﻛﻝ ﺷﻲء ﻣﻥ ﺍﻻﻁﻣﺋﻧﺎﻥ ﺇﻧﺗﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺭﺅﻯ ﺍﻟﺑﺩﻳﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻁ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺻﺭ ﻭﻛﻳﻑ ُﺗﻭﺳﻁ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺧﻭﻑ ﻭﻣﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺧﻭﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﺣﻘﻳﻘﻪ. ﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺻﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺣﻠﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﺧﻳﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺷﺋﺔ ُﻭﺗﻔﺳﺩ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺟﻐﺭﺍﻓﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺟﺩﻳﺩ. ﻭﺳﻭﻑ ﻳﺑﺩﺃ ﺃﻳﻣﻭﻥ ﻛﺭﻳﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺳﺗﻭﻛﻬﻭﻟﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻏﺳﻁﺱ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭ ﻛﺭﻳﻝ ًﺣﺎﻟﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺣﺙ ﺯﺍﺋﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺭﻛﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻁ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۳، ﺣﻳﺙ ﻳﻧﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺗﻛﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺭﻳﻛﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻭﺯﻣﻳﻝ ﺃﺑﺣﺎﺙ ﺑﺭﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺃﻭﻟﻭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻛﻠﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺻﻭﺭﺓ ﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﻗﻣﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺷﺋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﻳﺔ (URPP). ﻓﻲ ﺁﺳﻳﺎ ﻭﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ ﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺯﻳﻭﺭﻳﺦ. ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻁ. ﻭﺗﺷﻣﻝ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻳﻊ ﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ ﻛﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﻌﻧﻭﺍﻥ "ﺍﻟﺻﻭﺭ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺷﺗﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻛﺎﺭﺛﻳﺔ" ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﻅﻬﺭ ﻛﻳﻑ ﺗﻠﻌﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺛﺎﺋﻘﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺭﻳﺑﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ Ecole des Hautes études en Sciences ًﺩﻭﺭﺍ ًﺣﺎﺳﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺗﺻﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻌﻧﻑ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻛﺭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺑﻧﺎﻥ. ﻭﺑﻔﻬﻡ sociales (ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺱ) ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻧﻭﺷﺎﺗﻳﻝ (۲۰۱۲). ﻭﺗﺗﻣﺛﻝ ﻣﻌﻧﻰ ﺍﻟﺣﺭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺻﻌﻳﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻲ، ُﻳﻔﺳﺩ ﻫﺅﻻء ﺍﻟﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﻭﻥ ﺍﻫﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺛﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺳﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﺿﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﺣﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺟﻧﺱ ﻭﻧﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺱ ﺍﻟﺭﻣﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺭﻓﻳﺔ ﻟﺩﻟﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﺻﺩﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺳﻳﺔ ﻭﻳﻛﺷﻔﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﺧﻳﻼﺕ ﻏﻳﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻣﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻳﻧﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻁﺎﻟﺑﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﻭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺑﻘﻳﺔ. ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺿﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻳﺵ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻛﺎﺭﺛﻳﺔ. ﻭﻣﺣﻭﻻً ﺍﻧﺗﺑﺎﻫﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﺣﺗﻣﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﻭﻟﻳﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻧﺷﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻭﺛﺎﺋﻘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ، ﻳﺗﺗﺑﻊ ﻣﺷﺭﻭﻋﻪ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺧﻭﻑ: ﺍﻟﺧﻭﻑ ﻣﻥ ﺣﺩﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﺟﺭﻳﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻟﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﻟﺻﺣﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻁﻥ. ﻛﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺩ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱ ًﻣﺟﻠﺩﺍ ًﻣﺣﺭﺭﺍ، ًﻣﻔﻛﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺳﺗﺧﺩﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻳﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﻳﺔ، ﺣﺗﻰ ﻗﺑﻝ ﺃﺣﺩﺍﺙ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱، ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﻔﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﻧﻲ ﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻛﺗﺷﻑ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﺛﻣﺎﺭ ُﺍﻟﻣﺟﺩﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﻓﺿﻼً ﻋﻥ ﺷﺎﺋﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ. ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺻﺹ ﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺟﺭﺍﻡ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﺋﻌﺔ. ﺍﻟﺟﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﺑﺫﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺗﻔﻛﻳﺭ ﻓﻳﻣﺎ ﻳﺷﻛﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ.

– ۱۸ – ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﺩﻳﻣﻲ ﻟﻠﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺗﻳﺔ – ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ

ﻣﺻﻁﻔﻰ ﺃﺗﻳﺭ ﺣﺩ ﻛﺑﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺑﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ. ﻭﺃﺻﺑﺣﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺻﻁﻔﻰ ﺃﺗﻳﺭ ﺣﺎﺻﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﻣﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺗﺟﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﻳﻭﻣﻳﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺗﻠﺗﺯﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻧﺷﻁﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ﺑﺎﻟﺳﻠﻣﻳﺔ. ﻣﻳﻧﻳﺳﻭﺗﺎ (۱۹۷۱). ﻭﻗﺩ ﺷﻐﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﺻﺏ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﻳﺔ، ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﻳﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻧﻲ ﻟﺟﻣﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺅﻭﻟﻳﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺑﻳﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻣﻳﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻧﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﺭﺓ ﻭﻣﺩﻳﺭ ﻣﺭﻛﺯ ﺃﺑﺣﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻭﺭﺋﻳﺱ ﺑﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﺑﺭﺯ ﺍﻟﺷﺧﺻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻧﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻣﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻭﻛﻳﺔ ﻭﺃﺻﺑﺣﺕ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻭﻧﺷﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭ ﺃﺗﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻧﺗﻳﺟﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺟﻠﻳﺯﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﻣﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻭﻛﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺭﻛﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻧﻑ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺷﺎﺭ. ﻭﺻﺩﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺩ ﺳﻭﺍء ﻓﻲ ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ﻣﻥ ۱٥۰ ﻛﺗﺎﺏ ﻭﺑﺣﺙ. ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻧﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻣﺛﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻳﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻫﺿﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ. ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺳﺑﺏ ﻭﺭﺍء ﻁﺭﺣﻧﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺳﺅﺍﻝ: ﻫﻝ ﺳﻳﻛﺗﻔﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﻭﻥ ﺑﺣﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻛﻭﻥ ﺣﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻛﺳﺏ ﺍﻟﻭﺣﻳﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻣﻛﺳﺏ ﺍﻟﻭﺣﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ؟ ﺳﻳﺧﺭﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﻭﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ ﺳﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻟﻐﺭﻳﻥ ﻟﻳﺱ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﺷﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺗﺎﺭﻳﺧﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺗﻌﺭﺿﺕ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻠﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻭﻑ ﺗﺅﺛﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻘﺩﻳﻡ ﻗﻳﻡ ﺟﺩﻳﺩﺓ ﺗﻡ ﺣﺻﻠﺕ ﺳﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻟﻐﺭﻳﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ ﻋﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ. ﻭﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺧﺗﺎﺭﻭﺍ ۲۰۱٤ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻁﺭﻭﺣﺗﻬﺎ "ﺍﻟﺣﻘﺎﺋﻕ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻧﺎﻓﺳﺔ". ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺧﺻﺎﺋﺹ ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺳﻳﺔ ﻟﺣﻘﺑﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺧﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﻳﻧﺔ ﺑﺣﻳﺙ ﻳﻌﻛﺱ ﺳﻠﻭﻛﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﻥ، ﺍﻟﻳﻣﻥ. ﻭﺃﺟﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻳﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺅﻛﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺣﻘﺑﺔ. ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﻗﺩ ﻻ ﻳﺗﻔﻕ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻳﻡ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻫﻠﺳﻧﻛﻲ ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﺩﻧﺑﺭﺓ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻳﺔ ﻟﻧﺩﻥ ﻟﻼﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩ. ﻭﻓﻠﺳﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺣﻘﺑﺔ ﻭﺳﻭﻑ ﻳﻌﺎﺭﺿﻭﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻠﻭﻛﻬﻡ ًﺗﻣﺷﻳﺎ ﻣﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺯﻣﻳﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻫﻠﺳﻧﻛﻲ ﻛﻭﻟﻳﺟﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻻﻓﺗﺭﺍﺽ. ًﻭﻧﻅﺭﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﻳﻥ ﺷﻬﺩﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﻛﺛﻳﺭ ﻣﻥ ﺃﻧﻅﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻳﻡ، ﺳﻭﻑ ﻟﻠﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻘﺩﻣﺔ (۲۰۰٥-۰۸) ﻭﺷﺎﺭﻛﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺛﻲ ﺗﺗﺿﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﺔ ﺧﺻﺎﺋﺹ ﻛﻝ ﻣﻧﻬﺎ. ﻭﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺗﺄﺛﻳﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺑﻌﻧﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻛﺎﻧﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻭﺿﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺣﺩﺍﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﻳﺭﺓ، ﻭﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺷﻛﻝ ًﺟﺯء ﻣﻥ ﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻛﺎﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ ﻓﻧﻼﻧﺩﺍ. ﺳﻳﺣﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻳﺏ ﻧﺗﻳﺟﺔ ﻟﻠﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ، ﻧﺣﺗﺎﺝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺟﻳﺩ - ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻧﺎﺯﻉ ﻋﻠﻳﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻣﻌﻳﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺧﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﻳﻧﺔ. ﻋﺻﺭ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻣﻲ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﺻﺭ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻌﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﻳﻁﺎﻟﻲ، ُﺣﺭﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﻭﻥ ﻣﻥ ﻭﻣﻧﺫ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۰۸، ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺯﻣﻳﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻛﺎﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ ﻓﻧﻼﻧﺩﺍ ﻟﻠﺑﺣﺙ ﺍﻻﺣﺗﻳﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺳﺎﻧﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﺛﺭ ﺃﻫﻣﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ ﻟﻬﻡ. ﻭﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻫﻠﺳﻧﻛﻲ ﻛﻭﻟﻳﺟﻳﻭﻡ ﻟﻠﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻘﺩﻣﺔ ﺣﻳﺙ ﺗﻌﻣﻝ ﻛﺟﺯء ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭ، ُﺣﺭﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﻭﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺟﻣﻳﻊ ﺃﻧﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻳﺔ. ﺣﻳﺙ ﺗﻌﺭﺿﻭﺍ ﻣﻥ ﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺣﻘﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻁﻥ. ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻳﺔ ﻻﺿﻁﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻗﻣﻊ ﻗﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ، ﻣﻣﺎ ﺟﻌﻝ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻳﻧﻅﺭﻭﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺑﻳﻠﺔ ﻛﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻭﻧﻳﺔ ﺭﺳﻣﻳﺔ ﻭﻏﻳﺭ ﺭﺳﻣﻳﺔ. ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻳﻌﻳﺩﻫﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﻧﻭﺏ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺍﻻﻋﺗﺭﺍﻑ ﺑﻬﻡ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻧﻔﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻳﻣﻥ ﻭﻣﺩﻳﻧﺔ ﻋﺩﻥ، ﺣﻳﺙ ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺗﺿﻁﻠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻳﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅﻝ ﻏﻳﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﺅﺳﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺣﺩﻳﺛﺔ. ﻭﻋﻧﺩﻣﺎ ﺗﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻣﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺫﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺛﻧﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺣﺩﻯ ﻣﺣﺎﻛﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺭﺓ. ﻭﻳﺗﻧﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﺷﺭﻭﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺧﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ۱۹٦۹، ُﻧﻔﺫﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻁﻁ ﺍﻟﺗﻧﻣﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻭﻧﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻓﺳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻛﺎﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻛﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ. ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﻣﻭﺣﺔ. ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺗﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﻠﻳﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻭﻗﺩ ﻧﺷﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻟﻐﺭﻳﻥ، ﻣﻥ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺿﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﺧﺭﻯ، ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺻﺣﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺑﻧﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺗﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺣﺩﻳﺛﺔ ﻭﻏﻳﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺷﻛﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺣﺩﺍﺛﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺗﻌﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺻﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺟﻧﺱ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ. ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻁﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ، ﻗﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﺭﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺫﺍﻓﻲ، ﺍﻟﺷﻭﺍﺭﻉ ﻛﻣﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻟﻠﺗﻧﺎﺯﻉ، ﺍﻟﺗﺄﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺛﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻳﺎﺕ ًﻣﺻﺣﻭﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺷﺭﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺧﺎﺑﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺗﻣﺗﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻭﺓ، ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺏ. ﻭﺃﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻣﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻭﻧﺱ. ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺍﻧﺗﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻳﺎء ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺃﺳﻔﺭ ﻗﺑﻝ ﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻳﺎﺳﻣﻳﻥ، ﺗﻣﺗﻌﺕ ﺗﻭﻧﺱ ﺑﺳﻣﻌﺔ ﻧﻣﻭﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺣﺩﺍﺛﺔ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻋﻥ ﺣﺭﺏ ﺃﻫﻠﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱. ﺑﻳﻥ ﺟﻳﺭﺍﻧﻬﺎ. ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺧﺻﻭﺹ، ﻛﺎﻥ ُﻳﻧﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻳﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺑﻌﺩ ﺳﻘﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ، ُﺷﻛﻠﺕ ﺍﻷﺣﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﻭﺃُﺟﺭﻳﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻋﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺗﺩﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺻﻝ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ. ﻭﻟﻘﺩ ﻏﺫﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻡ ﺗﺄﺳﻳﺱ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻧﻲ ﻭﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺻﺣﻑ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺳﻣﻌﺔ ﺃﻧﻅﻣﺔ ﺑﻭﺭﻗﻳﺑﺔ ﻭﺑﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻐﺭﻳﺏ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻭﻣﺣﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﻠﻔﺯﻳﻭﻥ. ﻭﺷﻌﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻟﺳﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻷﻥ ﺑﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻔﺗﺎﺡ ﺗﻭﻧﺱ ًﺍﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺎ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻁﺎﻕ ﻣﺣﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ ﻗﺩ ﻭﺻﻠﺕ ًﺃﺧﻳﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﻣﺛﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻡ ﺇﻧﺟﺎﺯﻩ ًﺗﻁﻭﺭﺍ ًﻣﻬﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ًﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺎ ﻭﺃﺳﻔﺭﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﻠﻳﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ (ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻭﻣﻲ) ﺍﻹﻟﺯﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺣﻳﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﺔ. ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ﻣﻥ ﻭﺣﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺃﺓ. ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺗﺎﻟﻲ، ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﻣﻔﺎﺟﺄﺓ ﻛﺑﻳﺭﺓ، ﺳﻭﺍء ﺩﺍﺧﻝ ﺗﻭﻧﺱ ﻣﺟﺭﺩ ﻟﻳﺑﺭﺍﻟﻳﺔ ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ: ﺣﻳﺙ ﻳﺟﺏ ﺍﺩﻣﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻘﻳﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻛﺑﺭﻯ ﺃﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻬﺎ، ﻋﻧﺩﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻳﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻳﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ. ﻭﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ، ﺗﻧﺗﻬﻙ ﺃﻧﻣﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻣﻳﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱.

– ۱۷ – ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ

ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻳﺳﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻳﻣﻳﻥ: ﺭﻭﻣﻳﻝ ﻁﺎﻟﺏ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺗﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺎﻋﺩ ﺭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭ ﺷﻳﻠﻙ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺗﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺎﻋﺩ ﻁﺑﻳﺷﺎﺕ، ﺟﻣﻳﻌﻬﻡ ﺟﺯء ﻣﻥ ﻓﺭﻳﻕ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﻳﺟﻳﺑﻭﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺳﺋﻠﺔ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ.

ﻛﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﺩ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻭﻥ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﺗﻭﺣﻳﺩ ﻣﺳﺗﻣﺭ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ، ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺣﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺗﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻛﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺙ ًﻣﺟﺑﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺭﻳﻑ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﻁﻠﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻝ ﻹﻧﺷﺎء ﺍﻻﺗﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻣﻲ. ﻭﻟﻡ ﻳﻛﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺳﻳﺎﻗﻬﺎ. ﺍﻛﺗﺷﺎﻑ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ًﻣﺭﺓ ﺃﺧﺭﻯ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ. ﻛﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﺗﺭﺡ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﺔ ﺗﺷﻬﺩ ﺍﺑﺗﺫﺍﻻً، ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﻁﻠﺣﺎﺕ، ﻧﺎﻗﺵ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻭﻥ ﺻﻌﻭﺑﺔ ًﻭﺍﺿﺣﺎ ًﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎ ﻟﻳﺱ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺭ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻐﺔ ﺍﺳﺗﺧﺩﺍﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺋﺎﺕ ﻣﺛﻝ "ﺍﻟﻳﺳﺎﺭﻳﺔ" ﻓﻲ ﺗﻭﺛﻳﻕ ﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺷﻭﺍﺭﻉ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﺣﺗﺟﺎﺟﺎﺕ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ، ﻻ ﻳﺯﺍﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻁ ﻭﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ (MENA) ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻔﺎﻫﻳﻡ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﻟﻣﻌﻧﻰ ﺍﻻﺣﺗﺭﺍﻡ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ، ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ًﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻷﺣﺩ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ، ﻳﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻛﻠﻣﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺗﺧﺗﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺟﻭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ. ﺑﺎﺑﺗﺫﺍﻝ ﻟﻐﺗﻬﻡ ﺑﺷﻛﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ.

– ۱٦ – ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

ﻣﻠﺧﺹ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ – ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ

ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﺩﻳﻣﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻟﻠﻳﻭﻡ، ُﺍﻗﺗ َﺭﺡ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﻳﺗﻌﻠﻣﻭﻥ ﺇﺭﺳﺎء ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ؟ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻛﺛﻳﺭ ﻣﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺭﻓﻭﻩ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﻟﻳﺱ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻣﻥ ﺣﻳﺎﺗﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻣﻳﺔ، ﺍﻟﺳﺅﺍﻝ، ُﺣﺩﺩﺕ ﻣﺳﺄﻟﺔ ﻗﺩﺳﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻠﻙ، ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺱ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻠﻔﺯﻳﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻼﻡ. ﺣﻳﺙ ﻳﺗﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﻣﻣﺎ ﻳﺭﻭﻩ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻟﻠﺑﻼﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺿﻠﺔ ﻛﺑﺭﻯ. ﻭﺃﺩﺕ ﻣﺭﻛﺯﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻠﻙ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻓﻼﻡ ﻭﻳﺣﺗﺫﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ. ﻭﺍﺳﺗﻣﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺟﻭﻝ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﺧﺩﺵ ﺍﻟﺻﻌﻳﺩ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ: ﺣﻳﺙ ﺗﺣﻭﻟﺕ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺷﻲء ﺧﺎﺹ ُﻭﺍﻗﺗ َﺭﺡ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺗﻭﺳﻳﻊ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺗﺄﺛﻳﺭ ﺍﻷﻓﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﻬﻭﺭﺓ ﺑﺩﻻً ﻣﻥ ﺷﻲء ﻋﺎﻡ. ﻭﻭﺟﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﻣﻁﺭﻭﺣﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﺳﺗﺧﺩﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ ﻭﺇﺳﻬﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺷﻛﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﻭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﺔ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺣﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﺳﺎﻫﻣﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺣﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺗﺷﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﺳﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﻣﻳﺔ ًﻧﻅﺭﺍ ﻷﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺗﻛﻭﻥ ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ﺃﻫﻣﻳﺔ ﺗﻌﺯﻳﺯ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻧﻲ ُﻭﺧﺻﻭﺻﺎ ﺣﺏ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﻟﻭﻁﻧﻬﻡ، ﻣﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻫﻡ ﺑﺳﺑﺏ ﺷﻌﺑﻳﺗﻬﺎ ًﻭﺧﺻﻭﺻﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺷﻬﺭ ﺭﻣﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ، ﻋﻧﺩﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﺑﻣﻠﻛﻳﺗﻬﻡ ﻟﺑﻠﺩﻫﻡ. ﻭﺃﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ُﺗﻧﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ ﺑﺄﻛﻣﻠﻬﺎ ﺣﻭﻝ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﺳﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﻠﻔﺯﻳﻭﻧﻳﺔ. ﻭﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺑﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺣﻘﻕ ﺍﻟﺗﻐﻳﻳﺭ ﻭﺑﺫﻟﻙ ﻳﻧﻣﻭ ﻧﻘﻁﺔ ﺃﺧﺭﻯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺗﺣﻠﻳﻝ، ﻭﻫﻲ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﻗﻳﺎﺱ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﺣﺏ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﻟﺑﻠﺩﻫﻡ. ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺗﺻﺎﻻﺕ ﻳﻣﻛﻥ ﺍﺛﺑﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻼﻡ. ﻭﻻﺣﻅ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﻗﺩ ﻳﻛﻭﻥ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﻓﻛﺭﺓ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﻫﺩﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻗﺭﺏ ﻟﻸﻓﻼﻡ ﻗﺑﻝ ﻭﺑﻌﺩ ﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻛﺱ ًﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺛﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺑﻲ. ﻓﻔﻲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻧﻭﻉ ﻣﻌﻳﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ ﻭﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱ ﻋﻧﺩﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻳﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺭﻳﺭ، ﻛﺎﻧﻭﺍ ﻣﺗﺣﺩﻳﻥ، ﺇﺛﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺍﺳﺗﺧﻼﺹ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻛﺗﺷﻔﻭﺍ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﻡ ﻻ ﻳﺣﺑﻭﻥ ﺑﻌﺿﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺑﻌﺽ ﻭﺍﻛﺗﺷﻔﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ. ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﻳﻧﻬﻡ. ﻛﻣﺎ ﺃُﺷﻳﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺱ ﻣﺣﻣﺩ ﻣﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺃُﺛﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺳﺅﺍﻝ ﺣﻭﻝ ﻣﺳﺄﻟﺔ "ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺱ" (ﺍﻧﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﺩﻳﻣﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺣﺩﻯ ﺧﻁﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﺗﻭﺣﻳﺩ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ ﻟﻣﺣﻣﺩ ﻁﺑﻳﺷﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻼﻩ) ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺣﻭﻝ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﻁﺏ ﻭﺗﺷﺟﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻧﺎﻕ ﺑﻌﺿﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺑﻌﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺄﻟﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻝ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ؟.ﻭﻗﻳﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ُﻳﻌﺗﺑﺭ ًﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎ ﻳﺗﻡ ﺗﺣﺩﻳﺩﻩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺗﻔﺳﻳﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺩ ﺫﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺳﺭﺣﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺣﺏ. ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺣﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﻳﺔ – ﻟﺳﻧﺎ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻣﻥ ﻟﺣﻡ ﻭﺩﻡ، ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺑﻘﻳﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ُﺍﻟﻣ ّﺳﻳﻝ ﻟﻠﻣﺩﻣﻭﻉ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺷﻛﻝ ﺍﻟﻠﺣﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻡ ﻗﺩ ﻳﻛﻭﻥ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ ﻟﻶﺧﺭﻳﻥ. ﻭﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ُﺍﺳﺗﺧﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ّﺍﻟﻣﺳﻳﻝ ﻟﻠﺩﻣﻭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺻﻑ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺗﺟﻳﻥ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ُﻳﻌﺗﻘﺩ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺗﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺱ ﻣﻣﺗﻌﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺩ ﻛﺑﻳﺭ ﻛﺎﺳﺗﻌﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺭ "ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﻱ" ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ. ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺭ، ﺑﺳﺑﺏ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺗﻧﺑﺅ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ. ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﻣﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺛﺎﺑﺗﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﺣﺗﺟﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﻳﻼﻗﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ، ﻭﻛﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﻳﻣﺛﻝ ﺍﻧﺗﻘﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﺩﻗﻳﻕ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺑﻲ "ﺍﻟﺣﺏ" ﻛﻣﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺷﻲء ﺁﺧﺭ. ﻭﺷﻌﺭ ﺃﺣﺩ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ُﺍﻟﻣ ّﺳﻳﻝ ﻟﻠﺩﻣﻭﻉ ﻳﻌﺑﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﺊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ. ﻭﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﺳﺅﺍﻝ ﻣﺗﻌﻠﻕ ﺑﺎﻻﺣﺗﻣﺎﻻﺕ، ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺳﻳﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ ﺫﻛﻭﺭﻳﺔ، ﻭﻫﻲ ﻓﺭﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺑﻁﻝ. ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺳﺎء ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ "ﻟﻠﺣﺏ" ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻭﺣﺩ ﺍﻟﺟﻬﻭﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺗﺣﻘﻳﻕ ﺟﺯء ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﺗﻌﺗﺑﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻗﻑ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻳﺗﻡ ﻓﻳﻬﺎ ﺇﺷﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ ﺫﻛﻭﺭﻳﺔ. ﻭﺭﺃﻱ ﺑﺎﺣﺙ ﺁﺧﺭ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻥ ﺍﻷﺧﺭﻯ ﻳﺧﺗﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ: ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺑﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺛﺎﻝ، ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ، ﻻ ﻳﺑﺩﻭ ﺍﻻﻧﻘﺳﺎﻡ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻧﺳﺎء ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﻟﻡ. ﺣﺗﻰ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﺣﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺳﻳﻡ ﻟﻠﻌﻣﻝ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺟﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺭﺃﺓ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻓﺭﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻁﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻳﺑﺩﻭ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺫﻛﻭﺭﻱ ًﺣﺻﺭﻳﺄ – ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﻗﻑ ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ًﺗﻌﻘﻳﺩﺃ. ﻓﻔﻲ ﻗﺿﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ، ُﺫﻛﺭ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺭﺅﻳﺗﻪ (ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ) ﻟﻳﺱ ﻛﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﻛﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻳﻛﻭﻥ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺻﻠﺑﺔ. ﻭﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺅﻛﺩ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺷﻛﻝ ًﺣﺩﺛﺎ ًﻣﺛﻳﺭﺍ ﻟﻼﻫﺗﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻛﺗﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻣﻧﺫ "ﺍﻟﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ". ﻭﺗﺣﻭﻟﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻳﻡ ُﻣﺧﺗﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ ﻋﻥ "ﺍﻟﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ" ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺗﻣﺕ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻁﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ. ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺭﻯ ﻏﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺿﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺫﻛﺭﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻛﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻛﺭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ ﻋﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺷﺧﺻﻳﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺷﻁﻳﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻧﻘﻭﻡ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻻ ﻳﻘﺩﻡ ﻓﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﺻﻁﻠﺢ ﺃﻋﺿﺎء ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ. ﺍﻟﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻭﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭﻳﺭﻓﺽ ﺗﻌﺭﻳﻑ ﻧﻔﺳﻪ ًﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﺻﺑﺔ.

– ۱٥ – ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ

ﺳﻧﻲ ﻳﻳﻛﻳﺎﻧﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺣﺿﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﺛﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﻣﺭﺍﻛﺯ ﺍﻟﺗﺳﻭﻕ، ُﻳ ّﻣﺛﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻳﺳﺑﻭﻙ ﻫﻲ ﻁﺎﻟﺑﺔ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻭﻏﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺩﺷﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻛﻥ ﻣﺣﺗﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﻟﻠﺗﻭﺍﺻﻝ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺱ ﺍﻵﺧﺭ. ﻭﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻫﻠﺳﻧﻛﻲ. ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﺣﻳﺙ ﺗﻘﻭﻡ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ، ﻭﻛﻣﺎ ﻳﺷﻳﺭ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﺑﺈﺟﺭﺍء ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻳﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻹﻧﺛﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻟﺷﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ. ﺍﻷﺳﻠﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻧﺎﻣﻳﺔ ﺣﺩﺛﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ ﻣﻧﺫ ﺳﺑﻌﻳﻧﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﻭﺟﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ، ﺗﻌﻣﻝ ﻛﺯﻣﻳﻝ ﺯﺍﺋﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻧﻼﻧﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺷﺭﻳﻥ. ﻭﻳﺗﻧﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻋﺩﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻳﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻛﺗﺑﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ. ﻭﻳﺭﻛﺯ ﻋﻣﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺱ ﺍﻹﻧﺗﺭﻧﺕ ﺇﺯﺍء ﺧﻠﻔﻳﺔ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﺗﻔﺎﻋﻝ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻳﻡ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺳﻳﻥ، ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺣﻳﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺳﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻝ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ. ًﻏﺎﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ُﻳﻔﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﻳﺷﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺣﺗﻣﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻧﺷﻭﺏ ﺻﺭﺍﻉ ﺑﻳﻥ ﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻼﻁﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺟﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺑﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻋﺩﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻳﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺗﺭﻧﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻼﻁﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﻟﻠﺣﻳﺎء ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ. ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ. ﻭﺃﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﻓﻳﻪ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺷﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻧﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻋﺩﺓ ﻣﻊ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺷﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﺩﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻣﻠﺧﺹ ﺑﺣﺛﻲ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻋﺩﺓ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺗﻣﻳﻳﺯ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺳﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺣﺩﻳﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻧﺷﺋﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻳﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺗﺭﻧﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻼﻁﻔﺔ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺑﻘﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺗﻼﻁ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺳﻳﻥ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺗﻔﺳﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻭﺳﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ. ﻭﻣﻊ ﻭﺟﻭﺩ ﺃﻓﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺑﻳﺭﺓ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ، ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻧﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﻔﺎﻋﻝ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺳﻳﻥ. ﻭﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻻ ﻳﺯﺍﻝ ﺳﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺻﺭ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ. ﻭﺗﺭﺗﺑﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﻛﻝ ﺍﻟﺗﻧﺷﺄﺓ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻋﺑﺭ ﺍﻹﻧﺗﺭﻧﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻋﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺃﻛﺑﺭ، ﺃﻗﺎﺭﻥ ﻣﺛﻝ ﺑﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻬﻣﻳﺵ ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻷﺯﻣﺔ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻣﻼﻁﻔﺔ ﻣﻥ ﻟﻬﻡ ﻣﻌﻬﻡ ﺻﻠﺔ ﻗﺭﺍﺑﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﻳﺔ. ﻭﺑﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻛﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺋﻬﻡ ﻭﺃﺟﺩﺍﺩﻫﻡ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﺟﻣﻌﻲ ﻟﻠﺑﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ، ﻗﻣﺕ ﺑﺗﻁﺑﻳﻕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻳﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﻼﺋﻡ، ﻳﻭﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺷﺎﻛﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍﺝ ﻭﺗﻛﻭﻳﻥ ﺃﺳﺭﺓ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻳﺔ: ﻣﺛﻝ ﻣﻼﺣﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺷﺧﺻﻳﺔ ﺑﻬﻡ, ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﻊ ﻣﺗﻭﺳﻁ ﺳﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍﺝ ﻭﻁﺎﻟﺕ ﻓﺗﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺗﻣﺎﺩ ﻭﺗﺣﻠﻳﻝ ﺑﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻝ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ: ﻣﺛﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻳﺳﺑﻭﻙ. ُﻭﺗﺣﻠﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻟﺩﻳﻥ. ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺗﺎﻟﻲ ﺃﺻﺑﺣﺕ ﻣﺳﺎﺋﻝ ﺍﻻﺧﺗﻼﻁ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺳﻳﻥ ُﺍﻟﻣﺩﻭﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﺭﺩﺷﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺭﻳﻑ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺧﺩﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻼﻁﻔﺔ ﻣﻭﺿﻭﻋﻳﺔ ًﻣﺭﺓ ﺃﺧﺭﻯ. ﻣﻼﺣﻅﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺷﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺣﻘﻳﻘﻳﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻳﺋﺎﺗﻬﻡ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ، ُﻳﻌﺗﺑﺭ ﺍﺳﺗﺧﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﻛﻧﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩﺓ ًﺟﺯء ًﺃﺳﺎﺳﻳﺎ ﻭﺇﻧﻲ ﺃﺭﻯ ﺃﻧﻪ ًﻧﻅﺭﺍ ﻻﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻋﺩﺓ ﻋﺑﺭ ﺍﻹﻧﺗﺭﻧﺕ ﻣﻥ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻬﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺣﺿﺭﻱ ﻭﺃﻧﻣﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺣﻳﺎﺓ ﻟﻠﻁﺑﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻭﺳﻁﺔ. ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺋﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺣﺗﻰ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺭﻣﺎﺕ، ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻳﺭﺗﺑﻁ ﺑﻣﺳﺎﺋﻝ ﺣﻳﺙ ﻣﻛﻧﺕ ﺗﻛﻧﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺻﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺣﺩﻳﺛﺔ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺃﻛﺑﺭ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻔﺎﻫﻳﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻐﻳﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﺣﻳﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺳﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ. ﻭﺗﺗﻌﺎﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻧﺳﺎء ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺑﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻭﺳﻁﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻭﺍﺻﻝ ﺑﺳﻬﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﺿﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﻳﺑﺣﺛﻭﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺑﻌﺽ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﻣﺣﻳﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺣﺿﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭﻳﺔ. ﻭﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﺗﻬﻡ ﻟﻠﺣﺏ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻳﻛﻭﻧﻭﺍ ﻣﺳﻠﻣﻳﻥ ﻣﺳﺗﻘﻳﻣﻳﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺓ.

– ۱٤ – ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻳﺳﺎﺭ: ﺭﻭﻣﻳﻝ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻁﺎﻟﺏ ﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺗﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺎﻋﺩ ﺭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ.

ﻓﻳﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺳﺗﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﺣﺎﺩﻳﺙ ﻓﻘﻁ، ﻭﻟﻛﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺣﺗﺎﺝ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺗﻡ ﻟﻳﺑﺭﺍﻟﻳﺔ ﺃﻭﻳﺳﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺃﻭﻋﻠﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺻﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺑﻠﻁﺟﻳﺔ. ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭ ﻓﻳﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻌﺎﻝ، ُﻭﺧﺻﻭﺻﺎ ﺗﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﻣﺭﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻳﺔ ﻟﻳﺱ ﻟﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﺃﻳﺩﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺔ ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﻭﻻ ﻫﻲ ﺗﻌﺑﺭ ﻋﻥ "ﺍﻟﺳﺧﻁ" ﻭ"ﺍﻟﺣﺏ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺩ ﺳﻭﺍء. ﻣﻧﻅﻣﺔ ﻛﺣﺭﻛﺔ – ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ، ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﻳﺭ ﻣﻧﻅﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺣﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﺟﺩ. ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﺑﺩﻻً ﻣﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺍﺭ ﻳﻭﺣﺩﻫﻡ ﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺷﺗﺭﻙ ﻟﻠﺭﻓﺽ. ﺳﺎﻣﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻳﻠﻙ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺳﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﻭﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﻓﺽ ﻫﺫﺍ، ﻻﺣﻅﺕ ُﻭﻟﺩ ﺳﺎﻣﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻳﻠﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻫﻠﺳﻧﻛﻲ، ﻓﻧﻼﻧﺩﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ۱۹۷۲ ﻭﺣﺻﻝ ًﺗﻁﺎﺑﻘﺎ ًﻛﺑﻳﺭﺍ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺷﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﺑﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻧﻳﺔ. ﻭﻳﺑﺩﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻣﺳﺗﺭﺩﺍﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﺷﻲء ﻣﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭﺓ ﺗﺟﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﺭﺑﻁ ﺑﻳﻥ ﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۰٦. ﻭﻫﻭ ًﺣﺎﻟﻳﺎ ﺭﺋﻳﺱ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ: ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﻬﺗﻡ ﺍﻟﺧﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺩﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ ﺑﺗﺛﻣﻳﻥ ﺍﻻﺧﺗﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻧﻘﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺑﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﺑﺣﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺗﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺷﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺭﻛﺯ ﻳﺣﺗﻝ ﻣﻛﺎﻧﺔ ﺭﺋﻳﺳﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺗﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﻱ. ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺳﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻗﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺣﺩﻳﺛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺭﻟﻳﻥ. ﻭﺗﺗﻧﺎﻭﻝ ﺃﺑﺣﺎﺛﻪ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺑﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺷﺧﺻﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻛﺗﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ، ﺃﺟﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﻣﻭﺿﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺗﻔﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺩﻳﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﻼﻕ ﻟﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﻘﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﺭﺑﻁ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺃﻧﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺧﻳﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺧﺻﻭﺻﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﻣﻭﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﻣﻭﺡ ﻭﺍﻹﺣﺑﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﺟﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺧﻳﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺷﺧﺻﻳﺔ ﻭﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻳﻛﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ. ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺣﻳﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﺩﺑﻳﺔ. ﻭﻫﻭ ﻣﺅﻟﻑ ﻛﺗﺏ ﺳﻭﻑ ﺗﺗﺄﺧﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ (ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻳﺔ، ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱)، ﻣﺧﺎﻁﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺡ (۲۰۱۲)، ﺍﻟﺣﻳﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺧﻁﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻛﺑﺭﻯ (ﻣﻊ ﻟﻳﺯﺍ ﺩﻳﺑﻔﻳﻙ، ۲۰۱۲) ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻣﻲ (ﻣﻊ ﻛﻧﻭﺕ ﺟﺭﺍﻭ، ۲۰۱۲).

"ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﻭﺍ ﻻ: ﻟﻠﻛﺗﺎﺑﺔ ﻭﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﻓﺽ." ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺇﺣﺩﻯ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻣﻠﻣﻭﺳﺔ ﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱ ﻫﻲ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﻧﻭﻉ ﺟﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺗﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺃﻗﻠﻳﺔ ﻧﺷﻁﺔ ﻭﻣﺭﺋﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ًﻛﺛﻳﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻁﻠﻘﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻔﺳﻬﻡ "ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺍﺭ": (ﻣﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻧﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻵﺧﺭﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﻳﺗﺣﺩﺛﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﻡ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻟﻳﺳﻭﺍ ًﺛﻭﺍﺭﺍ). ﻭﺷﺎﺭﻛﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﺷﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺣﺗﺟﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻣﺭﺓ ﺿﺩ ﻧﻅﺎﻡ ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ ﺛﻡ ﺿﺩ ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺳﻛﺭﻱ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻁﺎﻑ ﺿﺩ ﺍﻹﺧﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﻣﻳﻥ. ﻭﻣﻥ ﺣﻳﺙ ﺍﻷﻳﺩﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺔ، ُﻭﺻﻔﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻳﺔ ﺑﺄﺷﻛﺎﻝ ﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭ ﺷﻳﻠﻙ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ ﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ.

– ۱۳ – ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ

ﻋﺭﺽ ﻟﻠﻣﻠﺧﺻﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺗﻳﺔ – ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ

ﻣﺣﻣﺩ ﻁﺑﻳﺷﺎﺕ ﻣﺣﻣﺩ ﻁﺑﻳﺷﺎﺕ ﻫﻭ ﺃﺳﺗﺎﺫ ﻣﺳﺎﻋﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺭﻳﻛﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ. ﻭﺗﺷﻣﻝ ﻣﺟﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﻫﺗﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﻟﻠﻧﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺻﺣﻳﺔ ﻛﺑﻧﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻣﺗﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺟﻭﺍﻧﺏ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺟﻭﺍﻧﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻘﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﺑﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺣﻭﻛﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻅﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﻣﺯﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺣﻳﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺳﻳﺔ ﻭﺃﺷﻛﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺳﻳﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﺍﺗﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻁﻑ. ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺭﻯ ﻟﻠﺑﺣﺙ ﻫﻲ: ۱ ﺃﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﻓﻼﻡ ۲. ﺃﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﻠﻳﻡ. ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺟﻐﺭﺍﻓﻳﺔ: ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻁ ﻭﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ (MENA). ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺟﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﻭﻋﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺣﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ.

ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻳﺳﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻳﻣﻳﻥ: ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ، ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭ ﻛﺭﻳﻝ، ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻫﻠﺟﺭﻳﻥ، ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻁﻑ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺗﺑﻁﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ: ﺍﻟﺗﻔﻛﻳﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭ ﺃﺗﻳﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺗﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺎﻋﺩ ﻭﻳﺳﺗﻣﻭﺭﻻﻧﺩ. ﻳﻬﺗﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﺑﻣﻔﻬﻭﻡ "ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺱ" ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻳﻠﻌﺑﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺣﻳﺎﺓ ﺯﻛﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻟﻣﺻﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺻﺭﺓ. ﻭﺗﺳﺗﺧﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺗﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺻﻁﻠﺢ ﻣﺗﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ. ﻓﻔﻲ ﻣﺟﺎﻻﺕ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭ ﺯﻛﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺗﻲ ﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ، ﺃﺣﺩﻫﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺏ ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺳﻲ ﺗﻌﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺳﻳﺔ: ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻌﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻷﺣﻳﺎء ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ. ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﺳﺗﺎﺫ ﻣﺳﺎﻋﺩ ﻟﻠﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ "ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺱ" ﻫﻭ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺳﻳﺔ. ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺣﻣﺩ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﻣﺱ ﺳﻭﻳﺳﻲ (IURS) ﻭﺑﺎﺣﺙ ﻣﺳﺎﻋﺩ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻧﻳﺔ ﻭﺃﺣﺎﺩﻳﺙ ﺍﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻣﺣﻣﺩ (ﺍﻟﺣﺩﻳﺙ)، ﻓﻲ ﻣﺭﻛﺯ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺑﻳﺭﺍﻙ (CNRS – USR3136) ﻛﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ً ﺗﺩﻝ "ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺱ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻝ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﻣﺛﻝ ﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺩﺓ ﺃﺳﺗﺎﺫﺍ ًﺯﺍﺋﺭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺭﻧﺳﺗﻭﻥ ﻭﻓﻲ EHESS (ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺱ). ﻣﻥ ﺗﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺷﻳﺎء ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺿﻔﻲ ًﻣﺯﻳﺩﺍ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺣﻳﻭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺟﺳﻡ – "ﺍﻟﺟﺳﺩ ﻭﺗﺗﻣﺛﻝ ﺍﻫﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻛﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ: ﺍﻟﺧﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ، ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﻔﻛﺭ" ﺇﺫﺍ ﺟﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ. ﻭﺗﺣﺗﻝ ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺱ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻣﺭﻛﺯ ﺍﻟﺻﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺃﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻠﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﻳﺔ؛ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﺻﻔﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﻛﺗﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﻭﺃﻁﺑﺎء ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﻣﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺭﺯﻳﻥ ﺑﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻌﻣﺎﺭ، ﻭﺣﺩﻳﺙ ﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻗﻳﺔ. ﻭﻫﻭ ﻣﺅﻟﻑ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺧﺻﻭﺹ ﻛﺗﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺃﺑﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﺩ ﺍﻟﻐﺯﺍﻟﻲ ﻭﺇﺑﻥ ﺳﻳﻧﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻻ ﺯﺍﻟﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺷﻔﺎء (Le pouvoir de guérir). ﺍﻟﺧﺭﺍﻓﺔ، ﺗﻣﺗﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﺗﺄﺛﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻛﺑﻳﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﻲ. ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺄﺛﻳﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺗﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﺻﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺏ. ﻟﻳﺩﻥ/ﺑﻭﺳﻁﻥ: ﺑﺭﻳﻝ ۲۰۱٤. ﺍﻟﻣﺅﻟﻔﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﻟﺩﻳﻬﻡ ﺍﻫﺗﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺈﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺣﻳﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺣﻳﺎء ﺍﻟﺗﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻧﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺭﺟﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺧﺻﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺻﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ: ﺍﻟﺳﺧﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﺣﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻣﻛﻳﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺷﻛﺎﻝ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻳﺔ ﻣﺣﻠﻳﺔ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺻﺩﺩ، ﺗﻔﺳﺭ ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺱ ﺑﺗﻧﻭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺣﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺗﺟﺎﺝ، ﺗﻌﻠﻣﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺣﺏ ﺑﻠﺩﻱ. ﻭﺃﺭﻳﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺟﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻛﻼﺳﻳﻛﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺻﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺩ ﺳﻭﺍء. ًﻭﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺃﻋﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻝ ﻭﺃﻛﺛﺭﻫﺎ ًﺍﺯﺩﻫﺎﺭﺍ ﺣﻳﺙ ﻋﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺣﺭﻳﺔ. ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﺗﺳﺗﺧﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﺣﻳﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻣﻳﺔ ﻟﺗﻭﺻﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺑﻳﺎﻥ ﺃﺩﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺭﺑﻲ ﺷﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﺣﺗﺟﺎﺝ F20M ﺑﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﺑﺔ، ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺱ، ﺍﻟﺷﺧﺹ، ﺍﻟﺷﻬﻭﻩ، ﺍﻟﺷﻬﻳﺔ، ﺍﻟﻔﺧﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۲. ﺣﻳﺙ ﻳﻭﺿﺢ ﻣﻥ ﺟﻬﺔ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺍﺳﺗﺛﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺑﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺛﺎﻝ ﻻ ﺍﻟﺣﺻﺭ. ﺇﻥ ﺣﺟﺗﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﻔﺱ ﺗﻭﻓﺭ ﺣﻘﻝ ﻣﺗﻛﺎﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﻋﺭ ﺑﻘﻭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ ﻭﻣﻥ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺭﻯ، ﻛﻳﻑ ﻳﻣﻛﻥ ﻳﻣﻛﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻁﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﻁﻠﺣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻭﺳﻁ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻛﻭﻥ "ﺣﺏ"- ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺕ، ﺣﺏ ﺍﻟﺑﻠﺩ ًﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭﺍ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ. ً ﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺗﻌﻣﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﻩ. ﻭﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻠﻘﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ ﻭﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ، ﻓﺈﻥ "ﺍﻟﺣﺏ" ﻟﻳﺱ ًﺷﻌﻭﺭﺍ ﻏﻳﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻝ ﻟﻠﺗﻐﻳﻳﺭ ﻭﻟﻛﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﺿﻭء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻣﺎﻁ ﻣﺣﺩﺩﺓ ﻟﺗﺷﻛﻳﻝ ﻭﺇﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺻﺭ. ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻛﺱ ﻣﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﻓﻬﻭ ﺧﺑﺭﺓ ﻁﺎﺭﺋﺔ ﻭﻧﺎﺷﺋﺔ ﺗﺗﺟﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻳﺎﻕ ﻭﺑﺷﻛﻝ ﺣﺎﺳﻡ، ﻭﻟﺟﻭﺍﻧﺏ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﻔﺱ، ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﺷﻛﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﻳﻥ، ﻭﺑﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﻬﺯ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻡ ﻟﻠﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ. ﻭﺗﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻟﺣﻭﻛﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻅﻣﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻧﻌﻛﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﻭﺑﺎﻧﺗﻘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺩ ﺳﻭﺍء. ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺛﻧﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻳﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺧﺑﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺷﺋﺔ ﻻ ﻳﻣﻛﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﺩﻗﻳﻕ

– ۱۲ – ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

ﺟﻠﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﺭﺣﻳﺏ

ﺭﺣﺑﺕ ﻓﻳﻛﺗﻭﺭﻳﺎ ﺳﺟﻭﻻﻧﺩﺭ، ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻣﺔ ﺑﺄﻋﻣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺋﺏ ﻣﺩﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻳﺩﻱ ﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﺿﺎﻓﻳﻳﻥ)، ﻭﻛﺫﻟﻙ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﺿﻭﻳﺗﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺷﺑﻛﺗﻧﺎ. ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ، ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻥ ﻛﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺑﻝ، ﺳﻭﻑ ُﺗﻌﻘﺩ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﻋﻣﻝ ﺃﺧﺭﻯ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺗﺭﻛﻳﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺻﺭﺍﻉ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻘﻲ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻧﻳﻭﻳﻭﺭﻙ، ﺣﻳﺙ ﺗﻛﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﻧﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﺻﺎﺟﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺑﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻟﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ، ﺑﺎﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ ﺃﺳﺗﺎﺫﺓ ﺯﺍﺋﺭﺓ ﻟﺟﺫﺏ ﻋﻠﻣﺎء ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ، ﻭﻫﻭ ﺗﺭﺗﻳﺏ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩﻳﻥ، ﻭﻛﻼﻫﻣﺎ ﺟﺯء ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺧﺩﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺣﺩﺓ. ﻭﺍﻟﻬﺩﻑ ﻣﻧﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺷﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺎﻫﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﺭﻳﻛﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺭﺟﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻳﺩﻳﺔ. ﻭﻳﻧﺑﻐﻲ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺷﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺧﻁﻁ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺳﺗﻘﻭﻡ ﺑﺻﻳﺎﻏﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ ًﺟﻧﺑﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﺫﻭ ﺃﻫﻣﻳﺔ ﻛﺑﻳﺭﺓ ُﻭﻣﺑﺗﻛﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﻧﺏ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺑﺭﻭﻓﻳﺳﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﺑﻭﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺑﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﺳﺗﺎﺫ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﺯﺍﻝ ﻏﻳﺭ ﻣﻛﺗﺷﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺩ ﻛﺑﻳﺭ. ﺍﻷﺩﺍء ﻓﻲ ﻛﻠﻳﺔ ﺗﻳﺗﺵ ﻟﻠﻔﻧﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻧﻳﻭﻳﻭﺭﻙ. ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺍﻟﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻭﻗﻌﺔ ﻟﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻫﻲ ﺗﻁﻭﻳﺭ ﺷﺑﻛﺔ ﻣﺎ ُﺑﻧﻳﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺗﺻﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺳﺗﺟﻣﻊ ﺑﻳﻥ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻣﻼﺣﻅﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻓﺗﺗﺎﺣﻳﺔ، ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ:

ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺳﻳﻳﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ ﻭﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻣﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺑﻠﻳﻥ ﺳﻭﻑ ﻳﻛﻭﻥ ﻟﺩﻳﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺻﺔ ﻟﻼﺳﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺇﺳﺗﺭﺍﺗﻳﺟﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻧﺷﺭ ﺣﻭﻝ ﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ "ﻓﻲ ﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺣﻔﺯﺓ ﻭﺇﻋﻁﺎء ﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﻓﻌﻝ ﻣﺑﺗﻛﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ" ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﻭﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺍﺳﺳﺗﻛﺷﺎﻑ ﺇﻣﻛﺎﻧﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺭﻳﺢ ﻭﻛﺫﻟﻙ ﺳﺗﺗﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺹ ﻟﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﺧﺑﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺛﻳﺔ ﻟﺩﻳﻧﺎ. ﻧﺷﺭ ﻣﺟﻠﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ ﻓﺿﻼً ﻋﻥ ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺗﻳﻥ ﻭﺳﻭﻑ ﻧﻛﻭﻥ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻳﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﻓﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺟﻠﻳﺯﻳﺔ ﻳﺳﺗﻬﺩﻑ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺕ. ﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻲ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﻭﻟﻸﺳﻑ، ﻭﻷﺳﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻡ ﻳﺗﻣﻛﻥ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ، ﺳﺗﺟﺭﻯ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﺣﻳﺙ ُﺳﻳﺩﻋﻰ ﺇﻟﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﻭﺻﻧﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻟﻠﺣﺿﻭﺭ. ﺣﺿﻭﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﻟﻛﻧﻬﻡ ﺷﺎﺭﻛﻭﺍ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺃﺑﺣﺎﺛﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ (ﺍﻟﻣﺑﻳﻧﺔ ﺃﺩﻧﺎﻩ ﺗﺣﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻠﺧﺻﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺗﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﺧﺗﺗﻣﺕ: ﺩﻋﻭﻧﺎ ﻧﺑﺩﺃ ﺭﺣﻠﺗﻧﺎ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ.

– ۱۱ – ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ

ﻗﺎﺋﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ

ﺃﻳﻣﻭﻥ ﻛﺭﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺭﻳﻛﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ (AUC)، ﻣﺻﺭ ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺯﻳﻭﺭﻳﺦ، ﺳﻭﻳﺳﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﺭﻭﻣﻳﻝ ﻛﻠﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺷﺭﻗﻳﺔ (SOAS)، ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻠﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺣﺩﺓ ﺩﻳﺩﺍ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﻛﺯ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻧﻲ ﻟﻸﺑﺣﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻌﺻﻭﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺑﻝ ﺍﻟﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻠﻭﺟﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺎﺭﻳﺧﻳﺔ، ﺍﻟﺟﺯﺍﺋﺭ ﺇﻳﻐﻭﺭ ﺷﻳﺭﺳﺗﻳﺗﺵ ﻛﻠﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻗﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺔ، ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻠﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺣﺩﺓ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﻧﺎﻓﻲ، ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻳﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺩﺍء، ﻛﻠﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﺗﺵ ﻟﻠﻔﻧﻭﻥ، ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻧﻳﻭ ﻳﻭﺭﻙ، ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺣﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺭﻳﻛﻳﺔ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﻳﺳﺗﻣﻭﺭﻻﻧﺩ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺭﻳﻛﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ، ﻣﺻﺭ ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺳﺗﻭﻛﻬﻭﻟﻡ، ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻳﺩ ﻣﺣﻣﺩ ﻁﺑﻳﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺭﻳﻛﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ، ﻣﺻﺭ ﻣﺻﻁﻔﻰ ﺃﺗﻳﺭ ﻣﺭﻛﺯ ﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﺗﻧﻣﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﺍﻣﺔ، ﻟﻳﺑﻳﺎ ﻧﻔﻳﺳﺔ ﻧﺟﻳﺏ ﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺗﺷﻳﺭ ﻣﻳﺷﻠﺳﻥ (CMI)، ﺍﻟﻧﺭﻭﻳﺞ ﺭﺷﻳﺩ ﺇﺩ ﻳﺎﺳﻳﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺟﺎﺳﺗﻭﻥ ﺑﻳﺭﺟﺭ(UGB)، ﺍﻟﺳﻧﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﻣﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻳﻠﻙ ﻣﺭﻛﺯ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻗﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺣﺩﻳﺛﺔ، ﺃﻟﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ ﺳﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﻠﻳﺟﺭﻳﻥ ﺃﻛﺎﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ ﻓﻧﻼﻧﺩﺍ، ﻫﻠﺳﻧﻛﻲ ﻛﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﻭﻡ ﻟﻠﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻘﺩﻣﺔ ﺳﻧﻲ ﻳﻳﻛﻳﺎﻧﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻫﻠﺳﻳﻧﻛﻲ، ﻓﻧﻼﻧﺩﺍ ﺯﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺣﻣﺩ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﻣﺱ ﺳﻭﻳﺳﻲ (IURS)، ﻣﺭﻛﺯ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺑﻳﺭﻙ (CJB) ﻟﺗﻧﻣﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻧﺳﺎﻧﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺏ، ﺍﻟﺭﺑﺎﻁ

ﺣﻔﻝ ﻛﻭﻛﺗﻳﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻁﺢ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻳﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﻌﺩ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺿﻳﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻋﻭﻳﻳﻥ.

– ۱۰ – ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

ﺍﻻﺣﺗﺟﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﺳﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﻔﺯﻳﻭﻧﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﺭﻛﻳﺯ ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺳﻲ ﻟﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻳﻧﺻﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻣﻳﻕ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺛﺑﺕ ﺃﻫﻣﻳﺗﻪ ُﻭﺧﺻﻭﺻﺎ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﺷﻬﺭ ﺭﻣﺿﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ. ﻣﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻳﻣﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﺯﻳﺯ ﺍﻟﺣﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺗﺩﺍﺧﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻘﺩ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺧﻁﺎﺑﺎﺕ (ﻭﻏﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺧﻁﺎﺑﺎﺕ) ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻣﻠﻣﻭﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ: ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻧﺗﺞ ﻋﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺷﻛﻝ ﺟﺯﺋﻳﻲ. • ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﺗﺻﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺷﺑﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺧﺗﻠﻑ ﺍﻟﺑﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﻭﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﻳﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻭﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ، ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﻧﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻁ ﻟﺗﻁﻭﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ. ۲٤ ﻣﺎﻳﻭ ۲۰۱۳ • ﺗﻘﻳﻳﻡ ﺃﺣﺩﺙ ﺍﻹﺑﺩﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻳﻣﺎ ﻳﺗﻌﻠﻕ ﺑﺎﻟﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺩ ﺳﻭﺍء. ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﻓﺭﻳﺩﺭﻳﻛﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ • ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻬﺟﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻔﺎﻫﻳﻡ ﻭﺍﻷُﻁﺭ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻠﻳﻠﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﻓﺭﻳﺩﺭﻳﻛﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ ﻫﻲ ﻣﻥ ﻛﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﻭﻓﻳﻣﺎ ﻳﺗﺻﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ. ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺗﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺻﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ • ﺍﻟﺗﺧﻁﻳﻁ ُﻟﻣﻘﺗﺭﺡ ﺑﺣﺛﻲ ﻣﺷﺗﺭﻙ. ﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﻧﺎﻓﻲ. ﻛﻣﺎ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺣﺛﺔ ﺯﺍﺋﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺩﺍء ﻓﻲ ﻣﺩﺭﺳﺔ ﺗﺷﻳﺵ ﻟﻠﻔﻧﻭﻥ ﺑﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻧﻳﻭ ﻳﻭﺭﻙ ﻭﺍﺳﺗﻘﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻳﻭ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺍﻟﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻭﻗﻌﺔ ﻛﺎﻵﺗﻲ: ﻳﻭﺭﻙ ﻣﻧﺫ ﺃﻏﺳﻁﺱ ۲۰۱۳. ﻭﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺗﺷﺎﺭﻱ • ﺗﻁﻭﻳﺭ ﺷﺑﻛﺔ ﺗﺟﻣﻊ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺳﻳﻳﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ ﻭﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﻧﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺱ ﻟﺩﻯ ﺻﻧﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻣﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺣﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﺳﻛﺎﻥ (UNFPA) ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺩ ﺳﻭﺍء. ﻭﺻﻧﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻣﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺣﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻲ ﻟﺭﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﻔﻭﻟﺔ (UNICEF) • ﻭﺿﻊ ﺇﺳﺗﺭﺍﺗﻳﺟﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻧﺷﺭ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻭﻏﻳﺭﻫﻡ ﻭﻋﺿﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ/ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ، "ﻓﻲ ﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ" ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ. ﻭﺳﻭﻑ ﺗﺗﺿﻣﻥ ﺑﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺧﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻔﻛﻳﺭ ﻟﻠﻣﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﻭ (FOKO) ﻭﺷﺑﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﻧﺷﺭ ﻣﺟﻠﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺩ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﻧﺎﻓﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻧﻳﺔ ﺑﺧﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ. ﻭﻫﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺗﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺟﻠﻳﺯﻳﺔ ﻣﻭﺟﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺕ. ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ (۲۰۰۹) ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﻛﻠﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻣﻳﺔ، ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻏﻭﺗﻧﺑﺭﻍ، ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻳﺩ. ﻭﺗﻧﺎﻭﻟﺕ ﺃﻁﺭﻭﺣﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻝ، ﺃُﺟﺭﻳﺕ ﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﻗﻠﻳﻠﺔ ًﺟﺩﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺇﻧﺷﺎء ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻧﺷﺎء ﻫﻭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺱ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺗﺭﻛﻳﺏ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ. ًﻭﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﺍﻷﻧﺛﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺳﺗﻣﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻣﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺣﺗﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻠﻳﺔ ﺑﺷﻛﻝ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻧﺎﻭﻝ ﺑﻧﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﻳﻛﻭﻥ ﻓﻳﻬﺎ ﺧﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ ًﺃﻣﺭﺍ ًﺃﺳﺎﺳﻳﺎ. ﻭﺍﻛﺗﺷﻔﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﻋﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ. ﻭﺳﻭﻑ ﺗﺳﺎﻫﻡ ﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺗﻔﺎﻋﻝ ﺑﻳﻥ ﻫﻳﺎﻛﻝ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻣﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻬﻳﻣﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺩﻳﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ.ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻛﺛﺭ ﺧﺻﻭﺻﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺗﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺭﺽ ﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻳﺔ.

ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻳﺳﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻳﻣﻳﻥ: ﺭﺍﻧﺩﺍ ﺣﺎﻓﻅ، ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﺣﺩﻱ ﻛﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺋﻭﻟﻳﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺑﺭﺍﻣﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻳﺩﻱ؛ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ، ﻓﻳﻛﺗﻭﺭﻳﺎ ﺳﺟﻭﻻﻧﺩﺭ، ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻣﺔ ﺑﺄﻋﻣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺋﺏ ﻣﺩﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻳﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ، ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﻓﺭﻳﺩﺭﻳﻛﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ ﻫﻲ ﻣﻥ ﻛﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﻧﺎﻓﻲ.

– ۹ – ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ

(ﻧﺎﻓﺎﺭﻭ ﻳﺎﺷﻳﻥ ۱٤:۲۰۰۷). ﻭﺗﺟﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﺎﻓﺎﺭﻭ ﻳﺎﺷﻳﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻣﻛﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻣﻳﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻭﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺩﻓﻌﺗﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﺻﻔﻳﺔ ﻟﺩﻳﻬﺎ: ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ ُﺍﻟﻣ ّﺣﻔﺯﺓ ﻭﻣﻥ ﺇﻋﻁﺎء ﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﻓﻌﻝ ﺇﺑﺩﺍﻋﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻭ ... ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺗﺑﺎﻉ ﻧﻣﻭﺫﺝ ﺟﺩﻳﺩ ُﻳﺩﻟﻲ ﺑﻧﺎ ًﺑﻌﻳﺩﺍ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻐﺽ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻑ ﻣﺭﻳﺢ. ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺹ ﻟﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺧﺑﺭﺍﺗﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺛﻳﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻼﺣﻅﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺧﻳﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺩﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺭﻯ. ﻭﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺭﺅﻯ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺑﺩﻻً ﻣﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﺃﺷﻌﺭ ﺑﺄﻧﻧﻲ ﺃﺣﺗﺎﺝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺣﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻧﻁﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﺟﻲ. ﻭﻋﻧﺩﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﺗﺭﺑﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ، ُﻋﻘﺩﺕ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺗﻘﺩﻣﻪ ﻛﻼ ﺍﻟﺗﻭﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭﻳﺗﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻠﺱ.ﺑﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻣﻥ ﺣﻘﻳﻘﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻋﻭﻳﻳﻥ ﺗﻡ ﻋﺭﺿﻬﻣﺎ ﻭﻛﺄﻧﻬﻣﺎ ﻣﺗﻧﺎﻗﺿﺎﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﺿﻬﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺑﻌﺽ. ﻭﺃﻗﺗﺭﺡ ﺑﻌﺩﻡ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺻﺣﻔﻳﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ ُﻭﺍﻟﻛ ّﺗﺎﺏ ﻭﺻﻧﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﻼﺏ ﺗﺩﻣﻳﺭ ًﺃﻳﺎ ﻣﻧﻬﻣﺎ. (ﻧﺎﻓﺎﺭﻭ ﻳﺎﺷﻳﻥ ۲۰۰۷:۱٥). ﻭﺃﺳﺎﺗﺫﺓ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻧﺎﺷﻁﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﻭﻏﻳﺭﻫﻡ. ﻛﻣﺎ ﺗﻡ ﺩﻋﻭﺗﻬﻡ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ، ﺃُﺗﻳﺣﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻟﻠﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺣﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻣﺭ ﺣﻭﻝ ﻣﻭﺍﺿﻳﻊ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻁﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻲ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻳﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﻠﻳﺩﻱ. ﻭﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﺻﻔﻳﺔ. ﻓﻣﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﺻﻔﻳﺔ ًﻭﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻭﻥ ﺃﻧﻔﺳﻬﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ "ﻣﺧﺎﻁﺭ" ﻧﻘﺩ ﺇﻳﻣﻳﻙ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ؟ ﻫﻝ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻛﻭﻥ ﻧﻣﻭﺫﺟﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺅﺗﻣﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ ﻭﻳﺗﻘﺩﻣﻭﻥ ﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺃﻭ ﻳﺷﺎﺭﻛﻭﻥ ﻣﺗﻌﺩﺩﺓ – ﻫﻝ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺩﻣﺞ ﻧﻅﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﺍﺗﻳﺔ – ﻓﻲ ﺣﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺑﺎﺷﺭ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﺍﻷﺣﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻫﻝ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻛﻥ ﺍﺳﺗﺧﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺑﻧﺎﺋﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻳﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻟﻳﺳﻭﺍ ﺳﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺿﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻳﺗﻧﺎﻭﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﺣﺛﻬﻡ. ﻭﺑﺩﻻً ﻣﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﺍﻟﻬﺩﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ؟ ﻫﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺭﻯ ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ًﻣﻼﺋﻣﺔ؟ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﺵ ًﻏﺎﻟﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺍﻵﺧﺭﻳﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻫﻝ ﻳﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﺋﺽ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﺻﻔﻳﺔ؟ ﻻ ﺗﺯﺍﻝ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺭﻑ ُﻣﻐﻠﻘﺔ. ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﺑﺏ ﻭﺭﺍء ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺗﺄﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﺷﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺻﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺷﺣﻳﺣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻫﻭ ﺇﺗﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺣﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻲ، ﻭﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﺳﻬﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻬﺟﻲ ﻭﻛﺫﻟﻙ ﺗﻁﺑﻳﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻣﻝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﺳﻣﺢ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﻸﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺗﺗﻌﻠﻡ ﻧﻅﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ. ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺗﺎﻟﻲ، ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺻﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺑﻌﺿﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺑﻌﺽ ﻭﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﺛﺭﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻠﻳﺔ. ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺇﺣﺩﻯ ﻣﺗﺎﺣﺔ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻟﻠﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ ﻟﻠﺗﻔﻛﻳﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻳﻑ ّﻳﻌﺭﻑ ﺗﺣﻠﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﺃﺟﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﻭﺃﻛﺛﺭﻫﺎ ًﻓﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ ﻟﻲ ﻛﺑﺎﺣﺙ ﻭﻛﺻﺎﺣﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﺑﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﻬﻭﺭ ﻓﻳﻣﺎ ﻳﺗﻌﻠﻕ ﺑﺣﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻅﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﻫﻲ ﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺣﺩﺛﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻝ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﻭﺍﻷﺩﺍء ﻭﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﻛﻳﻑ ﻳﺛﻘﻠﻬﺎ؟ ﻭﻟﻡ ﻳﻛﻥ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺧﻧﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻠﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﻣﻊ ﺟﻣﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻟﻠﺗﻔﻛﻳﺭ ﺑﺷﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺳﺋﻠﺔ، ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﺳﻭﻑ ﻳﻛﻭﻥ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﺷﻛﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺃﺻﺑﺣﺕ ﻭﺑﺷﻛﻝ ﻣﺗﺯﺍﻳﺩ ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ًﺍﻟﺗﺯﺍﻣﺎ ًﻭﻧﺷﺎﻁﺎ. ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﻣﺯﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺑﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺗﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺟﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻝ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ُﻣ ّﻛﺛﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﺿﺣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﻓﺔ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺑﻌﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻣﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺣﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻧﻳﻭﻳﻭﻳﺭﻙ. ﻣﺎﺳﻭﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺗﺷﻛﻳﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻝ ﺍﻟﺟﺳﺩ، ﺣﻳﺙ ﺗﺟﺳﺩﺕ ﻭﺳﺭﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺻﺑﺢ ًﻭﺍﺿﺣﺎ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻛﻌﺎﻁﻔﺔ. ﻭﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺗﻣﻝ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻛﻭﻥ ﺇﺣﺩﻯ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﻳﺩﺭﺳﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻁﺭﻕ ﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﺗﻧﺎﻭﻟﻭﺍ ﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻫﺫﻩ - ﻫﻲ ﺇﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺃﻫﻣﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ - ﻭﻫﻲ ﺷﻲء ﻋﺑﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﺗﺧﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻳﺏ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ. ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﻋﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻋﻭﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ: ﺑﻐﺽ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺧﻳﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ – ﺳﻭﺍء ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﺑﺏ ﺍﻟﻛﻠﻲ ﻟﻣﻌﺿﻼﺕ ﺛﻭﺭﺓ ۲۰۱۱ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ(ﻭﻓﻲ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺃﺧﺭﻯ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ - ﺑﻧﺎﺋﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻧﻅﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﻳﻭﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﻫﺩﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻛﻠﺗﺎﻫﻣﺎ ﺃﻭ ًﺑﻧﺎء ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ) ﻭﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺣﺩﺍﺙ ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺗﻘﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﻋﺭ. ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻓﺗﺭﺍﺽ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﻳﻌﻣﻠﻭﻥ ﻣﻌﻬﻡ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺟﺢ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﻳﻛﻭﻥ ﻟﺩﻳﻬﻡ ﺃﻓﺿﻝ ﻧﻅﺭﻳﺔ – ُﻭﺗﺭﻛﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﻣﻔﺗﻭﺣﺔ. ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﻳﺭﺓ ﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﻁﺎﻕ ﻭﻋﻛﺳﺕ ﺍﺗﺳﺎﻉ ﻧﻘﻁﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﻁﻼﻕ ﺍﻷﻛﺛﺭ ًﻣﻼﺋﻣﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﺣﺭﻯ ﻫﻲ ﻛﻳﻑ ﻳﻣﻛﻧﻧﺎ ﻛﻌﻠﻣﺎء ﻧﻁﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﻁﺭﻭﺡ. ﻭﺃﻛﺩﺕ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺗﺟﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﺃﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﺻﻔﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ ًﻭﺧﺻﻭﺻﺎ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ، (ﻭﻟﻳﺱ ﻓﻘﻁ ﺑﺎﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺳﺗﻘﻼً ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ)؟ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺿﺭﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ ﻭﻟﻛﻧﻬﺎ ﺃﺧﺫﺕ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ، ﺣﻠﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻭﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﺭﻧﻭﺍ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻣﻐﺭﺑﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻳﺑﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻭﻧﺳﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻳﻣﻧﻳﺔ. ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺧﻳﺭﺓ ﻛﺷﻔﺕ ﺗﻭﺳﻳﻁ ﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﻬﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺳﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻛﺔ، ﻓﺿﻼً ﻋﻥ ﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺗﺷﺎﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺗﻼﻑ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺑﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺩ ﺳﻭﺍء. ﻭﻓﻲ ﻛﺛﻳﺭ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻏﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ. ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﺳﺑﺎﺕ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﺃُﺛﻳﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻧﻘﻁﺔ ُﻭﺍﻛﺗﺷﻔﺕ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻏﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺳﺧﻁ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺇﺣﺩﻯ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻛﺛﺭ ﺣﻳﻭﻳﺔ ﻟﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻛﻭﻥ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ُﺍﻟﻣﺣﺟﺏ، ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺗﺟﺳﺩ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺑﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺛﺎﻝ، ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ، ﺍﻟﻛﻼﻡ، ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻧﻭﻥ. ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ًﻣﻭﺿﻭﻋﺎ ًﻣﺗﻛﺭﺭﺍ ﻁﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻧﻛﺗﺔ،ﺍﻟﺷﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ، ﺍﻹﺳﻘﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻭﻛﺫﻟﻙ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ. ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺑﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺛﺎﻝ، ﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﻋﺩﻳﺩﺓ ﻛﺷﻔﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻳﺔ ﻣﺛﻝ ﺍﻹﻳﻣﺎءﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺟﺳﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺣﻭﺍﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻛﻭﺕ. ﻛﻝ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺗﺷﺎﺑﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﺿﻳﻊ ﻣﺛﻝ ﺍﺳﺗﺧﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ُﺍﻟﻣ ّﺳﻳﻝ ﻋﻭﺍﻣﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺻﻧﻊ ﺣﻳﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﻬﻭﺭ ﻭﺇﻧﺷﺎء ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻁ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻻﺕ ﻟﻠﺩﻣﻭﻉ ﻛﻛﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺣﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻣﻳﻊ ﺃﻧﺣﺎء ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ - ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺧﺑﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ.

– ۸ – ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

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ﻋﻧﺩﻣﺎ ﺑﺩﺃﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺣﺩﺙ ﺑﺻﻔﺗﻲ ﺃﺣﺩ ﻛﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺟﺩﺩ ﻓﻔﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ، ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺑﻳﺔ ﺑﺷﻛﻝ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻧﻅﺎﻡ ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ، ﺣﻳﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﻧﺎﻓﻲ، ﻛﻧﺕ ﺃﻗﻭﻡ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺗﺧﻁﻳﻁ ﻟﺑﺣﺛﻲ ﺍﺳﺗﺧﺩﻣﺕ ﺃﺷﻛﺎﻻً ﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺣﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺗﺣﺭﺭ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ. ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺣﻳﻥ، ﻛﻧﺕ ﺃﺳﺄﻝ ﻧﻔﺳﻲ ﺃﺳﺋﻠﺔ ﻣﺷﺎﺑﻬﺔ ﺃﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺧﺿﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ. ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻣﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﻻ ﻳﺭﻳﺩ ﻛﻝ ﺷﺧﺹ ﻟﺗﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺳﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻁﺭﺣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺑﺭﻭﻓﻳﺳﻭﺭ ﻓﺎﺭﻫﺎﺟﻬﺎﻧﺎﻡ۱ ﻭﺍﻵﺧﺭﻭﻥ َﺣﺩﻳﺛﺎ ًﻟﻳﺑﺭﺍﻟﻳﺎ ﻳﺭﺗﻛﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﻼﻟﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩﻳﺔ. ﻭﻗﺩ ﻳﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻥ ﻋﻠﻣﺎء ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺩ ﺍﻧﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ: ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﺑﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻣﻔﺎﻫﻳﻡ ﻣﺛﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺳﻳﻥ (ﺑﺩﻻً ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﻛﻳﻑ ﻳﻣﻛﻧﻧﺎ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻠﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺣﻳﻭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺟﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﺗﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺗﻛﺎﻣﻝ) ﻛﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺛﻘﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﻣﺑﺭﺍﻟﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﻳﺔ. ًﻭﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱ ﻭﻛﺫﻟﻙ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﻲ؟ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺎﺭﺿﻭﻥ ﻛﻝ ﻁﺭﻑ ﻓﺎﻋﻝ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ ﻭﺃﺻﺑﺣﺕ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺑﻕ. ﻭﻛﻣﺎ ﻳﺩﻋﻲ ﻣﺣﻣﻭﺩ (۲۱۲:۲۰۰۱) ﺑﺄﻥ 'ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻭﻛﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ﻭﺃﻛﺛﺭ ﺃﻫﻣﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ ﻟﻲ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﻋﻣﻠﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻟﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻻ ﺗﻧﻁﻭﻱ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻳﻧﺗﺞ ﻋﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻳﻳﺭ (ﺗﻘﺩﻣﻲ) ﻭﺑﺣﺛﻲ ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩ. ﻭﺳﺄﻟﺕ ﻧﻔﺳﻲ: ﻛﻳﻑ ﻳﺷﻌﺭ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﻭﻳﻌﺑﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻣﺭﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻛﻭﺩ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ "ﺍﻟﺭﺑﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺑﻲ"؟ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻳﺟﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﺭﺍﺭ.' ﻣﻭﺍﻁﻧﻳﻥ ﺟﺩﺩ؟ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﺕ ﻏﻳﺭ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻁﺭﺍﺩﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺣﻳﺎﺓ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻷﺧﻳﺭ ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ؟ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﺗﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ، ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻣﻳﻭﻥ ﻭﺻﻧﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﺣﺛﻲ ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺑﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ، ﺷﻌﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻧﺳﺎء ﻣﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻭﺭﻭﺑﻳﻳﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺩ ﺳﻭﺍء ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺗﻐﺎﺿﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺻﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﺛﺭ ًﻗﻭﺓ ﺟﻣﻳﻊ ﺍﻷﻋﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﺗﺭﺍﺏ ﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻳﺎﻣﺔ. ﺣﻳﺙ ﻟﻡ ﺗﺳﺗﻁﻊ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺑﻳﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺟﻭﺩﺓ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ. ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺕ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻭﻯ ﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ ﻣﻅﻠﻡ ﻷﻧﻔﺳﻬﻡ ﻭﻷﻁﻔﺎﻟﻬﻡ. ًﻭﻏﺎﻟﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻭﺍ ﻳﺻﻔﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ ًﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺗﺄًﺛﻳﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﻭﺭ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻣﺎء. ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﻗﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ ﻗﺎﺳﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻅﻝ ﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ. ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻋﻝ ﺗﺳﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻧﺎﻣﻳﻛﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﻁﺭﺓ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﻭﻳﺽ ﺍﻷﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺱ ﺑﻐﺿﺏ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻥ ﺟﺭﺍء ﺿﻌﻑ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺗﺟﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺯﻋﺯﻋﺗﻪ ﻭﺇﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻳﻘﻳﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﻔﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺑﻲ ﻭﺳﻭء ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻫﺎ. ﻭﺃﺳﻬﻡ ﺗﺩﻫﻭﺭ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻳﺷﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺯﻳﺩ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻧﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻣﺭ ﺑﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ. ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﻭﺭ ﺑﻔﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﻁﺭﺓ ﻭﺗﻘﻭﻳﺽ ﻭﻳﺣﺗﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻻﻛﺛﺭ ﺷﻣﻭﻻً ﻟﻠﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺻﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻲ. ﻭﺗﺟﺳﺩﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﻋﺭ ﻭﺗﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ ﻋﻧﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺷﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﺟﺳﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺣﻭﺍﺱ ﻭﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺟﻣﻬﻭﺭ. ﻋﻧﺩﺋﺫ ﻓﻘﻁ ﺳﻭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﺣﺑﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻠﻕ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺣﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ، ﻧﻛﻭﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻳﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺗﺻﺭﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺑﺷﺭ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺗﻭﺍﺳﻁ ﻓﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻥ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﻗﺩ ﺣﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﻘﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﺭ، ﺛﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ. ﺃﻛﺛﺭ ًﺟﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺍﻧﺩﻟﻌﺕ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺧﺑﺯ ﻋﺎﻡ ۱۹۷۷. ُﻭﻳ ّﻌﺭﻑ ﺳﺑﻳﻧﻭﺯﺍ ﻭﺩﻭﻟﻭﺯ ﻭﺟﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻠﻬﻣﻳﻥ ﺑﻬﻡ ﻭﺗﺣﻣﻝ ﻭﺻﺑﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻭﻥ ﻭﻟﻛﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ....[ﺳﻭﻑ ﻳﻛﻭﻥ (ﺭﺍﺟﻊ، ﺑﺭﻭﺗﻳﻔﻲ ۲۰۰۹) ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﺕ ﻗﺑﻝ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻁﺭﺍﺩﻳﺔ ﻫﻧﺎﻙ] ًﺍﻧﻔﺟﺎﺭﺍ ﻭﺣﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺕ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻝ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻣﻛﺎﻥ (ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺷﻛﻝ ﺍﻟﺟﺳﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﻋﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ. ﻭﻗﺩ ﺗﻛﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ ٦۲:۲۰۰۹؛ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ ۳۸:۲۰۱۳). ﻭﺳﻭﻑ ﻳﺣﺩﺙ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺑﻌﺩ ﻣﺭﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻳﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ، ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺑﻳﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺛﺎﻝ، ﺍﻷﺷﺧﺎﺹ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﺷﺭ ﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ ﺁﺧﺭﻯ. ﻭﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻣﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻅﻝ ﺍﻟﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﻭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺻﻭﺭ ﻭﻛﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺻﻭﺕ، ﺍﻟﺿﻭء، ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺋﺣﺔ، ﻭﻣﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ. ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻭﻥ ﻧﺷﻁﻳﻥ. ﻭﻓﻲ ﻣﻁﻠﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺣﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺷﺭﻳﻥ، ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ًﻭﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻬﺅﻻء ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺭﺗﺑﻁ ﺑﺎﻟﻣﺷﺎﻋﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻁﻑ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﻛﻧﺻﻭﺹ ﺧﻔﻳﺔ (ﺳﻛﻭﺕ ۱۹۹۰) ﺑﺩﻻً ﻣﻣﺎ ﻳﺳﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ (ﻭﻟﻛﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻧﺑﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ٌﻳﻔﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﺭﺍﺩﻑ ﻟﻬﺎ). ﻭﻳﺷﻳﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﻭﻣﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﻭﺍﺭﻉ. ﻭﻟﻡ ﻳﺗﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺎﻣﻝ ﻣﻊ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﻣﺑﺎﻻﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﻛﺗﺋﺎﺏ ﺑﺩﻻً ﻣﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺑﺄﻧﻧﺎ ﻧﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻗﻭﺍﺕ ﻣﻛﺛﻔﺔ ﻟﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻓﺣﺳﺏ ﺑﻝ ًﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺑﺳﺧﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺷﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻧﻛﺗﺔ (ﻧﺎﻓﺎﺭﻭ ﻳﺎﺷﻳﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺗﺷﻛﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺩﻓﻕ ﺩﺍﺧﻝ ﺍﻟﺟﺳﺩ، ﺣﻳﺙ ﺳﺗﺗﺟﺳﺩ ﻛﻌﺎﻁﻔﺔ. ّﻭﻳﻌﺭﻑ ۲۰۰۲). ﻭﻓﻲ ﺣﻘﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺭ ﻗﺩ ﺗﻛﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻠﺑﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﺧﺭﻳﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻠﻳﺔ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ "ﺍﺳﺗﻘﻼﻟﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ". ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ ﻭﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻝ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺑﻬﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺭﻯ ﺷﻛﻝ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺷﻛﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ. ﻭﻻﺣﻅ ﻧﺎﻓﺎﺭﻭ ﻳﺎﺷﻳﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻟﺟﻭء Deleuzian ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻓﺎﺭﻭ ﻳﺎﺷﻳﻥ (۲۰۰۲) ﺍﻧﺗﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺳﺧﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺑﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﻣﺑﺎﻻﺓ ﻓﻳﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻝ ﻟﻣﺭﻛﺯﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻁﺭﺍﺩﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻧﺳﺎﻧﻳﺔ (ﻧﺎﻓﺎﺭﻭ ﻳﺎﺷﻳﻥ ﻳﺗﻌﻠﻕ ﺑﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺭﻛﻳﺎ. ﻛﻣﺎ ﺗﻧﺎﻭﻟﺗﻬﺎ ﺃﺛﻧﺎء ﻋﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻳﺩﺍﻧﻲ ۱۲:۲۰۰۷). ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ، ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻧﻣﻁﻲ ﻟﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﻭﺿﻭﻋﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺑﻕ. ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﻋﺑﺔ ﻟﻳﺱ ﻛﻣﺎ ﺗﺅﻛﺩﻫﺎﻫﻲ "ﺷﻛﻝ ﻣﻥ ُﻣﺩﻟﻰ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺗﺟﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ، ﻭﻛﺄﻥ ًﻭﺍﺣﺩﺍ ﻳﻠﻐﻰ ﺍﻵﺧﺭ ﻭﻛﺄﻥ ﺷﺧﺹ ﺃﺷﻛﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺧﺿﻭﻉ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺭﻛﻭﻉ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺳﻔﻝ. ﺑﻝ ﻳﻧﻁﻭﻱ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺧﺿﻭﻉ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻳﻪ ﺍﻻﺧﺗﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﻳﻥ ﻣﻌﺳﻛﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻧﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﻅﺭﻱ: ﻭﻫﻭ ﻧﻬﺞ ﻟﻠﺳﻠﻁﺔ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ (ﻧﺎﻓﺎﺭﻭ ﻳﺎﺷﻳﻥ ۱٦٤:۲۰۰۲). ﻳﺭﺗﻛﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ ﻭﺍﺣﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻧﻬﺞ ﻣﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺟﺎﻩ ﻫﺩﻑ ﻣﻌﻳﻥ

۱- ﺃﺃﺃ، ۱٤-۲۰ ﻧﻭﻓﻣﺑﺭ ۲۰۱۱، ﻣﻭﻧﺗ﷼

– ۷ – ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ

ﺍﻟﺟﻠﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﻓﺗﺗﺎﺣﻳﺔ ﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ. ﻭ ﺗﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻟﺻﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﺩﻳﻣﻲ ﻟﻠﺑﺣﺙ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﻳﺳﺗﻣﻭﺭﻻﻧﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺑﻌﻧﻭﺍﻥ "ﺃﻧﺕ ﻣﺑﺳﻭﻁﺔ؟" (ﻫﻝ ﺃﻧﺕ ﺳﻌﻳﺩﺓ؟).

– ٦ – ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

ﻗﺎﺋﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺗﻭﻳﺎﺕ

ﻣﻘﺩﻣﺔ...... ۷ ﺳﻳﺭﺓ ﺣﻳﺎﺓ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﻓﺭﺩﺭﻳﻛﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ...... ۹ ﻗﺎﺋﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ ...... ۱۰ ﺟﻠﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺗﺭﺣﻳﺏ...... ۱۱ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﻠﺧﺻﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺗﻳﺔ – ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ...... ۱۲ ﻣﺣﻣﺩ ﻁﺑﻳﺷﺎﺕ...... ۱۲ ﺯﻛﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﺣﺎﻧﻲ...... ۱۲ ﺻﺎﻣﻳﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻳﻠﻛﻲ ...... ۱۳ ﺳﻳﻧﻲ ﻳﺭﻛﻳﺎﻧﻳﻥ...... ۱٤ ﻣﻠﺧﺹ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ – ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ...... ۱٥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﺗﻘﺩﻳﻣﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﻠﺧﺻﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺗﻳﺔ – ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ ...... ۱۷ ﻣﺻﻁﻔﻰ ﺃﺗﻳﺭ...... ۱۷ ﺳﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻟﻐﺭﻳﻥ ...... ۱۷ ﺃﻳﻣﻭﻥ ﻛﺭﻳﻝ ...... ۱۸ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﺳﺗﻣﻭﺭﻻﻧﺩ ...... ۱۸ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﺭﻭﻣﻳﻝ...... ۱۹ ﻣﻠﺧﺹ ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ – ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ...... ۲۱ ﺍﻟﻣﻠﺧﺻﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺗﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺍﻹﺿﺎﻓﻳﻳﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺷﺑﻛﺔ...... ۲۳ ﺩﻳﺩﺍ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ...... ۲۳ ﺍﻳﺟﻭﺭ ﺷﻳﺭﺳﺗﻳﺵ...... ۲۳ ﻧﻔﻳﺳﺔ ﻧﺟﻳﺏ...... ۲٤ ﺭﺷﻳﺩ ﺇﻳﺩ ﻳﺎﺳﻳﻥ...... ۲٤ ﻣﻠﺧﺹ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ...... ۲٦ ﺍﻟﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ...... ۲۸ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺍﺟﻊ ...... ۲۹ ﺍﻟﻣﻠﺣﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ – ﺑﺭﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ...... ۳۰

– ٥ – ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ

ﺍﻟﻣﻠﺧﺹ

ﺇﻥ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻫﻲ ﺟﺯء ﻣﻥ ﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺑﺩﺃﺗﻪ ﺃﺗﺎﺣﺕ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻓﺭﺻﺔ ﺗﺷﺗﺩ ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﻟﻳﻬﺎ ﻹﺟﺭﺍء ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﻓﺭﻳﺩﺭﻳﻛﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ، ﻛﺑﻳﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺔ ﻧﻅﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺑﻧﺎء ﺷﺑﻛﺔ ﺟﺩﻳﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺻﺭﺍﻉ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﻣﻥ ﻋﻠﻣﺎء ﺍﻷﻧﺛﺭﻭﺑﻭﻟﻭﺟﻳﺎ. ﻳﺳﺗﻁﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻣﺎء ﻧﺗﻳﺟﺔ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ، ﻭﺑﺷﻛﻝ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﻧﺎﻓﻲ. ﻭﺗﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺃﻓﺿﻝ ﺗﻘﺎﺳﻡ ﺍﻫﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎﺗﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺛﻳﺔ ًﻭﺃﻳﺿﺎ ﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ ﺧﺑﺭﺍﺗﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺛﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ۲۰۱۱، ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺷﻬﺩﺗﻪ ﻣﺟﺗﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ ﻭﺗﺻﺏ ﺟﻣﻳﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺻﻠﺣﺔ ﺗﻌﻣﻳﻕ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺗﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﻳﺭﺓ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺗﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺧﻳﺭﺓ، ﻣﺎﻝ ﺻﻧﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻳﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺑﻼﺩ. ﻭﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻣﻳﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺩ ﺳﻭﺍء ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺗﻐﺎﺿﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺻﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﺛﺭ ﻟﻘﺩ ﺗﻁﺭﻗﺕ ﻣﻧﺎﻗﺷﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ ًﻗﻭﺓ ﺑﻳﻥ ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ. ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺗﺎﻟﻲ، ﺩﻋﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﺿﻳﻊ ﺑﺩءﺍ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺭﻳﻑ ﺍﻟﺻﺣﻳﺢ ﻟﻠﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻁﺭﻕ ﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﻭ ۲۰۱۳ ﻣﻥ ﺃﺟﻝ ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺭ ﻭﺻﻧﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻟﻣﺩﺓ ﻳﻭﻣﻳﻥ ﺣﻭﻝ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺿﻭﻉ. ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻭﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﺧﺗﻔﺎء ﺃﻭ ﺗﻌﺯﻳﺯ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺷﺎﺭﻙ ﻛﻝ ﻣﻥ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻕ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﻧﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻳﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺗﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ. ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻟﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻫﺫﻩ.

– ٤ – ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ

ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻋﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﻧﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﺍﻟﺗﻲ ﻧﻅﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻳﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ ۲۷–۲۸ ﻣﺎﻳﻭ ۲۰۱۳ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ، ﻣﺻﺭ

ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﻧﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻳﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ، ۲۰۱۳ ﻛﺑﻳﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺣﺛﻳﻥ: ﺍﻟﺩﻛﺗﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﻓﺭﻳﺩﺭﻳﻛﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻣﺳﺗﺭﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺭﺭﺓ: ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﻟﻳﻧﺩﺑﺎﻙ

ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ

ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺟﺩﺍﻧﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ ﻟﺷﻣﺎﻝ ﺃﻓﺭﻳﻘﻳﺎ: ﺗﺻﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ ﺗﻘﺭﻳﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺋﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺩﻳﺭﺓ

۲۷-۲۸ ﻣﺎﻳﻭ ۲۰۱۳، ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ، ﻣﺻﺭ

ISBN 978-91-7106-747-0 www.nai.uu.se