DYNAMICS AND IMPACTS OF PEASANTS’ MOVEMENT IN NORTH HASHTNAGAR, DISTRICT CHARSADDA, PAKISTAN

HABIB ULLAH NAWAB PhD (Scholar)

DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR (SESSION: 2009-2010) DYNAMICS AND IMPACTS OF PEASANTS’ MOVEMENT IN NORTH HASHTNAGAR, DISTRICT CHARSADDA, PAKISTAN

A thesis submitted to Department of Sociology, the University of Peshawar for the partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN SOCIOLOGY

Supervised by:

Prof. Dr. Rashid Khan Chairman, Dept of Social Work, University of Peshawar

DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR (SESSION: 2009-2010)

In the Name of

Allah

The Most Merciful, and the Most Compassionate.

To My Loving Parents

And

Respectable Teachers

ii ABSTRACT

The current study titled "Dynamics and Impacts of Peasants' Movement in North Hashtnagar, District Charsadda, Pakistan" aimed at examining the causes of Peasants' Movement in Hashtnagar and its socio-economic impacts on peasants' community. Data for the study were collected through the interview schedule from 380 sampled respondents belonging to landlords, peasants and the labourers’ community. The study variables included both independent variables (poverty, alienation, awareness, landlords' attitude with peasants, ejectment, agricultural productivity, politics, social relations, law and order, litigation) and dependent variable (peasants' movement). Likert scales were used for the measurement of variables, and the chi-square tests were used to test the association between independent and dependent variables. It was concluded from the research that some of the significant causes behind the peasants uprising were poverty, alienation of peasants, and landlords’ hostile attitude with peasants. Peasants were not allowed to wear clean clothes or comb their hair and were forced to obey the out-dated customs and traditions. Evictions of peasants by landlords were also one of the significant reasons behind peasants’ revolt. Besides the inefficient land reforms of ‘60s and 70s’ accelerated peasants’ unrest. Politically peasants were inspired by Marxism and Maoism and were united against landlords. Similarly, some of the noteworthy impacts of peasants’ movement are attainment of agricultural land and increase in peasants and labourers’ income. Peasants nowadays can buy or sell the land, and landlords have reduced the rent on them after the movement. Alienated peasants are now satisfied and are taking an interest in music and poetry. Peasants feel a sense of belonging to Hashtnagar and cannot be evicted from their homes by landlords. Agricultural productivity is increased because pre- existing system of batai (sharecropping) was replaced with a new, cash-based system of land tenure. Peasants achieved food security by poultry farms and other livestock. Their victorious movement over landlords inspired peasants of other districts across the country. For peace and harmony among all the

iii stakeholders of North Hashtnagar community, the researcher recommends, introduction of innovative technologies, establishing village-level organisations, inclusion of peasants in farm-level decisions, starting integrated and participatory agriculture development programs. Besides, awareness of local people by involving local leaders, effective use of mass media in knowledge dissemination, and skill development of locals by involving NGO sector is recommended. Similarly providing loan and alternative employment opportunities to locals, revitalising Jirga, activating reconciliation centres, controlling human rights violations, providing opportunities for mixing up of landlords and peasants and implementation of meaningful land reforms are some of the policy recommendations in light of the study.

iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am profoundly thankful to Almighty Allah, who gave me the courage and helped me in all my endeavours. I might want to offer my genuine thanks to my supervisor Prof. Dr Rashid Khan and Prof. Dr Niaz Muhammad for the nonstop help of my PhD related research, for their understanding, inspiration, and depth of knowledge and wisdom. Their direction helped me throughout the study and the composing of my thesis.

Besides my advisor and chairman, I would like to thank all my graduate committee: Prof. Dr Johar Ali, Prof. Dr Taj Moharram Khan, and Dr Qamruz Zaman, for their quick remarks and consolation, yet additionally for the hard inquiry which encouraged me to augment my research from a different perspective.

My sincere thanks additionally go to the peasants' community of North Hashtnagar district Charsadda, who gave me a chance to join their group during their peak sowing and harvest season, who offered every possible support to accommodate me in their discussions. Without their valuable time, it would not be possible to lead this study. The help of Mr Anwer Zeb is of utmost importance by introducing me to the peasants' community.

I thank my kindred classmates (especially Dr Sareer Khan, Arshad Ali, Abdul Wajid) for the stimulating discourses, and for the restless evenings, we were cooperating before due dates. Likewise, I thank my companions in the accompanying establishment of the dissertation report. Specifically, I am thankful to Nosheen and Alisa Khan for edifying me in the practice and production of research.

Lastly, I want to thank my family; my parents and siblings for supporting me profoundly all through this important milestone of my life. I am missing my late father, Mr Sher Nawab (1945-2011). May his soul rest in peace.

Habib Ullah Nawab

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

Certificate of Approval ...... Error! Bookmark not defined. Forwarding Sheet ...... Error! Bookmark not defined. declaration Certificate ...... Error! Bookmark not defined. Abstract ...... iii Acknowledgements ...... v List of Tables ...... x CHAPTER-1 ...... 1 INTRODUCTION...... 1 1.1 Background of the Study ...... 1 1.2 Theoretical Framework ...... 5 1.3 Statement of the Problem ...... 8 1.4 Justification of the Study ...... 10 1.5 Significance of the Study ...... 12 1.6 Aims and Objectives ...... 14 1.7 Plan of Work ...... 14 CHAPTER-2 ...... 15 LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 15 2.1 Peasant Movements ...... 15 2.2 Intersectionality in Pakistan ...... 23 2.3 Land Reforms in Pakistan ...... 25 2.4 Peasants' Movements in Sindh ...... 29 2.5 Peasants Movement in Okara, Punjab ...... 30 2.6 Factors Contributing to Peasants' Movement ...... 31 2.6.1 Poverty ...... 32 2.6.2 Alienation ...... 34 2.6.3 Awareness ...... 39 2.6.4 Landlords' Attitude ...... 42

vi 2.6.5 Ejectment ...... 45 2.6.6 Agricultural Productivity ...... 49 2.6.7 Politics...... 52 2.6.8 Social Relations of Peasants with Land Lords ...... 56 2.6.9 Law and order ...... 57 2.6.10 Litigation ...... 58 2.6.11 Militancy ...... 60 2.7 Synthesis of Review ...... 61 CHAPTER-3 ...... 62 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 62 3.1 Statement of the Problem ...... 62 3.2 Universe of the study ...... 62 3.3 Sample Size Selection Criteria...... 63 3.4 Sampling Technique and Sample Size ...... 63 3.5 Data Collection Techniques ...... 66 3.5.1 Tools for Data Collection...... 67 3.5.2 Phases of Interview Schedule Formation ...... 67 3.5.3 Likert Scale ...... 67 3.5.4 Indexation ...... 68 3.6 Data Analysis ...... 68 3.6.1 Univariate ...... 68 3.6.2 Bivariate Analysis ...... 68 3.6.3 Chi-Square Test ...... 70 CHAPTER-4 ...... 71 RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS ...... 71 4.1 Demographic profile ...... 71 4.1.1 Age composition ...... 71 4.1.2 Marital status ...... 72 4.1.3 Educational Status ...... 73

vii 4.1.4 Occupation of the respondents ...... 75 4.1.5 Tenure status and land ownership ...... 75 4.2 Univariate Analysis ...... 76 4.2.1 Poverty ...... 77 4.2.2 Alienation ...... 81 4.2.3 Awareness ...... 85 4.2.4 Landlords’ Attitude with peasants ...... 88 4.2.5 Ejectment ...... 93 4.2.6 Agricultural Productivity...... 95 4.2.7 Politics...... 99 4.2.8 Social Relations ...... 102 4.2.9 Law and Order ...... 106 4.2.10 Litigation ...... 110 4.2.11 Militancy ...... 114 4.3 Bivariate Analysis ...... 116 4.3.1 Association between poverty and Peasants’ Movement .....118 4.3.2 Associations between Alienation and Peasants Movement 124 4.3.3 Associations between Awareness and Peasants Movement130 4.3.4 Associations between landlords’ attitude and Peasants Movement ...... 136 4.3.5 Associations between Ejectment and Peasants Movement .142 4.3.6 Associations between Agricultural Productivity and Peasants Movement ...... 149 4.3.7 Associations between Politics and Peasants Movement .....155

CHAPTER-5 ...... 161 FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 161 5.1 Major Findings ...... 161 5.2 Conclusions ...... 172 5.3 Recommendations ...... 176

viii References ...... 179 Appendices ...... 191 Appendix-A: QUESTIONNARE ...... 191 Appendix-B: GLOSSARY ...... 202

ix LIST OF TABLES

Table-3.1 Sample Size Distribution into Various Strata of Study Population ...... 65

Table-3.2 Households Distribution into Various Strata of Study Population ...... 65

Table-3.3: Conceptual Framework ...... 66

Table-4.1: Age composition of the Sampled Respondents ...... 72

Table-4.2: Marital Status of the Sampled Respondents ...... 73

Table-4.3: Educational status of the Sampled Respondents ...... 74

Table-4.4: Occupation of the Sampled Respondents ...... 75

Table-4.5: Tenure Status and land ownership of the Sampled Respondents...... 76

Table-4.6: Perception of Sampled Respondents about poverty...... 79

Table-4.7: Perception of Sampled Respondents about Alienation ...... 84

Table-4.8: Perception of the sampled respondents about Awareness...... 87

Table-4.9: Landlords’ Attitude with peasants ...... 90

Table-4.10: Perception of Sampled Respondents about Ejectment ...... 94

Table-4.11: Perception of sampled respondents about Agricultural Productivity...... 98

Table-4.12: Perception of sampled respondents about Politics...... 101

Table-4.13: Perception of sampled respondents about Social Relations .....104

Table-4.14: Perception of sampled respondents about law and order ...... 108

Table-4.15: Perception of sampled respondents about litigation ...... 111

Table-4.16: Perception of sampled respondents about militancy in relation to peasants’ movement...... 115

Table-4.17: Association between poverty and Peasants’ Movement ...... 121

x Table-4.18: Associations between Alienation and Peasants’ Movement ....127

Table-4.19: Associations between Awareness and Peasants Movement ....133

Table-4.20: Associations between landlords’ attitude and Peasants Movement ...... 138

Table-4.21: Associations between Ejectment and Peasants Movement ...... 145

Table-4.22: Associations between Agricultural Productivity and Peasants Movement ...... 152

Table-4.23: Associations between Politics and Peasants Movement ...... 158

xi CHAPTER-1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study

Half of the total populace comprises peasants who deliver 70% of our nutritional requirements. They comprise small-scale agriculturists, domesticated animal guardians, landless people, and indigenous people all around the world (Campesina, 2010). However, peasants are not given honour; instead, they are reflected as rationally hindered, unskilled and immature

(Saragih, 2011). Peasant uprisings are the reactionary rebellions against the ill- treatment of feudal, like financial and social abuse (Gough, 1973). Numerous points of view characterise social impact; however, we can state that it is the investigation of a program, approach, experience or a movement that influence the human populace forcefully or wilfully. The results might be pre-arranged or coincidental. At times, individuals even do not know they are being impacted by a movement, although it is exceptionally eminent (Woodson, 2013).

Dynamics are the causes, qualities, and powers that lead a movement

(Collins Dictionary, 2014). This dissertation offers a review of the progression and effects of peasants' uprising in North Hashtnagar, of district Charsadda in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. Ownership of agrarian land is a way of political power. The political authority is in particular monetary misuse by mediocre individuals, or lack interests in political affairs (Harris, 1980).

1 Pakistan is primarily a rural country with almost three fourth of its people living in 50000 hamlets (Khan, 1980). The clash between peasants and feudal lords began in 1948 when the lease of land in Hashtnagar was expanded, from 40 rupees per jareeb to 70 rupees. Peasants protested against the expansion throughout Hashtnagar. The uprising was effectively obstructed on Abdul

Qayyum Khan's requests by police (Pakistan Forum, 1972).

Land reforms of Ayub Khan in 1959 sensitised landlords to announce their land as self-cultivated. They began to utilise modern machinery and ejected peasants from their land. Under the initiative of Mazdoor Kisan Party, the ejectment was pronounced unlawful; also begar (free service) to landowners was denied. Conflicts between landowners and peasants started. Feudal lords' private militia alongside state apparatus was utilised to suppress the peasants

(Farhad, 1970). In 1960 and 70s land reforms were carried out for legitimised circulation of land, access to assets, reduction in poverty and the abolition of exploitation. Likewise, regulations and the relationship between peasants and landlords were reformed. As indicated by a few investigations in Pakistan, 9% landowners possess 42% of the land, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is not exempted

(Naqvi et al., 1989).

Pakistan's land reforms are exceedingly criticised on the premise that land is never taken from the feudal lords. They redistribute the land among their relatives. Lawsuits began between the peasants and landowners after land reforms. In a few territories, these changes turned out to be praiseworthy; that is, the authoritarian rule of landlords declined. Peasants got harmony and satisfaction; additionally, per acre of land yields expanded (Khan et al., 2009).

2 Mazdoor Kisan Party on 19th April 1970 planned an open gathering at Mandani

Town and gave the motto to peasants "Hammara Tumhara Sub Ka Nagar,

Hashtnagar" English meaning is that your town my town Hashtnagar

(Zafarullah Khan, 1994). Peasant uprisings of North Hashtnagar got their ideological motivation from the Marxist Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. The most exceptional effect of Marxism upon them was that it constrained landowners to acknowledge some of the peasants' appeals. It united peasants and enhanced their financial conditions. Although it was an incomplete program anyhow, it enabled peasants to acquire better hospitals and educational institutions (Khan and Mughal, 2013).

Hashtnagar peasants likewise motivated from Islamic lessons, on the relationship between tenant and landlords, as described by Hazrat Jabir: The general population used to rent their land for cultivating one-third, one-fourth or half of its yield. The Prophet stated, "Whoever has land ought to develop it himself or offer it to his (Muslim) brother free; otherwise hold it uncultivated."

Hazrat Abu Huraira has presented a similar explanation: (Book 41, Hadith 21).

So also in another Hadith; Hazrat Aisha portrayed: The Prophet stated, "He who cultivates land that does not belong to anybody is more legitimate (to claim it)."

`Hazrat Urwa stated, "`Umar gave a similar decision in his Caliphate (Bukhārī and Khan, 1996)."

Peasants' Movement of North-Hashtnagar has radically changed their lives from many measurements like social, political and economic. Before the uprising, their reasoning level was resolute, and social change was a perfect dream for them; however, the uprising brought some progressive changes. The

3 most significant change is that the passive structure of the general public had been changed. Accordingly, individuals are currently practising family planning, pursuing education and females are encouraged to do jobs.

Youngsters assent is taken in matrimonial matters and furthermore permitted to wed outside the circle of associations set by their family (Niaz and Askar, 2009).

In Pakistan, peasants' uprising is s not limited to Hashtnagar, in District Okara,

Punjab peasants conflict with the administration of military farms. As in 2000, a dispute raised and peasants rejected the new rent assertion. To protect their interests, Anjman Muzareen (Punjab Tenants Movement) was established with the slogan Malki ya Mout (possession or demise). Several clashes followed between the two sides, during 2002, 2003 and 2014 (Sheikh, 2016).

There have been various cases in every country when peasants united for their rights, accomplished many achievements. Peasant uprisings sometimes lead to a permanent revolution, or insurgency. Some groups get the opportunity to establish themselves as a political party, while some of them adopt a less critical role by helping farmers on a local level (Sanders, 1977).

The armed peasants' government of Telangana Movement in Andhra

Pradesh, India was up to 1950, having fifteen thousand square foot area with a population of four million. Nowadays, it is one of the strongholds of the

Communist Party (Alavi, 1971). Peasant movement in Russia at the end of 1907 was eradicated due to strict government steps were taken for peace and peasants fatigue. In 1917, conditions were completely different from that of 1905.

Landlords and the elite class had lost their power. Provincial governors helped

4 landlords in 1905 on their telegram for help, but in 1917, they were not responded at all (Edelman, 1987).

In Colombia, a well-organised guerrilla force has been associated with peasant groups that are working for agrarian reforms. This movement owns modern weapons of the time and is supported by peasants and workers. Their ambitions are to modernise the economy and society and to establish welfare and egalitarian society (Petras, &Veltmeyer, 2001). Europe in the16th century was a rural and agrarian society because 90% population lived in hamlets.

Although farmers at that time were not slaves, still they paid higher taxes and free service to landlords. Peasants revolted against their lords' cruelty, greed, economic exploitation, and starvation. That is why the peasants revolted in

Hungary, Germany, and England in the fifteenth century. In all cases, the farmers were killed like animals (Troolin, 2017).

1.2 Theoretical Framework

Class conflict theory of peasant uprising has revealed great analysis of

20th-century peasants' politics, their movements in China, Central America,

Philippines and in some other underdeveloped countries. It analysed the present conflict with landlords who exploit them. The class conflict holds that rural environment is, in fact, a set of class-based relations among landlords, peasants, labourers and the state machinery. Landlords exploit the peasants through rent, high interest, free labour, taxes, and the imposition of fines. So landlords, establish a robust system of exploitation. Exploited peasants can resist when class consciousness aroused in them, a radical party formed on the site with a

5 disciplined organisation and a robust political base can eradicate their sufferings permanently (Little, 1989).

Communists and liberals formed most of the peasant's pioneers; a few researchers with other political affiliations additionally participate. Peasants' battle is not bound to one nation. Pakistanis, Chinese, Soviet, and Japanese liberal theoreticians additionally contributed. Marxism gives the theoretical weapon to the communists, and even vast numbers of the non-communists researchers use Marxist hypotheses and terms. In some cases, some additional researchers declined to acknowledge Marxism. In world workers movement, many of them were mainly nationalistic; they started in the urban communities as new concepts first come in cities. However, in later stages, the concepts move from urban to rural environments. As we see in China, the national movement could not be national without the support of the peasants. The urban theories once brought to rural China, were regularly made rural accordingly. Thus

Marxism or Leninism progressed toward becoming Maoism (Han, 2005). Same is the case we see in North Hashtnagar District Charsadda Pakistan. Peasants were having their political affiliations with different parties and ideologies, united for their common welfare cause.

Chayanov's Theory of the Peasant Farm sees the family farm as a business, in other words, an endeavour of an industrialist sort. To him, the fundamental feature for business firms or capitalist enterprise was that they worked with employed labourers keeping in mind the end goal to win benefits.

To differentiate, peasant family farms, as Chayanov characterised them, utilised no contracted wage work, none at all. His family farms were unadulterated, as

6 they depended entirely upon the work of their relatives (Thorner, 1965). In

North Hashtnagar District Charsadda Pakistan peasants work themselves in the agricultural lands, however, in some seasons they also hire labourers. Karl

Marx's Theory of Alienation describes the material and social process.

Alienation explains the separation or detachment of human beings or things that exist in a working environment. It also defines the reasons and the effects of resentment among belongings and people. It portrays the condition of alienation in public dealings, e.g. peoples' separation from each other and their environment as a consequence of living in a stratified society based on classes.

In a capitalist society, workers are compelled to sell their labour, to the capitalists. Workers have no control over their product of labour and on the labour itself. So they got separated and fell prey to alienation. The workers became alienated from their self, colleagues and work. Thus, two classes are formed via the working class and the capitalist class. Peasants become alienated and are exploited for profits by landlords (Ollman, 1996).

The theory of intersectionality was developed by law professor

Kimberle Crenshaw in her 1991 article ‘’Mapping the Margins:

Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Colour”

(Coleman, 2019). The theory states that women and people of colour are marginalised by society, but black women experience oppression in multiple ways first being a woman and second as a member of the African American ethnicity (Crenshaw, 1991). Nowadays theory of intersectionality is not limited to discrimination of black women only, but it can be extended as a tool for

7 analysing the status of women in different communities and various socio- economic conditions (Manuel, 2006).

Extending the theory to North Hashtnagar, women were at the intersection of oppression, first being women and second as having affiliations with the peasantry.

1.3 Statement of the Problem

The study titled "Dynamics and Impacts of Peasants' Movement" was conducted to find out the causes behind the movement and its social, political and economic impacts on Hashtnagar society.

Peasants play a vital role in Pakistan's economy, its development and a source of food production for our large population. Agriculture provides employment opportunities to a vast number of peasants. Their hard labour produces raw materials for the industrial sector. Keeping in view the importance of peasants the government of Pakistan introduced many land reforms since independence in 1947.

Despite the government efforts, it failed to implement the Agrarian

Reforms Committee’s recommendation for implementation in 1948 (Ahmad &

Amjad, 1984). Similarly, the three land reforms, in 1959, 1972, and 1977, all were mostly unsuccessful in achieving their goals in Pakistan. The common flaw of these reforms was that they were ceiling reforms, that do not assure peasants or sharecroppers would gain agricultural land (Khan, Qadir, Akhtar,

Saleem & Khan, 2001).

8 Consequently, unrest and tension between peasants and landlords were created throughout Pakistan and in particular among the peasants of North

Hashtnagar, Charsadda, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The conflict between peasants and landlords existed before freedom in North Hashtnagar, district Charsadda,

Pakistan. Peasants have revolted in small groups against their owners to dispose of suffocated and mistreated life on several occasions. The researcher, however, studied peasants' movement that started in 1968 when the Mazdoor Kisan Party was formed and led the peasant uprising.

The Hashtnagar community comprising peasants, labourers, and landlords endured a great deal since losses happened from all sides during the armed clashes. Children were orphaned, ladies widowed, and the youth involved in litigation. The hatred between the two classes expanded with time. Because of the enmity, a considerable number of students stayed out of school, at a few places farming expanded while at other places it was unfavourably influenced.

The research aimed to analyse the causes behind the violent peasants' movement, other than the inefficient implementation of land reforms. To answer the questions as to why only the peasants of North Hashtnagar revolted against their landowners. Also, to examine the impact of the peasants’ movement. In social impacts, the researcher examines the relationship between peasants, labourers and landlords. Additionally, women’s employment, education, and family planning are also examined. In economic impacts, agricultural yield, free financial exercises and monthly income are some of the crucial areas addressed in this dissertation. Similarly, political impacts are examined, such as militancy,

9 right to vote, joining a political party of one's choice, human rights awareness, leadership ideology and unity of peasants in time of trouble.

1.4 Justification of the Study

Peasants everywhere prompt economists to moan, government officials sweat, and strategists swear, crushing their plans and predictions everywhere throughout the world - Moscow and Washington, Peking and Delhi, Cuba and

Algeria, the Congo and Vietnam (Shanin, 1972).

It is on account of, nevertheless high rural industrialisation and the massive uprooting of the peasantry; the world has about the same number of peasants today as it did over a hundred years ago. Small family lands create more than 70% of the world's nourishment on less than 25% of the world's agricultural land. These farmers, including women, are poor and subsequently makeup around 70% of the world's starving people (Holt-Giménez, 2017).

In Pakistan conditions of the peasantry is even more disgusting. As in

Sind and Punjab, Saraiki belt landlords have imprisoned peasants in their private jails and leaving them to die in their own sweat. Similarly, due to compulsions imposed by landlords, 2.5 core children cannot go to school, 60% of people live below the poverty line. Ten per cent of the Hepatitis virus-infected cannot afford the treatment. The mothers of Thar and Cholistan die as maternal death due to lack of medical facilities. Unemployed students are having degrees of masters or MPhil apply for odd jobs. The Mazdoor Kisan Party is, in fact, the representative party of such downtrodden people. Landlords' attitude with the

10 peasants is not tolerable, and peasants are fighting up to their elimination

(Sattar, 2017).

The feudal system of North Hashtnagar in district Charsadda Pakistan was established by the British, and there was no such system before their advent as all the agricultural land was illegally transferred to the landlords. These landlords were then empowered, by giving police authority, courts authority and permission of keeping their private militia. Gradually all people were made landless, peasants. These peasants were the real owners of the land. When landlords empowered themselves, they used to take forced labour, also from women cleaning raw wheat, washing clothes, and serving on the occasion of

Eid. Private taxes like Tora and Tip were imposed on peasants (Khan, 2011).

Against the oppression of landlords, a small kid named Mosa studying in class two declared that he would become a comrade in future, as comrades are peasants' friends. Landlords are very cruel to peasants, and he will kill all the cruel (Aziz, 2014). So we see the situation is very critical and requires attention and interpretive understanding. Pakistan and in particular Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is prone to severe terrorism, and we cannot afford our people to be further involved in militancy. A peaceful and harmonious solution that is acceptable for all classes must be sorted out.

The researcher was justified to research the dynamics behind peasants’ uprising because the resentment between peasants and landlords is still alive in their hearts. It is a dormant issue and expresses itself from time to time in a violent form. The conflict between these rivals is deep-rooted. Every year clashes have been reported between them causing financial and human loss.

11 Also, such internal conflicts lead to foreign radical ideologies to penetrate, resulting in human sufferings.

Similarly, the agitations adversely affect our agricultural sector, and hence the development of Pakistan. Peasants ensure food security to our growing population; their prosperity and satisfaction are returned to the nation in many ways. Therefore understanding their lives, livelihood, and the issues related to them is of great importance and worth studying.

Last but not least, when the study was in its final phase on 5th December

2017 at North Hashtnagar, the tenants reportedly set on fire two tractors of the landowners and besieged their houses to oppose their eviction by security forces. Contingents were sent to the hamlet to evict tenants from 100 acres land.

Both tenants and security personnel took positions (Dawn, 2017). In Pakistan, research on peasantry are few and focus mainly on their Marxist or Maoist orientation only very little attention is given to its impacts and causes behind the peasant uprising. The dissertation is a sincere attempt to study objectively the dynamics and impacts of the peasants' movement.

1.5 Significance of the Study

In developing countries, peasants play a revolutionary role because they have nothing to lose and everything to gain. In lower classes of society, peasants are on the forefront to initiate a struggle. However, the peasantry is not a homogenous class. Its different segments have different objectives and social point of view because each of them faces a diverse set of problems. Same is the case of North Hashtnagar. One of the significances of this study is that broadly

12 three segments have been taken for the study, i.e., peasants, agricultural labourers, and landlords. Peasants were the ones who took a piece of land from landlords on tenure basis, while agricultural labourers worked for the peasants on daily wages. Each of the Hashtnagar’s stakeholders played a significant role in the uprising, and for the first time, all of them were given importance in the study.

The findings of this study give a rich literature on the reasons and dynamics behind the uprising, which can be utilised by researchers, peacebuilding makers and elders of the society. So that to address those issues of peasants and agricultural labourers, which leads them to agitation. Pakistan is an agricultural country and agitation in one part is imitated quickly in other parts also, as like peasants are in agitation in Okara, Punjab and some hamlets in Sindh and Baluchistan. This study is of great importance as a pre-emptive approach to avoid bloodshed. Furthermore, Karl Marx’s Theory of alienation is for the first time validated in this dissertation for peasants.

The impacts of the peasants’ movement examined in the research show the socio-psychological needs of the peasantry. They want a small piece of land, respect for their women, and access to health care, education for children, and a friendly attitude from landlords. Similarly, they want the right to vote, protection of fundamental human rights, want to enjoy poetry or music and want to dress the way they like. The findings are of great importance for the researchers working on peace and conflict studies. Also, the fundamental rights if given and implemented would lead to a peaceful, progressive and rising

Pakistan.

13 1.6 Aims and Objectives

1. To examine the causes and present status of Peasants' Movement.

2. To know about the socio-economic impacts on the peasants' community.

3. To evaluate the litigation impacts on peasants/landlords as a result of

peasants' uprising.

1.7 Plan of Work

The plan of work involved one month for the advancement of an interview schedule with the affirmation of joining every single real segment of the investigation. Also, three months' time span was spent on data collection, whereas another eight months were expended in feeding data to SPSS, editing, tabulation, and examination of information alongside references generation on

APA style.

14 CHAPTER-2

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Peasant Movements

Peasant movements are significant variations of communal movements

(Dhanagare, 1983). A radical peasant movement is a vast scale association that is not formally recognised, and its main aim is to change the lives and the current status of peasants in society. On the other hand, an ‘institutionalised peasant movement' is one where recognised bodies create a formal institution to ensure a sustainable change in the preferred institutional course of action of society.

Scholars have watched that peasant movements are not massive commotions from the beginning of time; however, one movement may extend into a larger one over a while through the process of transition. The procedure of expansion and transformation of these movements from radical to institutional effect the overall identity of these movements and the community (Singh Roy, 2004).

Throughout history, it has been observed that peasants had inconsistent social identities. On the one hand, they have been portrayed as being extraordinarily traditional or conservative, uncooperative or dependant on the superior class. On the other hand, they have also been represented positively by proclaiming their nature as ground-breaking, progressive and even self- conscious. Indeed, these paradoxes have emerged due to the economic formations and socio-political changes that shape these peasants' societies.

However, notwithstanding such inconsistencies, scholars have boldly

15 highlighted the underdog, disregarded and subordinated position of peasants in human society. Peasants have always tolerated the severe forms of demotion and oppression in society first by being members of the lower strata of the social and economic hierarchy and then by occupying an underdog position in the political sphere of the society. In the Indian framework, peasantry embodies the socially deprived: backward classes, women, landless agricultural labourers, poor artisans and even small cultivators. Parts of the peasants in India are attempting to transform their social status rapidly; however, their social and economic oppression continues, for which they have been relentlessly trying to develop resistance against such oppression. One of the features of this resistance has been their participation in peasant movements. Peasant movements have provided the peasantry with political identity and a space for collectively organising resistance against oppression and domination by the superior (Shah,

2004).

Economic activities that are not related to agricultural involvements have expanded in the rural areas the rural-urban divide has been blurred out.

Similarly, the peasantry in the rural areas and their composition and class has experienced dramatic changes as well. The people who still depend on agriculture are differentiated using their relationship with the ownership of land.

These people, in the local dialect, are known as ‘Kisan' or ‘Kheduts'. Kisan is often translated as ‘peasant' in the academic literature for convenience. The term

‘peasant' is used differently by different authors or by the same author in different studies. Furthermore, it is used for those agriculturists who are homogeneous, with small holdings operated mainly by family labour. On the

16 other hand, it includes individuals who depend on the land, including landless labourers, as well as supervisory agriculturists. An agricultural labourer in contemporary India is generally no longer tied down to the same master that was the case during the colonial and pre-colonial periods in pre-capitalist agriculture. In capitalist agriculture, a vast majority of the labourers are not attached or bonded. The process of proletarianization of agricultural labourers has accelerated during the last few decades, and they are more dependent on

‘wage labour while losing the extra-economic relations with their employers which govern the conditions of their work and life (Kannan, 1998).

The term 'Zamindar' denoted, mainly the wealthy nobility; however, during the nineteenth century, it assumed a different meaning. It stood for the intermediaries, who aided the British in revenue collection for which they received a sizable amount. Hence, they were also called the 'middlemen'.

Immediately after the conquest, The East India Company had to rely heavily on native agents who had intimate connections with the people at the grass-root level. So, the need for creating a cadre of zamindars became necessary. The contrivance helped the British to provide a berth in their administration to some of the fallen poligars, killadars, and influential chieftains and also to reward the loyal servants under the zamindary or the permanent revenue settlement. The amount of money to be paid by the zamindar to the government treasury was fixed, whereas the amount to be collected as tax from the roots was not fixed.

Hence the Zamindars exploited the ryots without any time or reason

(Parameswari, 2016).

17 At the point when the British involved and attacked parts of India between the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries, it actualised two noteworthy lands assess frameworks: zamindari (feudal lord) and ryotwari

(non-landowner). In the zamindari regions of Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, focal region, and a few sections of Madras, property rights and land taxes were allocated to landlords. In these territories, non-inhabitant landowners frequently claimed rights to various towns and created broad bureaucratic associations to oversee and utilise indigenous villagers to cultivate the land under sharecropping or wage contracts. By contrast in the ryotwari territories, taxes on land and property rights were given to individual villagers in Assam,

Bombay, and Madras or a whole town under the mahalwari framework in parts of Punjab. In these territories, local inhabitant landowners either cultivated their particular land or utilised persons from low caste under sharecropping or wage contracts (Spence, Annez & Buckley, 2009).

In the twentieth century, numerous political pioneers and scholarly people made it their mission to enhance the conditions that labourers live in.

Satyagraha and N. G. Ranga was a champion of the peasants' movements. N.G

Ranga's saying in life, was to nullify the zamindari framework, thus through his addresses, compositions and different exercises he instilled anti zamindari sentiments in the psyche of peasants. To teach them, he began the peasants' foundations in many parts of Tamil Nadu. He drove numerous peasants' movements due to which he was arrested many times. Peasants' walks were sorted out in various parts of the territory in which they requested the dissolution of zamindari framework (Parameswari, 2016). Significant investigations on

18 peasants' movements have been carried out after the mid-1970s. The Chinese insurgency and the arrangement of agrarian developments in Latin American

Nations drove western political sociologists and anthropologists to start examining peasants' movements (Wolf, 1966).

In India, such intelligent incitement on the one hand and the Naxalite

Movement in the late 1960s on the other helped the inspiration to Indian researchers to examine different peasants' movements. In England and France, the business class and peasants brought capitalist revolutions. Similarly, the unsuccessful capitalist revolutions lead to one-party rule in Germany and Italy while, in Russia and China, the peasants brought socialist revolutions. However, the peasant uprising did not bring any remarkable social change in India (Moore,

1993).

British Empire in India introduced many reforms in politics and economics, but to rule out the country without any trouble, they did not make any change in the land revenue system. They promoted non-cultivating persons as middlemen or agents (Aghion, 2008; Baden-Powell, 1894).

It is very much acknowledged that the British exploitation of Indian farmers extended incredibly under Clive's leadership, he indecently began to deplete the Indian money, assets and agricultural yield (Chandra, 1966).

The ascent of the British mediation in India is related to the leadership of the governor-general of India, Hastings (1773-85). He fortified British control by executing a framework and arrangement of organised, codified criminal and civil courts. Hastings initiated another land revenue system for

19 peasants (Blyn, 1966). The most astounding bidders were given the privilege to collect revenue from the land for a period of fewer than six years. However,

Hastings' vision has been considered as traditional and imperfect. Phillip

Francis, a prestigious physiocrat, contended that agricultural land given on lease for a short period decreases agricultural yield and also results in poverty of the local inhabitants. Since ranchers claimed income rights for a defined number of years, Francis trusted that they did not have the best possible motivating forces to contribute to the long-term agricultural planning.

Francis ideas had an impact on Governor-general Cornwallis (1786-93), and he set up the zamindari framework for the gathering of land income. Since

Francis and Cornwallis both trusted that only the zamindars had the information, capital, and the motivations to create Indian farming, they allocated tax collection and property to them (Bowen et al, 2002; Baden-powell, 1972;

Banerjee et al, 2005; Crook, 1933).

In 1993 agricultural pioneers from around the globe accumulated in

Moons, Belgium for a meeting on strategic investigation organised by a Dutch

NGO aligned with the International Federation of Agricultural Producers

(IFAP) which is a universal agriculturist's organisation. The outcome of the conference was a formation of the international peasant movement: La Via

Campesina. The rise of a universal farmers league lead by peasants was not quite the same as customary alliances that were generally operated by NGO's.

The 'La Via Campesina' incorporates national associations that comprise individuals from diverse socio-economic backgrounds. The Moon's Declaration asserted the right of small farmers to make a prosperous living in the

20 countryside, the right to access healthy food, and the right of nations to define their agricultural policies (Edelman, 2013). Luckily, due to the movement, small farmers are now living freely in the hamlets and have access to a balanced diet and can develop their specific agrarian policies (Desmarais 2007).

The topic of how to characterise peasants has a muddled past.

Contending from a Marxist point of view, Henry Bernstein declared that the terms peasants were just helpful in considering pre-industrialist nations composed of little-scale family agriculturists (Henry, 2010).

Anthropologist Anthony Leeds lambasted scholars who used the term

‘peasant', charging that it was ‘a folk term adopted into sociology' and had ‘no precision whatsoever'. He asserted that the concept confused ‘persons' and

‘roles'. Moreover, he noted that peasants constantly shifted in and out, of a variety of roles such as wage labourers, squatter, job contractor and urban service worker. Other scholars, while not rejecting the ‘peasant' terminology, similarly noted that the rural poor engaged in ‘occupational multiplicity

(Comitas, 1973).

Karl Marx did not appoint any radical character to the peasants. Lenin assigned some radical tasks to the peasants; however, Maose Tung utilised the capability of the lower class in the Chinese Revolution. In Russia, China and

Mexico, Eric r. Wolf examined the peasants' wars and presumed that social change brought by peasants are of high value.

Donald s. Sagoria's investigation of peasants' movements in Asia presumes that components, like high profitability, scarcity of lands, crops that

21 need hard work, cheap labour and population boom gave a great nourishing environment for peasants' motivation towards revolution (Kuldip, 2015).

James c. Scott's investigation of peasants' uprisings in Burma and Indo-

China underpins the conclusions of Wolf. Barrington Moore, Jr. He also suggested that peasants get radical because landlords did not take any interest to modernise agriculture. Jeffrey m. Page's perception of the peasants' movements depends on the affiliation between peasants and landlords. If the agricultural yield is low and landlords' attitude is harsh, then it will lead the peasants to rebellion (Scott 2013).

K.C. Alexander describes the following reasons for peasant movements:

1. Their deteriorating monetary situation triggers Peasants' expansions.

2. Motivation by a radical party.

3. When peasants realised that the existing system of their exploitation by

landlords is illegal (Alexander, 1981).

Kathleen Gouch, clusters peasant rebellions based on their objectives, belief system, and techniques for associations. As indicated by her, there were five kinds of peasant rebellions:

1. Uprisings to drive out the British and re-establish prior rulers and social

relations.

2. Movements for the revival of a specific religion in a particular area.

3. Societal offence

22 4. Terrorism for a specific agenda

5. Peoples' revolutions to get rid of exploitation and oppression (Gough

and Sharma, 1973).

This grouping is principally based on the objectives of the revolt, but the tactics implemented by peasants are overlooked. Ranjit Guha looks at peasants' uprising from their ethnic realisation. He depicts refutation, cohesion, communication, etcetera.

Hamza Alvi proclaims that the middle class is freer financially and can assume a radical part than other labourer classes. He argues that poor farmers are at first the slightest aggressor class because they depend on landlords.

According to Hamza Alvi, in specific circumstances, when hostility to landlords develops, then self-confidence of the peasants is raised, so they are rationally and materially organised to contest a decisive battle (Ghulam and Anwaar,

2014).

2.2 Intersectionality in Pakistan

The Theory of Intersectionality states that women and people of colour are marginalised by society, but black women experience oppression in multiple ways first being a woman and second as a member of the African American ethnicity (Crenshaw, 1991). The theory is now used in many forms regarding the issues of women. In Pakistan peasant women are facing numerous problems first because of belonging to the peasantry and second due to strict patriarchal patterns of society (Naz, 2010).

23 Women’s rights are discussed everywhere, and that is the reason the

United Nations, as well as Pakistan, celebrate 8th March as women day every year. Despite the importance given to women’s rights, one million women are traded in Pakistan, India and Bangladesh. Similarly human traffickers smuggle women for prostitution and unpaid labour. In the last five years only in Pakistani

Punjab 9689 women were killed brutally, out of which 1638 were killed either by their fathers, brothers or husbands. Similarly, 8041 were killed by their relatives because of their demands for share in inheritance, demands of their rights, lack of giving expensive dowry, taking some old revenge and domestic problems. They were killed by setting them on fire, throwing acid or by hanging.

Besides, women are victim of watta satta, karo kari, wani, swara, and misuse of Hudood Ordinance. Sixty Percent of Pakistani women imprisoned in jails are victims of the ordinance. According to Human Rights Commission of Pakistan every hour, one woman is raped. Women are treated discriminately early from their childhood; they are not given love and affection. There are many inequalities in Pakistan like socio-cultural and economic disparities, but within the same class in which men are unequal women are the most unequal. Women education and awareness of fundamental human rights can end violence against women (Nayeemi & Shehzad, 2016).

It is one of the characteristics of the Pakthun society that women are left out of inheritance and had limited access to educational institutions. It is considered sufficient for them to know how to recite the Quran and to pray five times a day. Their consent is not taken to choose their spouse and to make other choices regarding their lives. In fact, in Pakhtun society, women are treated as

24 private property, just like any other primitive society. Men are responsible for taking care of their women as like other property (Rauf, 2006).

Womenfolk are oppressed in many ways; socially, politically and economically despite their active role in our society, especially in the agriculture sector. Although women bear the hardships of reproduction and agri- production, yet her social status is denied. Patriarchy and feudalism are the main obstacles in the way of her social development (Panhwar, 2019).

Women of rural areas are highly ignored in terms of seeking education.

As a result, women are not aware of their fundamental rights and even their health problems. Girls in Pakistan are out of schools because of extreme poverty. Literacy ratio among rural women is lower than rural men; also, the ratio is lower as compared to urban women (Tabassum, 2016). Girls are deprived of education because of early child marriage, child labour and sexual harassment at the streets (Ijaz, 2018). Sometimes they are working in cottage industries or are kept at home to do household work or employed with landlords

(Martinez, 2018). Peasant women of North Hashtnagar were forced to do the unpaid labour of cleaning raw wheat, washing clothes and serving on the occasion of eid. They were also sexually harassed (Khan, 2011).

2.3 Land Reforms in Pakistan

In 1948, the Muslim League Government constituted an Agrarian Reforms

Committee, to eradicate ‘’Zamindari’’ system and improve the lives of peasants. Ayub Khan took practical steps of land reforms by introducing West

25 Pakistan Land Reforms Regulation 1959. Similarly, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto initiated the Land Reform Regulation 1972 and Land Reforms Act 1977, respectively. Besides land reforms; provincial legislation was also carried out, primarily based on the Land Revenue Act of 1887 introduced by the British. For example, the Punjab Land Revenue Act of 1967 and the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa

Tenancy Ordinance, 1969. Despite the government efforts, it failed to implement the reforms since the inception of Pakistan. Landlords dominated

Muslim league; hence, it sabotaged the Agrarian Reforms Committee’s recommendation for implementation in 1948 (Ahmad & Amjad, 1984). Besides

Ayub Khan’s Land Reforms of 1959 proved unproductive due to mutual family transfers, and the land ownership limit was fixed on 500 acres of irrigated or

1000 acres of un-irrigated land or 36000 productivity index units (Zahoor,

2018).

Similarly, the land confiscated by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s Government under the 1972 Land Reforms was only about 0.6 million acres, less than the area, taken under the 1959 land reforms which were 1.9 million acres. Therefore the land reforms of 1972 failed to influence the supremacy of the giant landlords

(Hussain, 1988). During Bhutto's era, the upper limit of irrigated land was fixed to 150 acres and 300 acres of non-irrigated land. As for as The Land

Reforms Act, 1977 is concerned it was passed on 9th January 1977 and a few months later on 5th July General Zia-ul-Haq take over in a military coup. So the reforms were suspended (Gazdar, 2009).

Land reforms attained by Pakistani governments have ended up being shallow and could not be actualised appropriately. Previously, landlords used to

26 rent or buy land from the government for the sake of tenant farmers. In that way, tenant farmers were legitimate buyers of land; however, the landlords held unchallenged control over rented land and its farmers. Land reforms in Pakistan did not meet its objectives because the land ceiling was kept high to a single landlord and not to his whole family. Also, these landlords were actively involved in politics, and they oppose every law in legislative assemblies which they felt is against their vested interests. Also, the redistribution of land benefitted the wealthy landlords from Punjab and native landless peasants, and immigrants from India were ignored (Shah, 2007; Khadarposh, 2002; Piler,

2010; BhandarSangat, 2012).

In 2009 a document was published on the 'adequacy of mediations for the release and recovery of bonded peasants in Pakistan', it was featured that extraordinary exploitative practices, like forced work along with torture, in

Lower Sindh despite the constant endeavours of NGOs, state machinery, and media. It was recommended that nationwide speedy land reforms are necessary to abolish the inhuman activities of enslaving peasants (Daily Times, 2009).

Land reforms are accepted to be the solution for a wide range of problems that peasants face in Pakistan. The redistribution of land has frequently been seen as the vital methodology for social change as land ownership raises societal position, social distinction, it also provides employment opportunities and self-esteem. However, shockingly, little consideration has been paid by the government to the issue of access to agrarian land promotion, a significant change in the lives of landless peasants

(Lindemann, 2010).

27 No written proof exists of land distribution to poor women-headed families. Economists agree with Marxists that land ownership reduces poverty.

Pakistan Rural Household Survey declares in their report that half of the peasants have no land. Although land ownership is the key to monetary gains in rural areas and landlessness means vulnerability to absolute poverty (Brohi,

2010).

Land reforms of 1959 and 1972 failed because the land ceiling was defined for an individual and not for the whole family. The land taken by Ayub

Khan's government was 1.9 million acres, and the land resumed from landlords by Bhutto's government was just 0.6 million acres. The land recovered so far as a result of these reforms was mostly barren, and only 0.01 per cent of is worth of agriculture (Jalal, 2014).

In 1980, General Zia UL Haq presented the Federal Shariat Court (FSC) with the task of comparing existing laws with Islamic teachings. Landlords took advantage of it, and 67 appeals were recorded against reforms. On August 10,

1989, the FSC announced land reforms in Pakistan as anti-Islamic. The decision was conveyed nine years after it was first recorded by the Qazalbash Waqf, religious philanthropy of Lahore. The judgment was made operative from

March 23, 1990 (Aziz, 2016).

Judgements were given on fixing the upper and lower ceiling for irrigated and non-irrigated land as un-Islamic. Some of the famous cases were

Niamat Ullah v NWFP government and Muhammad Ameen vs Government of

Pakistan. Mufti Taqi Usmani wrote the judgment that in Islamic teachings there

28 is no, defined fix ceiling of land or any wealth a person may have. In short, to compel an individual to have a limited piece of land is forbidden by Islam. So the land reforms made in 1959 and 1972 were declared un-Islamic and an end to land reforms in the future (Lau, 2006).

2.4 Peasants' Movements in Sindh

In Sindh, Pakistan, the peasant's programme for the re-distribution of land to native peasants continued for over ten years. In 1952, Hari council got disrupted and lost a lot of political influence and impact. In the 'Hari meeting',

Hari panel got divided into two rival groups. Although bifurcation of the Hari panel weakened the aggregate quality of peasant activists and partitioned them into two gatherings, they proceeded with their political battle. Constitution of the Hari advisory group was drafted within that period of inside strife and a weekly magazine for peasants was additionally distributed. Lamentably, from that point forward Hari advisory group began getting latent and complicated.

Haider Bux Jatoi, in his limit, stayed more dynamic than some other individuals from the Hari board of trustees and continued battling until his death (Ghulam and Anwaar, 2014).

In 1957-58, peasants attempted to renew Elati Tehreek by uniting oppressed workers. They now requested that the lands assigned to peasants should be sold to them at a subsidised price. The peasant's activation asserted to be fruitful, and the biggest peasants gathering was held in Liyari, Karachi. A meeting was held with the president of Pakistan, Mr Iskandar Mirza and also with the rehabilitation minister Mr Anwar Adil. Unfortunately, both of the

29 meetings were unsuccessful because Iskandar Mirza tried to convince the peasants on violence for their rights. While Anwar Adil indicates opposition towards the new Muslim immigrants from India to Pakistan at the time of independence. Such a reaction offered vent to ethno-patriot sentiments of labourer activists, and the issue of land distribution appeared to be a long way from being settled. The destiny of the Elati Tehreek was at last closed after the announcement of military rule (Muhammad, 2008)

2.5 Peasants Movement in Okara, Punjab

The British Kingdom established military farms in district Okara,

Punjab in 1900. Its purpose was to supply the agricultural and dairy products to its army. Peasants had been deprived of their tenancy rights since 1874.

Although four generations of the peasants are living here yet, they are not entitled to have their land. In Musharraf's government, they were asked to sign a new lease agreement, that can be terminated at any time. However, peasants rejected the idea and decided to give tenure, cost to the Punjab Revenue

Department rather than to military farm administration (Saleem, 2008). In 2000, a conflict raised and peasants rejected the new lease agreement. To safeguard their interests, Anjuman Muzareen Punjab (Punjab Tenants Movement) was founded with the slogan Malki ya Mout (ownership or death). Several clashes followed between the two sides, during 2002, 2003 and 2014 (Sheikh, 2016).

Severe socio-economic oppression untied peasants under the umbrella of the Punjab Peasants Movement. They were previously divided into caste,

30 tribes and religions, but now even Muslims and Christians came close on a class basis for a common cause against the repression (Rizvi, 2013).

Women also took part against the repression and made a Thaapa Force.

It is a wooden stick that females use to beat the dirt out of the clothes while washing them. The stick was used during clashes (Sirmed, 2014). Women were at the vanguard of all the opposition. As a consequence, before the movement, farmers were bound to give 50 per cent to the military and 50 per cent for themselves. Now they keep the entire yield. They consider having acquired freedom in 2000, not in 1947 (Farooq, 2013).

2.6 Factors Contributing to Peasants' Movement

Social movements have some dynamics and Peasants' Movement of

North Hashtnagar is not exempted from it. As already discussed in the introductory chapter, we know that dynamics are the causes, qualities and powers that lead a movement (Collins Dictionary, 2014). Below are some of the prominent dynamics and their impacts.

31 2.6.1 Poverty

Agricultural capitalism needs peasants. In its various studies on rural poverty worldwide, the International Fund for Agricultural Development

(IFAD) states that nearly one billion occupants of rural settings are underprivileged. Since it is evident that in most countries, rural inhabitants are underprivileged, we have to explain why exactly they are poor. Conventional answers mention the severe limitations of peasants' resources, which results in low production levels and therefore, low income. Another reason may also be the fact that they are subject to various forms of exploitation (surplus extraction). Economists' gauges on destitution show that around 1.2 billion individuals live in extreme poverty, while more than 850 million do not have enough access to adequate sustenance for a productive and sound life. Of the aggregate worldwide populace who live on consuming less than a dollar daily,

1.089 billion live in developing nations, and 0.431 billion live in South Asia, including Pakistan. While of the aggregate undernourished individuals, 815 million individuals live in developing nations and 301 million individuals in

South Asia. Regarding Human Development Index Pakistan is well behind some of its neighbouring nations, as it is positioned at 136 out of 177 nations. It is assessed that 20% of Pakistan's aggregate populace (29.3 million individuals) are malnourished, and 32.6% are under the destitution line (Jan et al., 2009).

Poverty in an area ultimately leads to robbery, trivial brutality and at last conflict with the wealthy landlords that have much money and agrarian resources. Such things bring sufferings to society, even to the wealthy upper class. If the government policies characteristic in such a manner that it favours

32 the rich, then the situation becomes highly tense. In such a situation, poverty further increases and leads to uprisings in groups or protests. In search of employment, people migrate to other cities, but this increases unemployment in cities and a burden on their welfare institutions. This immigration and general disregard of the employment of individuals can prompt provincial or national security issues: urban viciousness, and territorial brutality (Sudan; Peru; Central

America).

'Genuine' markets are an imperative instrument by which the profits of producers are taken from them by the ruling class, and they are means of designing class control. It may help clarify why destitution in Mardan,

Charsadda and Nowshera locale is so broad: the biased dispersion of class control prompts unjust dissemination of livelihoods. Hence, while the World

Bank recommends that somewhere in the range of 37% of the rural populace of

Pakistan lives underneath the destitution line while utilising same standards from those connected with the World Bank no doubt 41% of the country's populace of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa lives beneath the neediness line. Applying these same World Bank standards to the individuals from the worker class reviewed in focal Khyber, Pakhtunkhwa recommends that somewhere in the range of 45% of them live underneath the destitution line. When agriculture is less helpful for farmers than it is for the landowners, industrialists, and traders, it is no big surprise that the peasants say 'we produce just for you' (Lodhi, 2001).

The land is not just a wellspring of employment for more than three- fifths of the rustic people; it is likewise a method for diminishing imbalance and neediness. 60% of Pakistan's populace lives in rural zones, and 67.5% of this

33 populace relies upon horticulture for subsistence. In Pakistan, the land is claimed and controlled by the rich landlords who are typically dominant because they are either in legislative assembly or business tycoons (Naqvi and Gazdar,

2011).

The United Nations Millennium Development Project's team on hunger has demonstrated that 80% of the world's malnourished masses live in rural zones. Of the 1 billion individuals who experience the ill effects of the extreme poverty on the planet today, 75% live and work in rural areas. Today, half of the world's hungry people are smallholder ranchers who depend chiefly or partially on farming for their employment. Landless families who work on farms as sharecroppers are 20% and face the problem of food shortage. These landless families are poorly paid agrarian workers and frequently need to change their professions. Moreover, 10% of them live in small hamlets making their livelihood on conventional agricultural methods (Peasants' Study, 2010).

In North Hashtnagar, district Charsadda peasant told that they were in deplorable conditions, they used to work hard, and feudal exploited them a lot.

They used to do labour and face hardship, but feudal took away all of their profits. If they got something, they would be thankful to God. Otherwise, they would return home without anything. Then by the grace of God, the Mazdoor

Kisan Party was formed that helped them in alleviating their poverty (Aziz,

2014).

2.6.2 Alienation

34 Alienation refers to the idea of being an alien or stranger in one's world

- to feel lonely, strange, or that one does not belong in a particular society

(Sheldon, 2001). Alienation is the procedure in which individuals wind up noticeably unfamiliar to the world they live in. The thought of estrangement is profoundly established in socio-political and religious hypotheses. They allude the possibility that in the past individuals lived in amicability, but later on, some contradiction arises which left individuals feeling like outsiders on the planet.

Perhaps, later on, this distance would be overcome, and humankind would again live in amicability ("Glossary of Terms: Al", 2017).

Distance is seen everywhere on the planet, in developing nations as well as in developed states. It is depicted as a mental issue, misery, criminal reasoning, against social reasoning, uneasiness and even physical medical issues. It causes deviations from social standards which are required to be rehearsed in the public eye (Shah, 2015).

In primitive social orders, people had not yet figured out how to control the suffering in their societies; especially they did not know how they could create enough to maintain a strategic distance from starvation or cure sicknesses. The only source of production was agrarian land, which was dominated by a few feudal lords. Therefore peasants did not consider themselves as human beings, but the social status they held in regards to land was of more importance.

Therefore, alienation created from the low level of the means of production, human subordination to the land and landlords. Though there were

35 restrictions to these types of alienation as the peasants cultivate their farms and the agricultural yield was enough for their family requirements. The peasant possessed 60% to 70% of the yield of their work. The social associations in medieval society were relations of master and slave, yet they were relations between people. Karl Marx, in his book Capital, described the social relations among persons, machinery, finished products and the working environment. In handicrafts, the small tools are for the artisan, worker, while in the factory, the worker will strictly follow the machine and its moving parts. So in factories, it is the labour of the machines that he should take after. Labourers feel no interest in factories, and thus he turns into an insignificant living member. The most imperative, yet destroying highlights of factory production was the division of work. Preceding capitalism, there had been a division of work with various individuals engaged with different branches of production or artworks. With capitalism emerged the point by point division of work inside each branch of production. This division of work implied that each phase of creation was separated into sub-errand and each sub-undertaking was appointed to various specialists. Labourers needed to have some expertise specifically errands, a progression of atomised exercises, which featured just a couple of parts of their capacities to the detriment of all the others. Harry Braverman brought up the outcomes of this division by presuming that while the division of work subdivides society, the itemised division of work sub-isolates people. The subdivision of society may bring about effectiveness; in any case, the sub- division of the person when continued without respect to human abilities is a wrongdoing against the individual and humankind. John Ruskin, the nineteenth-

36 century commentator of industrialisation, made a comparable moment that he composed that the division of work is a false term because the men are isolated.

So in capitalism, labourers become highly dependent on the upper class.

Labourers live a miserable life, both emotionally and physically, they start considering themselves as machines. Freedom is snatched from them, and their entire livelihood depends on industrialist investment. If labourers did not get employment, their survival is in danger, so a struggle for survival starts among the labourers. Marx contended that without work if capital ceases to exist for the labourer, he should bury himself alive as the work involves survival. From there on, work ended up constrained work as the labourer could not pick joblessness and could not pick what item to make or how to create it. Marx additionally noticed that the way that work is outside of the labourer does not have a place with his primary being. The specialist does not affirm himself in his work, but rather denies himself, feels hopeless and troubled. Consequently, when the specialist is grinding away, he does not genuinely feel like himself.

His work is not intentional, however, constrained and hence he feels an alien or foreigner in his society ("An Introduction to Marx's Theory of Alienation",

2017).

37 2.3.2.1 Four Characteristics of Alienation

Estrangement in the space of work has a fourfold angle: man is distanced from the products he creates, from the procedure of generation, from himself, and the group of his colleagues. Marx underlined particular manners by which distance mixes into the entrepreneurial society:

1. The Artifact of Labour

The labourer is estranged from the products he delivers since it is claimed and arranged by the capitalist entrepreneur. In all social orders, individuals utilise their inventive capacities to deliver objects which they either utilise, trade or offer. Nonetheless, with the impact of free enterprise, this turns into an estranged movement since the specialist cannot utilize the items he makes to take part in further gainful action.

The labourer's needs, regardless of how frantic they might be, do not authorise him to take the products he may have created, as the items delivered by him are the property of the owner. As a result, peasants cultivate cash crops for the market while they are half-starved; masons construct houses for others while their kids are living in slums. Similarly, they are unfortunate, producers of garments, but they cannot buy or make autos mobiles they cannot bear to purchase and so forth.

2. The Workforce Procedure

The second ingredient of estrangement Marx distinguished is an absence of control over the procedure of production. Labourers are not allowed to

38 express their feelings on their working environment and how their roles are assigned or how it influences them physically and rationally. Workers are kept away from decision making but to work vigorously since they are constrained by their supervisors who are headed to influence them to work harder and speedier for amplified benefits.

3. Our Companion Human Beings

Workers are estranged from other people. This distance emerges partially due to the feelings of hatred which begin from the class structure of society. Labourers get alienated from the persons who utilise their labour and control the commodities that they produced.

4. Our Human Nature

Alienation from our own can be viewed as the fourth segment of estrangement. What makes us human is our capacity to shape our environment deliberately. Though, in private enterprise, labourers are compelled to do odd jobs at very minimal wages, compelled labour. Employment bears no association to personal dispositions or our communal well-being ("Karl Marx -

Alienation", 2017).

2.6.3 Awareness

History assumes a fundamental part in shaping social and political mindfulness among individuals. With the progression of time, the role of awareness is extended to every sphere of life. In this way, the investigation of history is crucial to comprehend the changing situation of the world (Ali, 2009).

39 Ambedkar's projects were planned to incorporate the untouchables into

Indian society in a scientific way as much as possible. Ambedkar arranged his program to bring the untouchable class from dehumanisation and servitude into fairness through instruction and the activity of lawful and political rights. In the meantime, Ambedkar's modernising philosophy was tempered practically speaking by a reasonable impression of the relentlessness of rank and convention. He looked to stir in the untouchables a consciousness of their spoiled condition and create interests that would advance the solidarity required for the improvement of compelling associations and mass activity. For such reasons, Ambedkar emphasises a rebellion struggle to abolish the caste system in India (Zelliot, 2008).

The political mobilisation of the peasantry involved the mobilisation of peasant women as well. In the 1940s the Mahila Atmaraksha Samiti (MAS) or women's self-protection society was formed with the support of female workers of the Communist Party. The MAS undertook relief work among poor women in rural and urban areas and famine victims. It created awareness among rural women about their rights and their political consciousness. It mobilised peasants, workers and middle-class women, however, this organisation was not built on class leadership since its cadres mostly hailed from middle-class or well-off peasant families. Economic exploitation, social remoteness, cultural isolation have historically marginalised and subordinated the peasantry. The aggregate consciousnesses of farmers on these issues have resulted in peasants' uprisings throughout the world. According to Wolf, peasants took part in the uprisings because of the miseries created by the elite class and natural disasters.

40 As the poor farmers rely upon the landowner for their employment, they are probably not going to pick the way of uprising unless they can depend on some outside power (Roy, 2004).

Nepal Peasants Federation endeavours to be a compelling voice of little- scale ranchers in Nepal and throughout the world. They make an effort to support ranchers' rights and progress. Also, to struggle for real agrarian reforms and to bring peasants to mainstream politics for change in policies both nationally and globally. They reinforced and engaged peasants' movements by creating awareness and imparting organisational skills to attain their intrinsic rights ("Objectives of All Nepal Peasants Federation", 2014).

A composition from a Chinese campaign leader suggests that the primary purpose of the campaigns was to spread awareness to the peasants of their rights and how they may be achieved. The government's policies regarding peasants were printed out and handed to the crowd. The vast crowd was usually attracted by using bright lights and loudspeakers (Yu, 2007).

Peasant awareness is perhaps the most significant reason for the start of peasant movements around the globe. Most of the suffering peasants were unaware of what their rights were and how they could stand up against oppression. However, eventually, leaders came by who not only provided them with awareness but unified them and led them to fight against oppression

(Galbiati, 1985).

Furthermore, by enhancing the peasants' awareness of their exploitation by imperialism, it also increased their capacity to perceive other types of

41 manipulation as well, such as that carried on by landlords and moneylenders. It is because the enrichment of political awareness of a specific structure of exploitation simultaneously creates the capacity and the potential for understanding other structures of exploitation. By mobilising the peasantry into anti-imperialist political action, it created awareness among them, which made them receptive to the more radical oriented ideas of peasant organisation and peasant struggles (Mukherjee, 2004).

Mazdoor Kisan Party acknowledges the creating of awareness among the peasants in order to protect their rights. The present leadership of the party credited Afzal Bangash, Salar Muhammad Ali and Inqilabi Gojar Khan for their hard work to defend the rights of the peasants. These leaders had given many sacrifices, including jail, but never bargained for the rights of the downtrodden class (Dawn, 2013).

2.6.4 Landlords' Attitude

The British power felt a need for landowners as basic teammates to hold control of the majority. In this way, they likewise profited those Jagirdars, who upheld them amid the uprising and made new ones who guaranteed to be faithful to them. It was the pilgrim custom to assign a real estate parcel to the officers of the armed force after their retirement, which subsequently made a faithful class to the raj. The results of these arrangements were agreeable to provincial forces, and the primitive rulers bolstered the British government as well as aided by selecting warriors for its armed forces (Talbot, 1996).

42 These landowners were intentionally arranged to guarantee monetary and political power and soundness. Additionally, unique acts and petitions were presented through which the Jagirdars position was clarified. In the Alienation

Act of 1900, it was prohibited for the people living in cities to buy agrarian land in hamlets. This progression was taken to keep away the first-class urban

Sahukars and Seths who were obtaining the grounds. The legislature took diverse reformative advances, if there should arise an occurrence of any dishonesty and misconduct of Jagirs in this way, one might say that The British took safety measures for the insurance of the privileged class. Moreover, the administration set up establishments for the Jagirdars' instruction, and it additionally began some preparation, foundations, for example, Aitcheson

College, Lahore, Mayo College Ajmer and Talluqdar College, Oudh. This class stayed faithful to the British Government and worked together with its authorities to keep up peace in their territories (Metcalf, 1979).

There are three schools of thought about feudalism in Pakistan. Some social researchers are of the view that with the beginning of British Raj feudalism reached an end, and the industrial relations were set up between the land proprietors and occupants. The other school of thought specify that the agribusiness stayed medieval and was restructured during the British Era but; today, there is no feudalism in Pakistan. The third and last insists that farming is as yet medieval, and the current circumstance is semi-primitive and semi- modern. In conclusion, it can be summed up that the feudalism has gone through from the distinctive times of its development and utilised as a part of different points of view. Free enterprise, however, likewise exists parallel to feudalism.

43 Feudalism is utilised to affirm control and for financial advantages. In exhibit situation, the medieval masters are stating their energy as well as present in the political foundations as civil servants; thus, the primitive elites fill in as the political and monetary experts in the nation. Since they have stayed as the overwhelming class in the public eye, they have a profound established effect on the neighbourhood occupants who took a shot at their territories. Therefore, the inhabitants stayed poor and confronted monetary dispassion in the general public. Feudalism and besides, free enterprise has turned into a decisive reason for financial, social and political disorder in Pakistan (Perveen and Dasti, 2015).

The land-residency framework which Pakistan acquired at

Independence spoke from numerous points of view to an advantageous interaction of primary connections that allowed financial and social abuse of the occupant by the proprietor. This arrangement of land residency was described by truant landlordism and prompted the misuse of inhabitants by the zamindars as a result of the very uneven power structure innate in the framework (Naqvi,

Khan and Chaudhry, 1987).

In Pakistan conditions of the peasantry is even more disgusting. As in

Sind and Punjab, Saraiki belt landlords have imprisoned peasants in their private jails, and they are dying in their sweat. Similarly, due to compulsions imposed by landlords, 2.5 core children cannot go to school, of 60% of people living below the poverty line. Ten per cent of the Hepatitis virus-infected cannot afford the treatment. Similarly, people of Thar and Cholistan mothers are dying as maternal death due to lack of medical facilities. Unemployed students having degrees of masters or MPhil are applying for odd jobs. The Mazdoor Kisan

44 Party is, in fact, the representative party of such downtrodden people. Landlords' attitude with the peasants is not tolerable, and peasants are fighting up to their elimination (Sattar, 2017).

A woman of North Hashtnagar narrates the attitude of landlords that they never used to give us anything. They never even allowed us to take Gurr

(traditional sugar). We had no resources, so we were dependent on them. So these were some of the cruelties we used to work for day and night. They forced us to send the young girls to collect Gurr (traditional sugar), instead of older women (Aziz, 2014).

2.6.5 Ejectment

The Mazdoor Kisan Party (MKP) came into the national spotlight in the mid-1970s, while opposing the expulsion of peasants and initiates a mass struggle against the feudal lords in North Hashtnagar, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

Numerous landlords and peasants were assassinated in the resulting conflicts, and Bangash's name turned into a phantom which troubled the feudal lords. The

MKP's impact quickly spread to the working class in particular to the peasants' all over Pakistan. Afzal Bangash loathed the possibility of a radical hypothesis without performance and consistently laid immense accentuation on the radical struggle. He withstood extraordinary troubles to teach his battling units ideologically, and decipher a book on Historical Materialism into Pashto

Language (Ahmed, 1986).

In January 2002, in a joint operation done by the police and Frontier

Constabulary, inhabitant peasants were evicted out of the land in South

45 Hashtnagar Hamlet. Amid the procedure, 16 peasants were seized by the police.

As indicated by the data, the peasants had forcefully taken 750-Kanal agrarian land that belongs to Liaqat Ali, who was from Umarzai, District Charsadda since 1970. The landlord, Liaqat Ali, who was serving as Senior Superintendent of Police in Mardan, moved toward the Supreme Court of Pakistan and was allowed a decree to confiscate the peasants. Complying with the order of the court, the nearby district revenue officer issued the eviction warrant. Before dawn, the police and FC held out an attack on the hamlet and began eviction of the peasants. In resistance, the ranchers put three tractors on fire that belong to

Ali because of whom the operation party opened fire, harming an agriculturist, named Wazirzada (Ali, 2002).

Landlessness results in vulnerability to debt subjection and fear of eviction for landless tenants entangling them in countless years of slave-like exploitation. Across decades, there has been a dizzying array of attempts to redistribute land ownership to the poor, to protect landless tenants from eviction, fix tenancy rates, formalise land records to protect peasants and extend land ownership to females. Despite such activities, the security of land ownership remains a dream for most peasants, rendering them highly vulnerable to exploitation. Land policies tend to favour large landholding owners (Kara,

2014).

The introduction of modern agricultural machinery led to the eviction of peasants from lands as now their labour was no longer required. Consequently, to earn their livelihood, they had two options left: first was to remain part-time labour while the second was to migrate to cities. Landlords favoured the first

46 option because farm mechanisation was not complete yet and still some work needed to be managed manually. It takes 5 to 20 days for sowing and harvesting to complete, in order to maximise profit landlords reduce the lands on tenants, so to use them in the harvesting season (Ahmed, 1972).

The red flag of MKP's with a solitary installed white star turned into an image of protection from the primitive masters in Hashtnagar (Charsadda),

Peshawar, Mardan, Swat and Malakand. It drew bolster from the inhabitants as well as from white-collared individuals like legal counsellors. Even Wali Khan's nephew Faridoon Khan raised the MKP flag in his dad's home and left the lavish life as a landlord to join the peasants' movement. After an occupant, Sardar Shah raised the MKP hail as a test against his proprietor Usman Ali. Because of an expulsion request of Wawa Khan, the scene was set for a mass uprising in

Northern Hashtnagar, and a furnished battle followed. The peasants' movement kept going through three consecutive governments, including that of the

National Awami Party (NAP). Alongside its coeval Naxalite, Peruvian and

Nepalese peasant uprising that tailed it, the Hashtnagar peasants' movement gives a fascinating contextual investigation at a time when urban fascists were endeavouring to assert the mantle of being unsympathetic to the feudal system

(Taqi, 2012).

A vast number of peasants and labourers of Mazdoor Kisan Party belonging to district Charsadda held a protest in the provincial capital against the forced eviction of peasants from the agricultural lands by an influential landlord. They demanded the Supreme Court of Pakistan to take Suo Moto notice of the matter. Similarly, a large number of women along with their

47 children gathered at Farooq Azam Chowk of Charsadda market and blocked the main road. They threatened to commit self-immolation outside the Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa assembly if they were not given justice. The protesting women argued that their forefathers made the barren lands cultivable after untiring efforts, however, despite that the so-called owners were forcing them to leave their properties. They alleged that several families were forced to live under the open sky (Dawn News, 2014).

On 11th September 2011, eight peasants were injured in Gangodher area when they resisted their eviction by an old servant of the landlord. The incident occurred in the jurisdiction of Kalu Khan Police Station when Mir Mohammad,

(who claimed to be an employee of Dost Mohammad Khan) a landlord who lived in London previously, tried to expel the tenants from the land and houses.

The peasants alleged that Mir Mohammad, accompanied by a group of mobsters, ordered them to vacate their houses; however, they refused to do so due to the absence of their landlords. Officials reported that the exchange of harsh dialogues between the supporters of Mir Mohammad and peasants ignited a clash, resulting in injuries of the eight tenants. The injured were taken to local hospitals for treatment, and two of them were stated to be in severe condition

(Dawn, 2011).

On 5th December 2017 in Charsadda district, the tenants reportedly set on fire two tractors of the landowners and besieged their houses in North

Hashtnagar to oppose their eviction by police and FC. Contingents were sent to

Ijara Kallay to evict tenants from 100 acres land of Akram Jan Khan and

Hashim Jan Khan on the directives of Peshawar High Court. However, the

48 enraged tenants made announcements through loudspeakers and ask people to take arms and resist the operation. Owing to law and order situation, further re- enforcement of FC and police with armed personnel vehicles were sent to the area to control the situation. Both tenants and security personnel took positions.

However, local elders held talks with the administration to avert any untoward incident. It was decided during the talks that FC would be withdrawn while

Tangi and Mandani police would keep a vigil on the situation (Dawn, 2017).

2.6.6 Agricultural Productivity

Rural development stands out among the most overwhelming difficulties for nations, especially those with an agrarian economy like Pakistan.

With more than 60% of the populace living in country zones utilised in the rural part, various arrangements and intercession have been formulated by the

Pakistani government to improve the parcel of the poor ranchers. In Pakistan, the discriminatory dispersion of land in rural regions is the real purpose behind country neediness (Ali, 2015).

Despite unsatisfactory results, the World Bank is encouraging Pakistan to use its methods to tackle problems related to agriculture development and rural poverty reduction. Recognising that pre-concealed land tenure arrangements in the country are highly reluctant to increase agricultural production, the World Bank reaffirms the need to ensure the transparency of land records. Transparency in land records will also stimulate the process of enhancing investment in agricultural production and increasing land transactions necessary for efficient use (Mansuri and Jacoby, 2006).

49 In the case of concentrating on guaranteeing secure land residencies or encouraging area exchanges, sufficient measures to address issues like rural neediness in Pakistan nation is easy to refute. However, making more productive land advertises inside the predominant rustic setup may only urge substantial landowners to dislodge additional tenant farmers and rent out their properties for capital concentrated cultivating by neighbourhood or remote agri- organizations. However, these are dangers that the World Bank itself does not adequately address (Ali, 2015).

The word poverty began in regular day to day life as per the Spanish dictionary, and poverty implies the absence of what is essential to manage life while the descriptive word poor means in need or destitution stricken (Boltvinik and Archer, 2016).

Additionally, the medieval monetary relations likewise deny the state and the prevailing political gatherings of chances for coordination in the agrarian economy. The customary proprietors referee financially in the vicinity of occupants and market in a utilitarian parallel to political intercession through benefactor and customer systems. Numerous open doors for provisions of working and settled capital, a position for urban and rustic business people are denied by the monetary stagnation of feudalism as well as by the interceding capacity versus sources of info and advertising. Besides, a dormant agrarian area denies the administration of adaptability in separating charge assets. Beyond these financial commitments, in the rationale of land reforms in Pakistan, there has been a great deal about feudalism that advocated its annihilation (Herring,

1984).

50 Peasants are likewise regularly denied from the entrance to other gainful assets, for example, farm seeds, biodiversity and water. Biodiversity is crushed by numerous advanced farming procedures, for example, pesticides. Because of these patterns, today a large number of agrarian workers live in starvation and endure ailing health. Although there is sufficient nourishment on the planet, peasants are compelled to move into peripheral zones, their lives there are made miserable. They get no help from their legislature and the government departments additionally the preparing of horticultural yield is profoundly gathered in the hand of a couple of multinational organisations. Under these hazardous conditions, the privileges of the peasants are likewise disregarded.

The well being of the peasant families and their entrance into schooling is breaking down. Also, they are confronting severe infringement of human and political rights. Their capacity to secure and battle for their lives and their political part in social orders is lessening, and they have exceptionally constrained access to equity (Arif, 2008).

One-quarter of the world population is rural and poor: landless peasants or agriculturists without any piece of land who must raise their earnings by daily wages. The majority of these rural people depend on agribusiness lacking water system or composts, and modern machinery. Subsequently, many are malnutrition so they cannot work proficiently and cannot sustain their babies to avert physically hindering and even cerebral impairment. Aside from the repetition learning of religious writings, few of them get any formal education.

One out of four expires, before the age of ten while the rest experience the same exhausted, starved, insensible and illness-ridden lives as their forefathers were

51 living for thousands of years. They frequently obtain loans on high-interest rate from landlords and submit a large portion of their harvests to these money lenders (Lipton, 1989).

2.6.7 Politics

Feudalism still exists in Pakistan because they are actively involved in politics; they are loyal to the ruling class, bureaucracy and military regimes in order to safeguard their interests. Most of the Pakistani governments seem to be helpless against the feudal lords because they are enjoying both the political as well as economic power (Herring, 1984). History indicates that feudalism had shown up in various structures. The primitive model in Pakistan comprises of landowners with extensive joint families having thousands of acres of land.

They did not work on farms instead of all hard work is done by peasants living in extreme poverty. The landlords have control over a vast area of land, including the peasants. Therefore, they utilised the agrarian resources like the appropriation of water, composts, tractor licenses and farming credit for their own benefits only. Landlords also influence judiciary and police; therefore, corrupt power relations ensue. The lords become parasites and inhumanely exploit the peasants. Their unlimited wealth and authority lead to selfishness, brutality, corruption and hatred for peasants. Landlords' family members are dominating the whole society by having leading positions in commerce and industry and the bureaucratic structure of the country; hence, they exercised an unlimited authority over the peasants. These landlords are responsible for the degraded socio-economic and political conditions of the Islamic Republic of

Pakistan (Reporter, 2011).

52 In the 1960s, the politics on class base flourished mostly in developing countries as in Pakistan, Egypt, India, Turkey and Indonesia. In Pakistan's situation, the class realisation just turned into political power once the monetary scene had changed from what it was at the time of freedom from the British. In

1947, the newly born Pakistan was exclusively agrarian, but later on, industrialist and labour class came into being. Because of Ayub Khan's military rule and Pak-US collation in Cold War established the frameworks for enormous socio-economic changes. They included two significant changes one in industry and the other in agriculture. Development of primary industrial zones and The Green Revolution that is the modernisation of farming through the use of hybrid seeds, automation and improved water channels were some of the trendsetters. The counter government fomentation of 1967-1969 was the first show of power of the working class represented by different students' and trade unions. These unions had begun rising amid the late 1950s and had gained strength from the working class during the 1960s. At the core of their hierarchical structure were trade unions, for example, the West Pakistan

Federation of Trade Unions (WPFTU) and All Pakistan Federation of Labour

(APFOL) led by Mirza Ibrahim and Faiz Ahmed Faiz respectively (Javed,

2015).

The North Hashtnagar peasants' Movement in the late '60s went into another political chronicle period of confrontation against the landlords and upper class after the military ruler Ayub Khan's land reforms. It was the time when Mazdoor Kisan Party (MKP) was framed with Afzal Bangash as its pioneer and picked up a monstrous help in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and

53 particularly in North Hashtnagar. The MKP organised the peasants on the principles of socialism. Afzal Bangash taught the peasants that throughout the world, peasants had begun the struggle for their freedom and they have succeeded when led by working-class equipped with the philosophy of socialism. The North Hashtnagar peasants' movement was successful enough to win the support of the left-wing politicians all over Pakistan. Some crucial aims of the movement were to unite peasants and to empower them; to abolish socio- economic and political subjection and abuse of peasants. Also to establish peasants courts, to increase wages of labourers, distribution of agrarian land among the landless peasants and to bring an end to the brutality and provocation of primitive rulers. Significantly, the movement brought about different positive advancements. Kisan associations were framed under MKP, and political awareness of peasants was raised. Labourers took a keen interest in Marxist philosophy. Peasants' courts were set up, and by-law (s) was prepared.

Constrained labour, eviction, and other primitive practices had ceased.

Agricultural labourers were granted houses with increased wages. Also, the militant struggle of the peasants compelled numerous landlords to escape

Hashtnagar forever. These landlords left their agrarian land which was granted to landless peasants and is to-date possessed by them. However, these triumphs did not come about overnight. Amid the peasants' movement, its leaders had confronted substantial political restriction, from feudal lords, dictators and traditional politicians. The MKP, however, continued its struggle and became a great party of the labourers and peasants (Aziz, 2010).

54 Peasants of Hashtnagar knew the importance of the vote in national advancement and for a flourishing society. Their introduction to the democratic system, educate them to one person, one vote and its endorsed method for casting. Disputes among the peasantry were initially resolved in Jirga now, people have moved towards state-controlled legal courts. The Hashtnagar peasant movement gave birth to different factions of Mazdoor Kisan Party. The more significant part of the peasants advocated the creation of various groups in the Mazdoor Kisan Party as a valuable manifestation for the welfare of peasants. Every faction of MKP claims itself as the only representative party of the peasants. However, it is significant to specify that at present, all factions of

MKP anticipate the assistance of a united Mazdoor Kisan Party so that their candidates can win the general elections (Niaz&Askar, 2009).

Mazdoor Kisan Party pledged to establish labourers and peasant courts to abolish absentee landlords and unlimited ownership of land for the greater well- being of the working class. Its party leaders also promised to unite all leftist parties so if they got the power they would provide free education up to metric and would restore the 1973 constitution in its original form (Dawn, 2002).

Landlords also formed different parties in order to control the peasants' movement. One of the parties was Etihad Party; its president was Nisar

Muhammad Khan. This party got weak when its president was arrested in the murder of Hayat Muhammad Khan Sherpao. Similarly, the Chota Malikan

Araziat Party was formed in the presidency of Zahir Khan of Wardaga

Charsadda. Landlords declare peasants as un-Islamic and communists in order to gain the sympathies of religious scholars and the general public (Khan, 2007).

55 There are now many groups in the Mazdoor Kisan Party, each claiming to be the genuine one. The last symbol of their unity was the tomb of Afzal Bangash, which initially was at Behram Dehrai, Hashtnagar, but after 24 years, was shifted to Kohat. The act further divided peasants and a significant loss to the peasants' movement. The shift was due to some differences in Afzal Bangash' family with people of Hashtnagar. The family claimed that some vested interest groups were misusing the name of the deceased, and also others used the land allocated to his grave for their burial (Haq, 2013).

2.6.8 Social Relations of Peasants with Land Lords

Feudalism is a relationship of master and vassals under a customised government and is best on the nearby level and has moderately little detachment of political capacity. As a result, it is an arrangement of landholding comprising the conceding of fiefs as an end-result of administration and affirmation of future administrations. Under the landed gentry, the presence of private armed forces and a code of respect created in which military commitments were pushed. The manorial privileges of the rule over the worker were likewise characterised (Perveen and Dasti, 2015). Feudalism establishes in those social orders which rely upon a rural method of generation. In this framework, the land is disseminated among proprietors, and the status of the workers is diminished to those of subjects, and the landowners can grab the surplus, yield utilising political, social and religious expert (Sharma, 1985).

The position is to such an extent that we have a substantial number of horticultural workers who have an inconsistency with the inhabitants. So far, as

56 the workers and the landowners are concerned, their logical inconsistency is a hostile one, which cannot be settled. The proprietor will be destined, or the labourer will be vanquished, yet he will not be damned. It is essential to recollect that if the labourer wins, the proprietor is destroyed. In any case, if the proprietor wins and the workers are crushed, the labourer will even now work on the land because the landowners cannot reap without the workers ("Afzal Bangash speaks: class struggle, not a tribal war", 1972).

2.6.9 Law and order

Moral administration and keeping up peace are the duties of the state

(Cohen, 2011). Coordinate land possession is not the primary manner by which the poor can approach horticulture land. Land can be gotten to through occupancy, and every area has its own particular Tenancy Act. Regardless of the authoritative system, unprivileged ranchers are frequently misused because of the debased execution of the Tenancy Act. In any case, tenure is a potential path for poor ranchers to approach horticultural land and independent work, which adds explicitly to diminishing landlessness (Naqvi and Gazdar, 2011).

Upkeep of lawfulness is a big issue that Pakistan still needs to confront.

Lawfulness comprises prevailing laws written in the constitution, its usage by the agencies and trial of the guilty parties. Pakistan in its history is constantly confronting this test, up till now governments have figured foundations; notwithstanding, they need usage. Since freedom, Pakistan has been confronting lawfulness vulnerabilities. The vital and topographical area of Pakistan is likewise one reason behind the pressures as Pakistan and Afghanistan fringe is

57 making aggravation. Likewise, the occasion of 9/11 and its repercussions have raised the lawfulness circumstance (Khan, 2017).

If the lawfulness runs efficiently, the governmental issues play quickly and hence, the economy of a nation likewise runs efficiently. The law and order problems emerge when there is instability, the danger of viciousness or savagery emerging. It might be expected to outer animosity, inner changes, religious or partisan fanaticism, guilds, blacklists, bolt outs and comparable exercises

(Khan, 2013).

The best possible organisation of equity assumes an essential part of the advancement and assurance of human rights. The rule of law ensures people against the self-assertive exercise of state control and allows the state to examine, arraign and rebuff culprits where infringement of human rights and different wrongdoings are conferred (State of Human Rights in 2014, 2015).

The government should focus on re-establishing lawfulness environment in the state, and it must take measures to shield individuals from the carnage. It ought to likewise make changes to expand the certainty of the public in the capacity and truthfulness of government to defeat the crime ratio.

Moreover, extreme measures ought to likewise be grasped to arraign the demonstrations of offenders (Bhutto, 2014).

2.6.10 Litigation

The suit is the term used to portray procedures started between two contradicting gatherings to authorise or safeguard a lawful right. The

58 prosecution is regularly settled by an understanding between the gatherings yet may likewise be heard and chosen by a jury or judge in court. The prosecution is an authentic type of challenge. These paralegals and legal advisors of work law offices have come to be known as national's operators (Sheng, Lu and

White, 2010).

In opposition to mainstream thinking, the case is not just another name for a claim. Suit likewise incorporates exercises sometime recently, amid and after a claim to uphold lawful activity. Notwithstanding the real claim, interventions help and offer may likewise be a piece of the suit procedure (Staff,

2017).

Government's appropriation of free rural land among landless workers has been asserted about innumerably; However, the prosperity due to allotment of agricultural land never trickles down to masses. A public meeting of the labourers in Umerkot region uncovered an alternate version of the facts to the

Sindh government's claim of having changed a large number of lives by giving more than 16 to 25 acres of free farmland. The land hearing occasion was sorted out by Oxfam and was attended by round about 150 recipients of the free land.

The landless workers portray a surprising story in comparison to that advanced by the government. A large number of them stated that the allocation of free agrarian land expanded their issues, instead of giving them help. Mostly, the land given by the government was owned by landlords who declined to hand over their property to peasants. Besides, peasants did not get loans from banks in order to cultivate the barren lands. Their assets were consumed on purchasing

59 high priced farming commodities and hiring legal counsellors to battle their cases in court (Ali, 2013).

The feudal system of Hashtnagar was established by the British, and there was no such system before their advent. We were all Pakthuns, we shared the land equally, but the British captured our land and with the help of feudal lords strengthened their rule. They looted us by selling their products and on the other hand, within our society created landlords and transferred the land of native peoples, the land which was used collectively owned by the people of

Hashtnagar. All the agricultural land was illegally transferred to the landlords.

These landlords were then empowered, by giving them police authority, court's authority and the landlords further strengthened themselves by keeping their private militia. Gradually all people were made landless, peasants. These peasants did not fall from the sky; in fact, they are the real owner of the land.

Then these landlords took forced labour from men as well as from women cleaning raw wheat, washing clothes, and serving on the occasion of Eid etcetera. A tax like Tora was imposed on peasants (Khan, 2011).

2.6.11 Militancy

Whenever the misuse and harassment become unbearable, the peasant may even be irritated into murdering his lord for the freedom from the tyrant structure. However, most peasants cannot ascend against their lords, and they are reliant on their lord, and they distinguish themselves with their landowners.

In a progressive circumstance, when against the landowner and hostile to the rich-worker conclusion is developed by the militancy of centre labourers, the

60 labourers' resolve is raised, and they are more prepared to react to suggestions to take action. Along these lines, the worker's progressive vitality set into motion. As the goal is understood, the labourer is a conceivably rising power.

However, amid the fomentation, any misfortunes can without much of a stretch discourage the worker. In whole, once politicisation of the proletariat has happened, the bearing remains a risk factor contingent upon outside occasions and developments. While a politicised working-class gives a generous measure of raw vitality and militancy through privately sorted out movement, its definitive achievement rests with its capacity to tie in with national political structures. The capacity of urban-class based gatherings on encouraging changes in the wide-open will expand their help among a working class in look for change; the lower class is by nature neither revolutionary nor non- revolutionary; its political constancy is based upon the particular kinds of associations, pioneers, and activities that guide it in settling the issues postured by the landowners specifically the issue of land redistribution (Petras and

Zemelman, 1972).

In North Hashtnagar, a small kid named Mosa studying in class two declared that he would become a comrade in the future, as comrades are peasants' friends. Landlords are very cruel to peasants, and that he will kill all the cruel (Aziz, 2014)

2.7 Synthesis of Review

Peasants are one of the marginalised segments of the farming community. Their financial, technical, political, legal and social dependence on

61 landlords keeps them under proprietor's control. Also, the landlord manages to keep peasants disorganised and dissociated to have tighter control. Poverty, feelings of alienation and natural want for freedom compels for raising voices against injustices and protecting peasant rights. Women peasants are at the intersection of oppression, first because of women and second as peasants.

However, any efforts from peasants to overcome the landlord's influence are dealt with economic, physical and political power to subdue them. In some extreme cases, the governments intervene the situation introduces some legal reforms in the land tenure system. Implementation of balanced reforms brings peace and prosperity to the farming community. However, feelings of prolonged injustices can spark conflicts, some of which are bloody.

CHAPTER-3

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Statement of the Problem

Purpose of this study was to analyse the Dynamics and Impacts of

Peasants' Movement, in North Hashtnagar. The study was quantitative, and stratified random sampling has been used, as the population of the area was heterogeneous.

3.2 Universe of the study

62 The present research was conducted in the selected villages of Tangi

Tehsil in district Charsadda, Which was purposefully selected, keeping in view the nature of the study. The peasantry movement remained in this part of the area due to significant landholdings and absentee landlords. Villages of North

Hashtnagar comprising Kuz Behram Dheri, Bar Behram Dheri, Shodag,

Marghan and Shakoor hamlets was the universe of the study.

3.3 Sample Size Selection Criteria

The sample was drawn from the villages of North Hashtnagar, which is a hub of peasants' movement. These villages included Behram Dehri, Shodag, and Shakoor hamlets. From these villages based on stratified sampling techniques, the sample was drawn according to their population. The strata included owners, tenants, Mazdoor (labourer).

3.4 Sampling Technique and Sample Size

It was a quantitative study in nature and sampling is an essential tool in conducting research. The real outcomes are highly dependent upon the accuracy of the sample size and sampling procedure. Sufficient sample size is necessary to assess a phenomenon. (Nachmias, 1992). To reach the depth of the problem with the help of various segments of the sampled community (living inside or outside of the study area) associated in one way or another, three different groups were interviewed. These groups included owners, tenants and labourer, respectively. The total population of these villages was fifty thousand as in

1998's census report. Also, an NGO named ‘Literate Masses' under the

63 supervision of Shah Khalid surveyed, making a committee to bring peace and harmony to the families actively involved in Peasants' Movement. Their findings were a total of one thousand and five hundred households actively involved in the uprising in one form or the other (Khalid, 2011). The researcher has taken help from these sources in determining selected household under the strata of landlords, peasants, and labourers. The aim was to have a diversity of opinions on the topic, i.e., Dynamics and Impacts of Peasants' Movement. The study contains numerous variables; therefore, the sample size was taken as given be Sekaran's table. So a sample size of 380 remains sufficient and appropriate for the sampled area (Sekaran, 2003).

Stratified random sampling is one of the best strategies when we have a heterogeneous population it ensures that all segments of the community can be given equal representation according to its population. Therefore it is also known as proportional random sampling (Babbie, 1998). Proportional allocation method best suits for different strata in order to give them equal representation. The formula used was (sample size/population size) x stratum size.

np = ( Np / N ) * n

In the above formula np is the sample size for strata p, Np is the population size for strata p, N is total population size, under study and n is total sample size (Lavrakas, 2008).

For example in Shodag Hamlet we have (Nh=884 peasants), our toatal population is (N=10495) and our sample size is 380. Now our sample size nh for peasants stratum is calculated as; (884/10495)*380=32 Keeping in view the socio-economic diversity of the population, stratified random sampling technique was adopted. For this purpose, the population was divided into three strata, and then under a stratified sampling technique sample was randomly drawn from each stratum.

64 Table-3.1 Sample Size Distribution into Various Strata of Study Population

S# Name of Population Sample Size Hamlets Landlords Peasants Labourers Landlords Peasants Labourers

Kuz 223 773 773 8 28 28 1. Behram Dheri 2. Shodag 193 884 884 7 32 32

3. Marghan 221 1105 1105 8 40 40

4. Shakoor 224 1326 663 8 48 24 Bar 248 1436 442 9 52 16 5. Behram Dheri Total 1109 5524 3867 40 200 140

Total Population=10495 Total Sample Size=380

Source: (Khalid, 2013)

Table-3.2 Households Distribution into Various Strata of Study Population

S# Name of Hamlets Households

Landlords Peasants Labourers

1. Kuz Behram Dheri 8 30 30

2. Shodag 7 35 35

3. Marghan 8 45 45

4. Shakoor 8 55 25

5. Bar Behram Dheri 9 60 18

Total 40 225 150

Total House Holds=415

Source: (Khalid, 2013)

65 3.5 Data Collection Techniques

The present research was carried out to explore the dynamics and social impacts connected to the peasantry movement in Hashtnagar of district

Charsadda.

The main focus of this study was centred on independent variables like

Poverty, Alienation, Awareness, Landlords' Attitude, Ejectment, Agricultural

Productivity and Politics, whereas the dependent variable is the peasant movement. Peasant movement was further operationalised to Social Relations,

Law & Order Problem, Litigation, and Militancy, due importance was also given to it.

Keeping in view, the methodological framework was carefully designed.

Going through all the studies in line, the statistical tools in association with the conceptual framework of the present study was chosen.

Tangi tehsil was the locale of the study due to its relevance to the issue being affected adversely by the peasants' movement.

Table-3.3: Conceptual Framework

Independent Variables Dependent Variables Operationalisation X Y

Poverty

Alienation Social Relations

Awareness Law & Order Problem

Landlord’s Attitude Peasant Movement Litigation

66 Ejectment Militancy

Agricultural Productivity

Politics

3.5.1 Tools for Data Collection

A wide-ranging interview schedule encircling all characteristics of the research was developed. The interview schedule was designed with parameters of the independent variable: Poverty, Alienation, Awareness, Landlords'

Attitude, Ejectment, Agricultural Productivity, and Politics, whereas the dependent variable was the peasant movement. The interview schedule was pretested in order to remove any error or ambiguity or to add something more important for study before final data collection. Interview schedules best suits to the study because the majority of our respondents were either illiterate or having elementary schooling, incapable of reading English.

3.5.2 Phases of Interview Schedule Formation

The scaling system was implemented in the construction of the interview schedule by creating statements associated with different variables of the research study. Detail of scale selected research is given below;

3.5.3 Likert Scale

The Likert scale was adopted as a scaling system amid the development of the interview schedule because it is a reliable tool used to measure opinions and attitudes (Nachmias, 1992).

67 Literature review, field observation, academicians and experience of the researcher was the basis while formulating the scale statements. The personal score was given to respondents' statements. Responses from each individual were classified as disagreed, uncertain, agreed. Likert scale was implemented for pursuing the respondent's answers that are based on independent and dependent variables, respectively.

3.5.4 Indexation

It is defined as calculating procedure in social science research, mainly in the attitudinal studies which calculate two or more items or concepts. Thus, the process of joining of two variables is known as index construction.

Accordingly, the dependent variable "peasant movement" was indexed to obtain the desired degree of responses.

3.6 Data Analysis

Data were analysed by applying statistical methods like Univariate and bivariate measures. Each method is explained below.

3.6.1 Univariate

Univariate was used in order to acquire information about diverse background variables, comprising personal traits, socio-economic and demographic profiles of the respondents. The statistics were shown in the form of frequency and percentage.

3.6.2 Bivariate Analysis

68 The bivariate analysis was carried out to measure the association between dependent and independent variables. Its primary purpose was to reveal the direction of responses approving or disapproving one or more aspects of variables under exploration.

The chi-square formula was used for testing association between the independent and dependent variables (McCall, 1980).

Questions for each group were independently and randomly chosen. The groups were independent, and every observation had to qualify for a unique category.

SPSS Version 20, the software was helpful for data analysis using percentage and frequency for the purpose.

69 3.6.3 Chi-Square Test

To measure the association between independent variables, Chi-square

(2) statistic was applied through the procedure of Tai (Tai, 1978).

j k 2 “(2) = 2 (oij - eij ) x =  jj11 eij

Where

(2) = Chi-square application is restricted to two categorical variables only.

oij = observed frequency is shown in the cross-tabulated category.

eij = expected frequency representing the same category with the

assumption of no relationship between variables

This formula is fairly based on squaring in summation of the frequencies of all the cells through the division of expected frequencies. Outcome

(frequency) is distributed as (2) with relevant D.F., which is computed in this fashion:

df = (r-1) (c-1) where

Df = Degrees of freedom

r = Number of rows

c = Number of columns (Hanan, 2012).

70 CHAPTER-4

RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS

This chapter describes and discusses the findings of the research obtained from the analysis of data. The research aimed to find out the dynamics, its major causes that contributed to the peasants' movement and its impacts. To find it, section 4.1 describes the sampled respondents' profile or personal socio- economic features. Uni-variate analyses of various variables are given under section 4.2, while bivariate analyses are discussed under section 4.3.

4.1 Demographic profile

The demographic profile of the respondents, given in this section, comprises of age, marital status, educational qualification, profession and land tenure status-related information as below;

4.1.1 Age composition

The distribution of the respondents based on their age is given in table

Table-4.1.

A significant proportion of 29.7% and 27.1% respondents were aged between 41-50 and 31-40 years, respectively, 20.3%were from the age group

51-60 years, 17.1% of the sampled respondents belonged to the age group of

20-30 years, and the remaining 5.8% had more than 61 years of age. The table as a whole reveals sampled respondents from all age groups, with the majority

71 belonging to the age group between 41-50 years. Age is an essential demographic variable that is decisive in gaining experience and maturation of feelings and perceptions. As land reforms and its associated events in study areas part of recent past, so representations of majority respondents of middle age class validates their experience-based perception of these events yielding some valid results.

Table-4.1: Age composition of the Sampled Respondents

Age Group Frequency Percentage (%)

20-30 years 65 17.1

31-40 years 103 27.1

41 50 years 113 29.7

51-60 77 20.3

61 & above years 22 5.8

Total 380 100

Source: Survey

4.1.2 Marital status

Table 4.2 further reports the marital status of the sampled respondents.

A majority of 93.7% of respondents was married, and 6.3% were unmarried. A large size family is required for a conventional agricultural system as it provides free labour for the agricultural economy. However, the rise in population demanded more abundant agricultural land and made arable land highly valuable. The diminishing agricultural productivity becomes a bone of

72 contention between owners and users and may culminate in conflicts. A high representation of married respondents not only pertains to the prevailing culture of early marriages but also provides an opportunity for diverse views based on this crucial variable.

Table-4.2: Marital Status of the Sampled Respondents

Marital Status Frequency Percentage (%)

Married 356 93.7

Unmarried 24 6.3

380 100.0

Source: Survey

4.1.3 Educational Status

Educational status of the respondents is given in table 4.3. The results show that 23.9% of respondents were illiterate while the rest were literate.

Among the literate respondents, a large proportion of 34.5% had a primary level of education, followed by 21.6% and 10.3% were having secondary and matric level education, respectively. A small proportion of 5% and 3.4% of respondents had education up to graduate or post-graduate level respectively, and the remaining 1.3% had some informal/religious education. The table projects a bleak picture of the educational level in the respondents. Education is believed to be a significant contributor to vertical social mobility. The dominant class manages to invest in their children's education and rise on the ladder of social status; however, the poor are frozen in their inherited status due to lack

73 of this vital factor. Diversity of level of education also ensures diversity in views of the respondents on the study variables and more valid results.

Table-4.3: Educational status of the Sampled Respondents

Educational Status Frequency Percentage (%)

Illiterate 91 23.9

Literates (Years at School)*

Primary 131 34.5

Secondary 82 21.6

High school 39 10.3

Graduate 19 5.0

Postgraduate 13 3.4

Any other 5 1.3

Total 380 100.0

Source: Survey

Denotation:

Primary=5years Secondary = 10 years High School =12 years

Graduate = 14 years Post Graduate = 16 years.

74 4.1.4 Occupation of the respondents

In connection with the occupation of the respondents (table 4.4) the results show that 77.1% of respondents were farmers, 10% were unemployed, another 2.1% and 6.8%were employed in public and private sector jobs respectively, 3.4% were living a retired life, and 0.5% were doing some other informal jobs. The majority of educated youth prefers to get employment in government jobs or the private sector. However, due to low industrial growth, overpopulation and limited vacancies in government jobs, most of the educated chunk of society remains unemployed. The remaining avenues open for such youth is to migrate for overseas employment or engage in the agricultural profession. Farming is, therefore, the major profession in rural Pakistan.

Table-4.4: Occupation of the Sampled Respondents

Occupation Frequency Percentage (%)

Unemployed 38 10

Public sector job 8 2.1

Private Sector job 26 6.8

Farmer 293 77.1

Retired 13 3.4

Any other 2 .5

Total 380 100.0

Source: Survey

4.1.5 Tenure status and land ownership

75 Status of land tenure and land ownership is given in Table 4.5. More than half (52.6%) respondents were peasants, followed by 36.8% labourers, and

10.5% were landlords. Table 4.5 also shows that 75.5% of respondents had ownership of a piece of land, while 24.5% were landless. To overpopulation and segmentation, arable land is shrinking rapidly. Major chunks of arable land are converted into a habitation or are economically infeasible for cultivation. The rural people (peasants) therefore, engage in agreements of diverse nature with large holders to cultivate arable land or get employed as labourers. Most smallholders, use double or multiple livelihood strategies (owner cultivator, peasant and labour) to grow crops and sustain life.

Table-4.5: Tenure Status and land ownership of the Sampled Respondents.

Tenure status Frequency Percentage (%)

Landlord 40 10.5

Peasant 200 52.6

Labour 140 36.8

Total 380 100.0

Land ownership

Yes 287 75.5

No 93 24.5

Total 380 100.0

Source: Survey

4.2 Univariate Analysis

76 A series of questions on various study variables (given in the interview schedule) were asked from the study respondents. This section is about frequencies and percentage results about the responses of respondents to each question.

4.2.1 Poverty

Agricultural capitalism needs peasants. In developing countries, agricultural profession provides a basis for multiple deprivations, especially among non-owner farming communities. A set of these deprivations conglomerates into a complex of poverty. Peasants strictly follow the instructions of landlords and are dependent on them, because of their poor relationship with agrarian land. They are exploited in terms of extra payments in the form of rents and taxes to owners. In some extreme cases, the peasants are not allowed employment in other jobs or start their own business. The vicious circle of poverty so constructed compels poor to remain poor, pay high rents and taxes and work on low wages. The hard work of the peasants, thus, is taken away by the feudal lords and they are left with miseries only. The resentments among peasants shaped their movement against the owners.

Perception of respondents about poverty, in this study, was limited to a few statements as given in Table 4.6 and explained below.

A majority of 93.7% of the sampled respondents agreed that poverty was the leading cause of peasant agitation, 4.2% respondents disagreed with the statement and 2.1% were uncertain. Besides, 73.7% of respondents said that they got agricultural land after the peasant's movement, 22.6% of respondents

77 disagreed with the statement, and 3.7% were uncertain. Moreover, 68.2% of respondents further added that their acquired land was self-cultivated, and

87.6% reported that they could buy as well as sell the land. Furthermore, a majority of 90.8% respondents stated that peasants could start a business of their choice; also, 78.7% reported that their income per month increased after the movement. Poverty had a leading role in the initiation of the peasants' movement. A handful of 9% possessed most (42%) of all arable land in Pakistan

(Naqvi et al., 1989). Poverty in peasantry became more disgusting due to owners oppression and its associated repercussions. The peasants were trapped in a net of debt, and their generations were forced to work for owner class. The children were deprived of education, medical and other essential life facilities. The peasants were not let to get out of this multifaceted poverty under the owner's oppressions. Landlords' attitude with peasants became so intolerable that peasants returned to owners furiously and fought up to their elimination, and acquisition of land (Sattar, 2017). Land ownership reduces poverty as land ownership is the key to monetary gains in rural areas and landlessness means vulnerable to absolute poverty (Brohi, 2010).

Furthermore, an even proportion of 93.9% of respondents agreed that the landlords reduced the land rent after the peasant movement and agricultural labour wages have been increased after the movement. Moreover, 92.4% of respondents disagreed that peasants' movement increased the poverty of agricultural labourers, 96.3% agreed that they were exempted from private taxes imposed by landlords like Tip and Tora after the movement, 94.7% reported increase in peasant's share after the movement and 92.4% agreed that the

78 uprising resulted in a reduction of poverty. The peasants' movement has its roots in land reforms initiated in Ayub Khan's regime (1959) where landlords were sensitised for potential threats from peasants and motivated to declare their lands as self-cultivated. Introduction of mechanised farming reduced the role of peasants and different tactics in shape of taxes, excessive rents, low labour wages, free labour and poor access to lands were adopted to eject peasants or keep them under control. The peasant class was organised politically and gradually, and it gained the power to stand up against the oppression of landlords. The movement declared ejection as unlawful and stopped free labour, hence initiating deadlock and conflict. The feudal lords used force to suppress peasants (Farhad, 1970). The subsequent land reforms were highly influenced by these peasant lord relations and legitimised circulation of land, access to assets, diminishment in poverty and abolition of exploitation. Likewise, regulations and the relationship between peasants and landlords were reformed

(Naqvi et al., 1989; and Sattar, 2017).

Table-4.6: Perception of Sampled Respondents about poverty.

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agreed

1. Poverty was the main reason 16(4.2) 8(2.1) 356(93.7) that leads peasants to agitation.

2. You get agricultural land after 86(22.6) 14(3.7) 280(73.7)

the Peasant’s Movement.

3. Your land is self-cultivated. 105(27.6) 16(4.2) 259(68.2)

4. You can buy and sell land. 41(10.8) 6(1.6) 333(87.6)

79 S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agreed

5. You can start any business. 29(7.6) 6(1.6) 345(90.8)

6. The income per month 76(20.0) 5(1.3) 299(78.7)

increased after the Peasant’s

Movement.

7. Landlords have reduced the rent 19(5.0) 4(1.1) 357(93.9)

on peasants after the

movement.

8. Wages of agricultural labourers 14(3.7) 9(2.4) 357(93.9)

have been increased after the

movement.

9. Peasant’s uprising increased the 351(92.4) 7(1.8) 22(5.8)

poverty of agricultural

labourers.

10. Peasants were exempted from 1(0.3) 13(3.4) 366(96.3)

private taxes imposed by

landlords like “Tip and Tora”

after the movement.

11. The shares of peasants in crops 5(1.3) 15(3.9) 360(94.7)

have been increased after the

movement.

12. Peasants’ movement resulted in 24(6.3) 5(1.3) 351(92.4) a reduction of poverty.

80 Source: Survey

4.2.2 Alienation

Alienation refers to the idea of being an alien or stranger in one's world

- to feel lonely, strange, or that one does not belong in a particular society. The capitalist class adopts alienation as a strategy to exploit the working class.

Alienation at the workplace has at least four facets, i.e. man is distanced from the products he creates, from the procedure of generation, from himself, and the group of his colleagues. To assess the perception of respondents about alienation, the concept of alienation was limited to statements given in table 4.7, and, explained below.

A majority of 89.7% of respondents agreed that alienation was the reason behind the peasants' revolt against landlords. Similarly, 89.5% of respondents agreed that the alienated peasants were satisfied after peasant's movement. Furthermore, 96.3% of respondents agreed that vertical mobility had been made after peasant uprising. Landless labour and peasant class has remained under oppression from the landlords. They had no say in the choice of what they produce or how they produce. Their labour was utilised as a commodity over which the peasant class had no control. To finalise the alienation process, the individuals inside the peasant group were alienated from each other too. The undesirable consequences of such alienation were creeping up resentments in peasant class that kept on building with time. The peasant movement is, therefore, believed as a revolt against landlords in pursuit of establishing own identity, social status and vertical mobility by the peasant

81 class. These findings are in line with the Karl Marx theory of alienation, as the theory explains that the labourer is estranged from the products he delivers since it is claimed and arranged by the entrepreneur. Liberty from such oppressions may open ways for vertical mobility of working-class ("Karl Marx -

Alienation", 2017).

The results further show that respondents agreed that they were taking great interest in routine work after the movement (95.5%) and felt a sense of belonging to Hashtnagar after the movement (95.3%). Furthermore, peasants take an interest in agriculture and livestock and have realised their social status after the movement was agreed by 95.3 and 95.5% respectively. Similarly,

68.7% of respondents agreed that peasants were taking an interest in music and poetry after the movement, whereas, 95.8% agreed that landlords kept a distance from peasants after the movement. A successful peasant's movement for realising their due rights is a source of calmness in the society and satisfaction of the peasant class. As against alienation, the sense of ownership created enthusiasm and integration in society, especially the deprived peasant group.

The peasant class is now more work-oriented in pursuit of their individual and collective socio-economic goals. Karl Marx also noticed the importance of individual and group free will in the production process and delivered to society.

He stressed for the involvement of all segments of the production process at all levels for gainful actions. Besides, a socio-economic need of these groups needs to be satisfied on a priority basis (Sheldon, 2001; and "Karl Marx - Alienation",

2017).

82

83 Table-4.7: Perception of Sampled Respondents about Alienation

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. The reason peasants revolted against 33 (8.7) 6 (1.6) 341

landlords was alienation. (89.7)

2. Alienated peasants are now satisfied 36 (9.5) 4 (1.1) 340

after the movement. (89.5)

3. The vertical mobility of peasants 9 (2.4) 5 (1.3) 366

occurred after the movement. (96.3)

4. Peasants take great interest in their 9 (2.4) 8 (2.1) 363

daily routine work after the movement. (95.5)

5. Peasants feel a sense of belonging to 11 (2.9) 7 (1.8) 362

Hashtnagar after the movement. (95.3)

6. The peasants take a keen interest in 11 (2.9) 7 (1.8) 362

agriculture, livestock, over the (95.3)

movement.

7. Peasants realised their social status 11 (2.9) 6 (1.6) 363

after the movement. (95.5)

8. Landlords now keep a distance from 11 (2.9) 5 (1.3) 364

peasants. (95.8)

9. Peasants are taking an interest in music 109 10 (2.6) 261

and poetry after the movement. (28.7) (68.7)

Source: Survey

84 4.2.3 Awareness

Awareness is the first phase for the initiation of any social movement; therefore, peasant awareness is perhaps the most significant reason for the start of peasant movements. Unawareness of rights and strategies to stand up against the oppressions provide a basis for exploitations. A loyal and well aware leadership provides a basis for the establishment of movements to fight against oppression and maintain the achievable goal in the future. Perception of respondents regarding peasants' awareness is reflected in table 4.8.

A majority of 94.2% of respondents agreed that peasants' awareness was the main reason that leads peasants to agitation, moreover, an even proportion of 88.4% respondents each agreed that peasants were practising family planning as a result of awareness and peasants were aware of their human rights, similarly, 92.6% reported that peasants seek higher education. The awareness level among peasants was high as it not only liberated them from the oppressions of landlords but also helped them control population growth, abide by the fundamental human rights and secure higher education. Findings of Yu

(2007) are consistent with these results that awareness-raising campaigns to help in spreading awareness to the peasants of their rights and how they may be achieved. Galbiati (1985) reported that peasant awareness is perhaps the most significant reason for the start of peasant movements around the globe. Most of the suffering peasants were unaware of what their rights were and how they could stand up against oppression. However, eventually, leaders came by who not only provided them with awareness but unified them and led them to fight against oppression.

85 Furthermore, by enhancing the peasants' awareness of their exploitation by imperialism, it also increased their capacity to perceive other types of manipulation as well, such as that carried on by landlords and moneylenders. It is because the enrichment of political awareness of a specific structure of exploitation simultaneously creates the capacity and the potential for understanding other structures of exploitation. By mobilising the peasantry into anti-imperialist political action, it created awareness among them, which made them receptive to the more radical oriented ideas of peasant organisation and peasant struggles (Mukherjee, 2004).

The results further show that 92.6% of respondents were of the view that peasants had access to better health care systems. Furthermore, while responding to the status of women folk improved and women's education is given special attention was agreed by the respondents by 92.6% and 92.4%. The peasant movement not only helped peasants to come out from landowners oppression but also to protect their basic education and health-related rights.

The awareness-raising help in the mobilisation of the masses, especially the deprived groups like women, to secure their fundamental rights (Roy, 2004).

Feudalism and male dominancy are the main reasons behind women low social status (Panhawar, 2019). Literacy ratio among rural women is lower than rural men and urban women (Tabasum, 2106). Hence women are at the intersection of oppression, but research findings show that in North Hashtnagar women status has been improved as well as their education is now given importance.

Furthermore, 60% of respondents agreed that peasants know how to use and take advantage of print and electronic media, and 54.2% stated that peasants

86 recognise social change through ballot paper. The awareness-raising campaigns trained the masses in the effective use of electronic and print media and use of political power for desired results. Mukherjee (2004) also reported that enhancing the peasants' awareness, increased their capacity to perceive other types of manipulation and efficiently use the communication and political resources to achieve and maintain desired results. Individuals of Hashtnagar knew the part of the vote in national advancement. For conflicts were initially resolved through Jirga; now, people, in general, have moved towards state- controlled legal courts (Niaz&Askar, 2009).

Table-4.8: Perception of the sampled respondents about Awareness.

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. Awareness:

Peasant’s awareness was the main 18(4.7) 4(1.1) 358(94.2) reason that leads peasants to

agitation.

2. Peasants are now practising family 40(10.5) 4(1.1) 336(88.4) planning as a result of awareness.

3. Peasants are aware enough of their 24 (6.3) 4(1.1) 352(92.6) human rights now.

4. The peasants now seek higher

education as a result of awareness. 24 (6.3) 4(1.1) 352(92.6)

87 S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

5. Peasants have access to better health 24 (6.3) 4(1.1) 352(92.6) care systems.

6. Status of women folk improved after 24 (6.3) 4(1.1) 352(92.6) the movement.

7. Women education is given special 18 (6.3) 4(1.1) 358(94.2) attention after the movement.

8. Peasants know how to use and take

advantage of print and electronic 148(38.9) 4(1.1) 228(60.0)

media, after the movement.

9. Peasants recognized social change

through ballot paper after the 174(45.8) -- 206(54.2)

movement.

Source: Survey

4.2.4 Landlords’ Attitude with peasants

The landlords rarely treat their peasants justly and honourably. The peasants are treated like serfs and are obliged to obey all the orders of their landlords. Physical hostility, psychological stresses and financial oppressions remain daily routine of peasant life. Fear of punishments and segregation from the land were the major forces that obliged peasants to work for landlords.

Perception of the respondents regarding landlords' attitude with the peasants is given in Table 4.9 and explained below.

88 The results show that 94.5% of respondents disagreed that landlords attitude with peasants before the movement was pleasant. Similarly, 93.4% agreed that landlords' attitude after the movement was hostile. Hostility in landlord-peasant attitude remained inconsistent and could not be settled despite governmental efforts (Afzal Bangash, 1972). The results further show that

88.7% respondents stated that landlords treated peasants as their subjects before the movement, similarly, peasants were not allowed to wear clean and neat clothes by landlords as evident from 88.4% agreement. Besides, 89.2% of respondents supported the view that peasants were forced to obey the out-dated customs and traditions. Also, 88.9% of respondents avowed that peasants' were not allowed to comb and style their hair before the movement. The results depict pictures of hostile attitude between landlords and peasants.

Peasants were treated as their subject by landlords. They were forced to obey the customs and traditions set by landlords, even the very basic individual likes and dislikes were forbidden for the peasants before the movement. The feudal system of Hashtnagar in district Charsadda Pakistan was established by the British, and there was no such system before their advent. All the agricultural land was illegally transferred to the landlords. These landlords were then empowered, by giving police authority, courts authority and permission of keeping their private militia. Gradually all people were made landless, peasants.

These peasants were the real owners of the land. When landlords empowered themselves, they used to take forced labour, also from women cleaning raw wheat, washing clothes, and serving on the occasion of Eid etcetera. Private taxes like Tora and Tip were imposed on peasants (Khan, 2011).

89 The results further unveil that 88.9% respondents were of the view that landlords gave respect to peasants after the movement; similarly, 96.1% respondents agreed that women were freed from the forced work in the landlords' homes. Likewise, the self-esteem of the peasants and their women are not hurt by landlords after the movement as 85.8% respondents agreed to it; similarly, 95.3% respondents agreed that landlords do not harass peasant women after the movement. In light of the theory of intersectionality, peasant women were at the intersection of oppression, first being women and second as members of poor peasantry (Coleman, 2019; Crenshaw, 1991; Manuel, 2006).

However, the results depict that after the movement women were liberated from the domination of landlords. They are no longer compelled to do work in their homes and hence are safe from sexual harassment and are given respect.

The results represent an altogether different picture of landlord peasant relations in post-peasant movement scenario. The fundamental rights of peasants are established after the movement, and they live a peaceful and honourable life in their communities. The cruelty from landlords resulted in the integration of landless peasants and a similar cruel reaction. Kids were trained to hate landowners and to damage them whenever they get a chance. Power was freely exercised, and the movement took the shape of revolt. The landlords had no option except to surrender the lands and live in peace and prosperity with peasants (Khan, 2011; Aziz, 2014; Dawn, 2017).

Table-4.9: Landlords’ Attitude with peasants

90 S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. Landlords’ attitude with 359(94.5) 14(3.7) 7(1.8)

peasants before the movement

was pleasant.

2. Landlords’ attitude with 12(3.2) 13(3.4) 355(93.4)

peasants after the movement is

hostile.

3. Peasants were not allowed to 38(10.0) 6(1.6) 336(88.4)

wear clean and neat clothes by

landlords.

4. Peasants were forced to obey 38(10.0) 3(0.8) 339(89.2)

the out-dated customs and

traditions before the movement.

5. Landlords treated peasants as 38(10.0) 5(1.3) 337(88.7)

their subjects before the

movement.

6. Peasants were not allowed to 38(10.0) 4(1.1) 338(88.9)

comb and style their hair before

the movement.

7. Landlords give respect to 38(10.0) 4(1.1) 338(88.9)

peasants after the movement.

91 S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

8. The landlord does not force 11(2.9) 4(1.1) 365(96.1)

peasant women to work in their

homes, after the movement.

9. The self-esteem of the peasants 11(2.9) 5(1.3) 364(85.8)

and their women are not hurt by

landlords after the movement.

10. Peasants’ women are not 11(2.9) 7(1.8) 362(95.3)

harassed by landlords after the

movement.

Source: Survey

92 4.2.5 Ejectment

The mechanisation of farming reduces the need for unskilled labour in the agricultural profession. The landlords, as a result, made authoritative decision to eject peasants from their lands. The decision created resentment among peasants, and they revolted against the landlords, ejected them from lands and destroyed their property. To have a clear picture of the respondents' perception regarding the ejectment by landlords, few questions were asked from them, the results of which are given in table 4.10 and explained below.

A majority of 95.5% respondents viewed that peasants were ejected from their lands by landlords before the movement similarly 95.5% agreed that the ejection of peasants from lands stopped after peasants movement, in addition, 96.1% respondents affirmed that reason for peasants' evacuation by landlords was that they wanted to cultivate the land themselves using modern agricultural machinery. Land reforms of Ayub Khan in 1959 sensitised landlords to utilise modern machinery and ejected peasants from their land.

Under the initiative of Mazdoor Kisan Party, the ejectment was pronounced unlawful; also begar (free service) to landowners was denied (Farhad, 1970).

The results further show that a majority of 94.5% respondents agreed that before the peasants uprising landlords used to settle the lease matter, however, lease matters are settled mutually after the movement (94.5%).

Similarly, 94.5% of respondents agreed that private guards of landlords and police are not used for peasants' evacuation after the movement. Besides, 94.2% respondents agreed that during the movement landlords were evacuated from their lands and homes by peasants, 95.5% reported that peasants formed

93 communes to bring an end to forced evictions and 95.5% respondents reported that previous evictions of peasants by landlords caused migration to cities. The results show that seesaw of power never remained in the balance as initially the migrants were treated inhumanely and forced to leave the land and migrate.

However, the peasant's unity and land reforms of the 1970s strengthened the peasant group. The group organised armed communes to safeguard their interests and eject the landlords. The peasant class, despite slave-like exploitation, lead their life in the area while depending on arable lands. Fear of landlessness due to evacuation and vulnerability to debt subjection created a do or die like situation for the peasants (Kara, 2014). They were organised into communes and were ready for armed revolt against the landlords (Ahmed, 1972; and Dawn, 2017).

Table-4.10: Perception of Sampled Respondents about Ejectment

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. Peasants were ejected from their 11(2.9) 6(1.6) 363(95.5)

lands by landlords before the

movement.

2. Peasants cannot be evacuated 11(2.9) 6(1.6) 363(95.5)

from their homes by landlords

after the movement.

3. Reason for peasant’s evacuation 11(2.9) 4(1.1) 365(96.1)

by landlords was that they want to

cultivate the land themselves

94 S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

using modern agricultural

machinery.

4. Landlords used to settle the lease 10(2.6) 11(2.9) 359(94.5)

matter before the movement.

5. Lease matters are settled mutually 10(2.6) 11(2.9) 359(94.5)

after the movement.

6. Private guards of landlords and 10(2.6) 11(2.9) 359(94.5)

police are not used for peasant’s

evacuation after the movement.

7. During the movement, landlords 10(2.6) 12(3.2) 358(94.2)

were evacuated from their lands

and homes by peasants.

8. Peasants formed communes to 10(2.6) 7(1.8) 363(95.5)

bring an end to forced evictions by

organizing armed resistance.

9. Evictions of peasants by landlords 10(2.6) 7(1.8) 363(95.5)

caused migration to cities.

Source: Survey

4.2.6 Agricultural Productivity.

Occupancy and ownership of agricultural land symbolise social status in an agrarian society. People with more substantial landholdings manage to

95 produce higher yields, engage more labour and earn more profit. To maximise the landholdings and agricultural productivity the land was illegally transferred to the landlords, and the private militia was established by landlords to maintain their supremacy. Gradually all people were made landless, and agriculture yield was taken away by landlords and peasants were left in the starving state. The mechanisation of agriculture and the introduction of innovative technologies increased agricultural yield and improved the social status of smallholders and peasant class. Perception of the respondents regarding agricultural productivity is given in table 4.11.

Table 4.7 revealed some facts that in Pakistan land reforms of the '60s and '70s accelerate peasants' movement (92.4%), agricultural productivity increased after the peasants' movement (92.1%), free labour (beggar) to landlords are abolished which increased agricultural productivity (92.4%). The results further show that the majority (92.1%) respondents were of the view that the pre-existing system of beta (sharecropping, rent in-kind) was replaced with a new, cash-based system of land tenure. In past land was owned by the landlord and cultivated by peasants. The peasants had low interest in increasing agricultural productivity as they were least benefited from agricultural production, therefore the yield remained low. Land reforms of the 1970s and peasant movement plunged for peasants' rights that motivated peasants to get higher agricultural productivity from their farms. Class conflict theory of peasant uprising has revealed great analysis of 20th-century peasants' politics, their movements in China, Central America, Philippines and in some other underdeveloped countries. It analysed the present conflict with landlords who

96 exploit them. The class conflict holds that rural environment is, in fact, a set of class-based relations among landlords, peasants, labourers and the state machinery. Landlords exploit the peasants through rent, high interest, free labour, taxes, and the imposition of fines. So landlords, establish a robust system of exploitation. Exploited peasants can resist when class consciousness aroused in them, a radical party formed on the site with a disciplined organisation and a robust political base can eradicate their sufferings permanently (Little, 1989).

The result further shows that 92.1% of respondents stated that peasants achieved food security after the movement, and 92.1% reported that peasants used modern agricultural machinery, artificial fertilisers and pesticides after the movement. Also, 89.5% agreed that peasants produce surplus agricultural yield after the movement, 87.9% stated that peasants also increased their productivity by poultry farms, and other live stocks and 92.9% reported that right to own the manure produced by peasant's livestock was granted after the movement. From these results, it is evident that increase in agricultural productivity is a slow and gradual process that is associated with the diffusion of modern farm technologies, land reforms and admittance of land rights to non-owner groups on agreed terms. In Pakistan's situation of agricultural production changed as the conventional agricultural basis shifted to technologically based innovative agriculture. Two interconnected marvels, the modernisation of the farming area using high return seeds, automation and an enhanced water system framework

(all together called the Green Revolution), and the improvement of an essential yet quickly developing assembling part lie at the core of these progressions

(Javed, 2015).

97 Table-4.11: Perception of sampled respondents about Agricultural Productivity.

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. Land reforms of the ’60s and

’70s accelerate peasants’ 18(4.7) 11(2.9) 351(92.4)

movement.

2. Agricultural productivity is 21(5.5) 9(2.4) 350(92.1) increased after the movement.

3. Free labour (beggar) to

landlords is abolished, which 19(5.0) 10(2.6) 351(92.4) increased agricultural

productivity.

4. The pre-existing system of

batai (sharecropping, rent in-

kind) was replaced with a new, 19(5.0) 11(2.9) 350(92.1)

cash-based system of land

tenure.

5. Food security has been 18(4.7) 12(3.2) 350(92.1) achieved after the movement.

6. Peasants use modern

agricultural machinery, artificial 18(4.7) 12(3.2) 350(92.1) fertilisers and pesticides after

the movement.

98 7. Peasants produce surplus

agricultural yield after the 17(4.5) 23(6.1) 340(89.5)

movement.

8. Peasants also increased their

productivity by, poultry farms, 35(9.2) 11(2.9) 335(87.9)

and other live stocks.

9. Right to own the manure

(fertiliser) produced by 16(4.2) 11(2.9) 353(92.9) peasant’s livestock was granted

after the movement.

Source: Survey

4.2.7 Politics

The peasant movement, over time, got strength and managed to gather a vast majority of peasants under its umbrella. It got the shape of a political movement and shaped its peasant security policies. Most of the leadership of this movement were outsiders, yet they were able to gather the peasants on one platform. To counterbalance the power of the peasants, the landlords started their movement. The political movement of the peasants was also interrupted and influenced by landlords by introducing multiple political parties to divide peasants' power. The manifesto of the peasant movement was broadened and extended to safeguard their educational and health-related needs. In this research study perception of the respondents regarding policies is limited to few questions as explained below (Table 4.12).

99 Results in Table 4.12 show that majority of 96.1% peasants were free to vote and join any political party of their choice, similarly, 96.1% of respondents agreed that to safeguard their interest's, peasants and landlords had established their political parties, in addition, 96.1% respondents were of the view that top leadership of the peasants' movement was from outside the Hashtnagar. The peasant movement was initiated and strengthened to safeguard their basic tenure needs. The movement got strength and was politically organised. Some keen political observers from outside Hashtnagar joined the movement and led it to the desired destination. The members of the movement were free to express their views; however, the association with the movement was highly strong.

Landlords also formed different parties in order to control the peasants' movement. One of the parties was Etihad Party; its president was Nisar

Muhammad Khan. Similarly, Chota Malikan Araziat Party was formed in the presidency of Zahir Khan of Wardaga Charsadda. Landlords declare peasants as un-Islamic and communists in order to gain the sympathies of religious scholars and the general public (Khan, 2007).

The results further show that a majority of 87.1% respondents agreed that all peasants were united after the movement, however, only 20% agreed that peasants were still united in one single party of their own. There was a diverse view on the statement that politically peasants were inspired from

Marxism and Maoism as 35.5% respondents agreed to it, and 27.1% disagreed.

Also, 91.3% respondents stated that peasants had their interpretation of Islam in regards to feudalism; similarly, 91.6% respondents were of the view that movement of Hashtnagar influenced peasants of other districts and 92.9% stated

100 that peasants and labourers strongly favour Mazdoor Kisan Party Movement.

Politically Mazdoor Kisan Party pledged to establish labour and peasant courts in order to abolish absentee landlords and unlimited ownership of land for the greater well-being of the working class. Its party leaders also promise to unite all leftist parties, so if got power will provide free education up to metric and will restore the 1973 constitution in its original form (Dawn, 2002). The party lost strength due to its disintegration, and now there are many groups in the

Mazdoor Kisan Party, each claiming to be the genuine one. The last symbol of their unity was the tomb of Afzal Bangash, which initially was at Behram

Dehrai, Hashtnagar, but after 24 years, was shifted to Kohat. The decision further divided peasants and a significant loss to the peasants' movement. The shift was due to some differences of Afzal Bangash' family with people of

Hashtnagar, and the family claimed some vested interest groups were misusing the name of the deceased, and also others used the land allocated to his grave for their burial (Haq, 2013).

Table-4.12: Perception of sampled respondents about Politics.

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. You are now free to vote and 9(2.4) 6(1.6) 365(96.1)

join any political party.

2. Landlords and peasants have 9(2.4) 6(1.6) 365(96.1)

established their own political

parties.

101 S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

3. The top leadership of the 9(2.4) 6(1.6) 365(96.1)

peasant uprising was from

outside Hashtnagar

5. All peasants are united after 40(10.5) 9(2.4) 331(87.1)

the movement.

6. Peasants are still united in one 346(91.1) 14(3.7) 20(5.3)

single party of their own.

7. Politically peasants were 103(27.1) 142(37.4) 135(35.5)

inspired by Marxism and

Maoism.

8. Peasants have their own 22(5.8) 11(2.9) 347(91.3)

interpretation of Islam in

regards to feudalism.

9. Peasant’s movement of 22(5.8) 10(2.6) 348(91.6)

Hashtnagar influence peasants

of other districts also.

10. Peasants and labourers strongly 353(92.9)

favour the Mazdoor Kisan 24(6.3) 3(.8)

Party.

Source: Survey

4.2.8 Social Relations

102 Social relations provide the bonding force to the community. However, social relations are not static, rather dynamic. Similar is the case of social relations in the three strata, i.e. landlord, peasant and landless groups of North

Hashtnagar. In the pre-peasant movement scenario, the peasants were highly dependent on the landlords and obeyed all their instruction. The relation with landlords was equivalent to master-slave relations. During the peasant movement, the peasants disunited themselves from the landlords and started their disobedience; instead, they strengthened their relations with landless class.

The latest situation is that with time, the strength of relations between landlords and peasant has redeemed on equality basis. Perception of the respondents regarding social relations between landlords and peasants is given in table 4.13.

Peasants and landlords participate in funeral ceremonies of each other were agreed by 52.6% respondents, peasants and landlords participate in wedding ceremonies of each other were agreed by 21.3% only and Eid prayers and Friday prayers are offered in one mosque was agreed by 43.7%. Feudalism is a relationship of master and vassals under a customised government and is best on the nearby level and has moderately little detachment of political capacity. The landlords keep a distance from the peasants considering them inferior. The attitude is well observed in ceremonies and everyday activities of both groups where they rarely freely mix. The peasants after liberation from landlord influence also do not mix with landlords due to hostilities (Sharma,

1985).

The result further shows that peasants no longer presented chickens, eggs and dairy products on occasions related to landlords after the movement

103 (92.1%), peasants no longer offered greetings (Salaam) to landlords at regular intervals (93.9%), peasants were free to marry anywhere of their choice without asking the consent of landlords (94.7%). Under customary tenure arrangements the peasants were obliged to present gifts in kind to the landlords, this tradition, however, is now near to end. The relations between landlords and peasants are inconsistent and more situational, lacking cordial relations which cannot be settled. The proprietor will be destined, or the labourer will be vanquished, yet he will not be damned. It is essential to recollect that if the labourers win, the proprietor is destroyed. In any case, if the proprietor wins and the workers are crushed, the labourer will even now work on the land because the landowners cannot reap without the workers ("Afzal Bangash speaks: class struggle, not a tribal war", 1972).

Besides, a majority of 95.5% of respondents agreed that social relations between peasants and agricultural labourers were better, on the other hand, 95% of respondents disagreed that social relations between landlords and agricultural labourers were better. However, 84.2% of respondents were of the view that the young generation of both peasants and landlords were in good relations. Also,

95% of respondents reported that peasants were not bound to landlords and could migrate anywhere of their choice after the movement. Most of the land ownership cases are in courts where decisions made are seldom implemented due to the hostile attitude of rivals. However, the new generation has learnt to live together in a hostile environment while having a stand on the legal viewpoints (Staff, 2017).

Table-4.13: Perception of sampled respondents about Social Relations

104 S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. Peasants and landlords

participate in funeral 176(46.3) 4(1.1) 200(52.6)

ceremonies of each other.

2. Peasants and landlords 81(21.3)

participate in wedding 284(74.7) 15(3.9)

ceremonies of each other.

3. Eid prayers and Friday

prayers are offered in one 202(53.2) 12(3.2) 166(43.7)

mosque.

4. Peasants no longer present

chickens, eggs and dairy

products on occasions 11(2.9) 19(5.0) 350(92.1)

related to landlords after the

movement.

5. Peasants no longer offer 357(93.9)

greetings (Salaam) to 11(2.9) 12(3.2) landlords at regular

intervals.

6. Peasants are free to marry 360(94.7) 9(2.4) 11(2.9) anywhere of their choice

105 S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

without asking the consent

of landlords.

7. Social relations between

peasants and agricultural 11(2.9) 6(1.6) 363(95.5)

labourers are better.

8. Social relations between

landlords and agricultural 361(95.0) 10(2.6) 9(2.4)

labourers are better.

9. The young generation of

both peasants and landlords 49(12.9) 11(2.9) 320(84.2)

are now in good relations.

10. Peasants are not bound to

landlords and can migrate 11(2.9) 8(2.1) 361(95.0) anywhere of their choice

after the movement.

Source: Survey

4.2.9 Law and Order

With a growing population, productive arable land is becoming a scarce commodity. There is growing tension on ownership and use rights of disputed lands, especially with unclear legal ownership. In majority cases, the local traditional institutions (Jirga) help resolve these cases or the parties refer to the

106 court of law. In some extreme cases, the power struggle may lead to infighting and create a law and order situation. The enforcing authorities intervene to bring order; however, their efforts are insignificant in most cases. Political dialogue, in this situation, is found more fruitful in bringing peace. Perception of the respondents regarding law and order situation due to the peasants and landlord infighting is presented in table 4.14 and explained below.

A majority of 86.3% of respondents agreed that law and order problems started after the movement. Moreover, 91.1% respondents viewed that landlords established their own rules and regulations and imposition of fines on peasants when they were at their full power, conversely, a majority of 83.7% respondents disagreed that the police department restored law and order situation and 84.5% respondents stated that the Mazdoor Kisan Party, control law and order situation amongst peasants. It is the duty of the administration to check the observance of fundamental human rights in all aspects of human life (Cohen, 2011). The customary practices prevailing in land use provided a basis to determine such rights. Any rules framed to manage such land needs to be consistent with these customary laws. The unjust distribution of rights without taking into consideration the local customs may bring societal rifts and conflicts that may get out of control of local administration (Naqvi and Gazdar, 2011). Laws based on equity, human dignity and human rights are necessary to reduce conflicts and maintain peace (State of Human Rights in 2014, 2015).

The results show that in comparison to other districts, law and order situation of Charsadda was better as 82.1% respondents agreed to the statement,

96.1% respondents agreed that court orders in favour of landlords were not

107 implemented due to peasants' resistance, similarly 95.8% of respondents were of the view that law still needed attention to precisely explain tenure rights.

Upkeep of lawfulness is a giant issue that Pakistan still needs to confront.

Lawfulness comprises of common laws written in the constitution, its usage by the agencies and arraignment of the guilty parties. Pakistan in its history is constantly confronting this test, up till now governments have figured foundations; notwithstanding, they need usage. Since freedom, Pakistan has confronted lawfulness vulnerabilities (Khan, 2017). The administration should altogether survey the methodology for re-establishing lawfulness circumstance in the state, and it must take measures to shield individuals from the carnage and defeat wrongdoing rates (Bhutto, 2014).

Table-4.14: Perception of sampled respondents about law and order

S/No. Statements Disagree Neutral Agree

1. Law and order problems 21(5.5) 31(8.2) 328(86.3) started after the movement.

2. Landlords established their

own rules and regulations and 16(4.2) 18(4.7) 346(91.1) imposition of fines on

peasants.

3. Law and order situation was

restored by the police 318(83.7) 11(2.9) 51(13.4)

department.

108 S/No. Statements Disagree Neutral Agree

4. Mostly peasants’ law 6(1.6) 15(3.9) 359(94.5) offenders were punished.

5. Most of the landlords’ law 8(2.1) 361(95.0) 11(2.9) offenders were punished.

6. Law and order situation was

restored by mutual 40(10.5) 19(5.0) 321(84.5) reconciliation between

peasants and landlords.

7. In comparison to other districts

law and order situation of 52(13.7) 16(4.2) 312(82.1)

Charsadda is better.

8. Law and order situation

amongst peasants were 23(6.1) 36(9.5) 321(84.5) controlled by Mazdoor Kisan

Party.

9. Court orders in favour of

landlords are not implemented 5(1.3) 10(2.6) 365(96.1) due to peasants’ resistance.

10. Law still needs attention to 8(2.1) 8(2.1) 364(95.8) precisely explain tenure ship.

Source: Survey

109 4.2.10 Litigation

The story of land ownership in North Hashtnagar has three versions. The landlords claim that they legally own the land for centuries and have inherited land ownership from their forefathers. The peasants claim that their forefathers cleared the wasteland and made it arable; therefore, it is their property. A third view is that the land was owned by the forefathers of peasants yet gifted to landlords by the British government. Whenever a dispute arises on land ownership, it is first tried to be settled at the local level through a Jirga system and subsequently to the court of law. Most of the land disputes settled in court are in favour of landlords. However, implementation of these decisions is like a black swan. Perception of the respondents regarding litigation is given in Table

4.15.

Results in Table 4.15 shows that 96.1% of respondents were of the view that litigation adversely affected the education and health of the landlord class, however, 88.4% respondents negated that litigation adversely affected the education and health of peasants, 47.6% respondents agreed that litigation between landlords and peasants still existed and 96.1% described that landlords mostly succeeded in lawsuits whereas 20.5% respondents were of the view that

Peasants mostly succeeded. Both the landlord and peasant class are in trouble while filing litigations against each other in court. The litigation process wastes much time and needs a tremendous amount of money. The cases remain unresolved for decades, and when resolved are rarely implemented (Ali, 2013).

A conspiracy explanation for these results is presented by Khan (2011) that the feudal system of Hashtnagar was established by the British to divide the

110 Pukhtun unity as there was no such system before their advent. The feudal lords strengthen British rule. These landlords were then empowered, by giving them police authority, court's authority and the landlords further strengthen themselves by keeping his private militia. Gradually all people were made landless, peasants. Then these landlords take forced labour from men as well as from women cleaning raw wheat, washing clothes, and serving on the occasion of Eid etcetera. Taxes like Tora were imposed on peasants (Khan, 2011).

Furthermore, 96.6% respondents stated that precious time of peasants was wasted in litigation, 65.8% reported that litigation caused financial burdens on peasants and 87.1% admitted that conflicts amongst peasants were settled in

Jirga. Jirga has emerged as an established institution to settle the issues of the local people. It is useful in resolving diverse types of issues; however, disputes of grave nature are settled in courts (Niaz&Askar, 2009).

Table-4.15: Perception of sampled respondents about litigation

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. Litigation adversely affected

the education and health of 7(1.8) 8(2.1) 365(96.1)

landlords.

2. Litigation adversely affected

the education and health of 336(88.4) 8(2.1) 36(9.5)

peasants.

3. Litigation between landlords 177(46.6) 22(5.8) 181(47.6) and peasants still exist.

111 S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

4. Landlords mostly succeeded 8(2.1) 7(1.8) 365(96.1) in lawsuits.

5. Peasants mostly succeeded 296(77.9) 6(1.6) 78(20.5) in lawsuits.

6. Precious time of peasants 7(1.8) 6(1.6) 367(96.6) was wasted in litigation.

7. Litigation caused a financial 250(65.8) 6(1.6) 124(32.6) burden on peasants.

8. Conflicts amongst peasants 331(87.1)

were settled in their own 40(10.5) 9(2.4)

courts (Jirga).

9. Peasants justify their

litigation with landlords on 8(2.1) 332(87.4) the ground that our 40(10.5)

forefathers made the barren

land fertile and green.

10. Landlords justify their

litigation with peasants that 25(6.6) 8(2.1) 347(91.3) the land was inherited to

them from their forefathers.

112 S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

11. In local Jirga’s peasants

claimed that the land was a

collective property of 34(8.9) 8(2.1) 338(88.9)

Hashtnagar but the British

gave it to landlords as gifts.

Source: Survey

113 4.2.11 Militancy

Various social processes, streamline reconciliation process and settlement of issues with peace. Cooperation, accommodation and compromises are some of these social processes. In disputes of a grave nature, the cases are referred to Jirga or court of law for a peaceful resolution. However, felling of injustices and deprivations may compel groups to take the law in their hands and use violent force to grab the resource and even challenge the writ of the state through terrorism. Perception of the respondents regarding militancy initiated due to peasant movement is given in table 4.16 and explained below.

It is evident from the results that 50.5% of respondents were of the view that the uprising led to weaponisation, and 95% stated that landlords and peasants resolved their issues by force. Besides 10.3% stated that armed peasants join other militant organisations, 85.3% agreed that most of the casualties were from peasants during the armed struggle and 1.8% stated that most of the casualties were from landlords during the armed struggle. Peasants sometimes become hostile due to persecution, misuse or some other irritations so they may even be compelled into murdering his lord when getting the opportunity for doing so, to get rid of the landlord's system. The landlords engaged paid militia in such armed conflict. Therefore, life losses of peasants were much higher than landlords (Petras and Zemelman, 1972).

The results further unveil that 77.6% of respondents were of the view that peasants were offensive against the landlords, 81.3%disagreed that labourers were the least militant in comparison to peasants; 92.9% avowed that safeguarding (chowkidary) of landlords by peasants at night has been abolished

114 after the movement and 88.9% described that peasants' militancy was of a political nature. The peasants once the protector of the landlords became their enemy. They trained their generations to fight landlords and formed coalitions with other militant groups to defeat landlords. Small school going kids has a craze become comrade in the future, as comrades are peasants' friends. The picture of the landlord is like landlords are very cruel to peasants and all the cruel should be terminated (Aziz, 2014)

Table-4.16: Perception of sampled respondents about militancy in relation to peasants’ movement.

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. Militancy

The uprising led to 167(43.9) 21(5.5) 192(50.5) weaponisation.

2. Landlords and peasants 10(2.6) 361(95.0) 9(2.4) resolve their issues by force.

3. Armed peasants join other 273(71.8) 68(17.9) 39(10.3) militant organizations also.

4. Most of the casualties were

from peasants during the 43(11.3) 13(3.4) 324(85.3)

armed struggle.

115 S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

5. Most of the casualties were

from landlords during the 364(95.8) 9(2.4) 7(1.8)

armed struggle.

6. Peasants are now offensive 75(19.7) 10(2.6) 295(77.6) against the landlords.

7. Labourers are the least

militant in comparison to 309(81.3) 11(2.9) 60(15.8)

peasants.

8. Safeguarding (chowkidary)

of landlords by peasants at 22(5.8) 5(1.3) 353(92.9) night is abolished after the

movement.

9. Militancy led by peasants 35(9.2) 7(1.8) 338(88.9) was of political in nature.

Source: Survey

4.3 Bivariate Analysis

This section describes the association between the dependent variable

(Peasants' Movement) and independent variables (poverty, alienation, awareness, landlord's attitude with peasants, ejectment, agricultural productivity, politics). The independent variables were cross-tabulated with

116 dependent variables and Pearson chi-square test was applied to obtain their association. The results are explained as follows.

117 4.3.1 Association between poverty and Peasants’ Movement

Poverty is the major contributor to shaping human attitude and behaviour. In agriculture-based economy, the ownership of land and its productivity determines the social ranks. Therefore, land tenancy-right of humans on land- shape the social structure where different rank groups are placed in different positions. The higher the size of landholding and control on occupied land, the higher is the social status. The struggle for occupancy of the land is never-ending and has continued for centuries and still underway in various forms of peaceful and violent riots. To test the association between poverty and peasants' movement, the perception of poverty was limited to a few statements as given in Table 4.17 and explained below.

A highly significant association (P=0.000) was found between poverty lead peasants to agitation and peasants' movement. The livelihood of the agricultural-based economy is linked with man to land relation. The higher the size and control of land, the lower is poverty. Besides, the landlords engage the poor peasants in agriculture economy on such conditions that they cannot get out of the vicious circle of poverty. The grinding poverty and weakened landlord provide peasants and opportunity to revolt and start an organised movement against landlords. Land reforms of Ayub Khan in 1959 sensitised landlords to announce their land as self-cultivated. They began to utilise modern machinery and ejected peasants from their land. Under the initiative of

Mazdoor Kisan Party, the ejectment was pronounced unlawful. Also, begar

(free service) to landowners was denied. Conflicts amongst landowners and peasants started. Feudal lords' private militia alongside state apparatus was

118 utilised to suppress the peasants (Farhad, 1970). As indicated by a few investigations in Pakistan, 9% landowners possess 42% of the land. Therefore, for legitimised circulation of land, access to assets, diminishment in poverty and the abolition of exploitation, land reforms were carried out in the 1960s and ‘70s. Likewise, regulations and the relationship between peasants and landlords were reformed to reduce poverty and avoid land-based conflicts

(Naqvi et al., 1989).

Furthermore, a highly significant association (P=0.000) established between peasants' movement and the peasants' receipt of agricultural land due to the Peasant's Movement. Besides, a highly significant (P=0.000) association was found between the land is self-cultivated and peasants' movement.

Moreover, a significant (P=0.001) association was found between the statement that peasants can buy and sell land and peasant movement. Reduction in poverty and gain of power is sequential processes. The peasant movement enabled peasants to get hold of the land, cultivate and sell it. The establishment of such rights on land not only empowered them but also instigated other peasants to join the movement and make it robust. These findings are in line with Brohi (2010), who reported that poverty in peasantry became worse due to owners oppression and its associated repercussions. The peasants were trapped in a net of debt, and their generations were forced to work for owner class. The children were deprived of education, medical and other essential life facilities. The peasants were not let to get out of this multifaceted poverty under the owner's oppressions. Landlords' attitude with peasants became so

119 intolerable that peasants returned to owners furiously and fought up to their elimination, and acquisition of land (Sattar, 2017).

Similarly, a highly significant (0.000) association was found between peasants' movement and increase in peasant's income after the peasants' movement. Likewise, a significant (P=0.002) association was found between landlords have reduced the rent on peasants and peasant movement. Again, a highly significant (0.000) association existed between the wages of agricultural labour have been increased and peasants' movement. These results pertain to some positive and negative outcomes of the peasant movement on poverty. The peasant movement enabled peasants to increase their income by cropping their fields; besides, the movement helped in the initiation of peasant-landlord dialogue and among other benefits, reduced land rents. However, after the peasant movement, labour became scarce, and a considerable amount was spent on the engagement of the labour force. The findings are consistent with Brohi

(2010) that land ownership reduces poverty as land ownership is the key to monetary gains in rural areas and landlessness means vulnerable to absolute poverty.

Conversely, a non-significant association was found between peasant movement and peasants can start their own business (P=0.253), peasant uprising increased the poverty of agricultural labourers (P=0.182), and peasants were exempted from private taxes imposed by the landlords (P=0.892).

It is concluded that landholding is the primary determinant of social status in the agricultural economy. The landowners, for a fuller control of the

120 land and higher income, tried to introduce mechanised farming and eject

peasants. The importance of land for the life of peasants compelled them to

organise and initiate a movement against landlords and establish full control

over the lands. It also helped the peasants to get rid of their poverty by

increasing agricultural productivity and its associated monitory income. The

peasant has now been in the position to bargain with the landlord on mutually

agreed rent and work on landlords' land on higher wages in a dignified manner.

Table-4.17: Association between poverty and Peasants’ Movement

S# Attribute Perception Peasants’ movement Chi-

Disagreed Uncertain Agreed square test

1 Poverty Disagreed 19 147.997 16 x2= 1 (2.8) was the (52.8) (44.4) main Uncertain 0 0 P= 0.000 4 (100) reason that Agreed leads 333 5 (1.5) 2 (0.6) peasants to (97.9) agitation.

2 You get Disagreed 24 91.79 60 x2= 2 (2.3) agricultural (27.9) (69.8)

land after Uncertain 0 0 P= 14 (100) 0.000 the Agreed Peasant’s 279 0 1 (0.4) (99.6) Movement.

121 S# Attribute Perception Peasants’ movement Chi-

Disagreed Uncertain Agreed square test

3 Your land Disagreed 24 76.123 78 x2= 3 (2.9) is self- (22.9) (74.3)

cultivated. Uncertain 0 0 16 (100) P= 0.000

Agreed 259 0 0 (100)

4 You can Disagreed 0 1 (2.4) 40(97.6) x2= 45.145

buy and Uncertain 0 0 6 (100) sell land. Agreed 307 P= 0.001 24 (7.2) 2 (0.6) (92.2)

5 You can Disagreed 28 x2=5.352 0 1 (3.4) (96.6) start any Uncertain 0 0 business. 6 (100) P= 0.253 Agreed 319 24 (7.0) 2 (0.6) (92.5)

6 The Disagreed 19 56.670 56 x2= 1 (1.3) income per (25.0) (73.7)

month Uncertain 0 0 5 (100) P= 0.000 increased Agreed after the 292 5 (1.7) 2 (0.7) Peasant’s (97.7) Movement.

122 S# Attribute Perception Peasants’ movement Chi-

Disagreed Uncertain Agreed square test

7 Landlords Disagreed 15 x2= 18.851 3 (15.8) 1 (5.3) (78.9) have Uncertain 0 0 reduced the 4 (100) P= 0.002 rent on Agreed

peasants 334 21 (5.9) 2 (0.6) after the (93.6)

movement.

8 Wages of Disagreed 0 0 14 (100) x2=16.873

agricultural Uncertain 0 0 9 (100) labourers Agreed P= 0.000 have been

increased 330 24 (6.7) 3 (0.8) (92.4) after the

movement.

9 Peasant’s Disagreed 325 x2=6.241 24 (6.8) 2 (0.6) (92.6) uprising Uncertain 0 0 increased 7 (100) P= 0.182 the poverty Agreed

of 21 0 1 (4.5) agricultural (95.5)

labourers.

123 S# Attribute Perception Peasants’ movement Chi-

Disagreed Uncertain Agreed square test

10 Peasants Disagreed 0 0 1 (100) x2=1.12

were Uncertain 0 0 13 (100) exempted Agreed P= 0.892 from

private

taxes

imposed by 339 24 (6.6) 3 (0.8) landlords (92.6) like “Tip

and Tora”

after the

movement.

4.3.2 Associations between Alienation and Peasants Movement

In a capitalist society, the working class is exploited by alienating them

in at least four possible ways. Initially peasants are distanced from the products

they create, i.e. agricultural products are not in control of the peasants, secondly,

the peasants have no control over the procedure of generation, thirdly the

peasant's activities related to agricultural production are not in his control, and

lastly the peasant is segregated from the group of his colleagues. The alienation,

perhaps, creates resentment among peasants and instigates them to revolt

against landlords. To assess the association of alienation and peasants'

124 movement, the concept of alienation was limited to statements given in table

4.14 and explained below.

There was a highly significant association (P=0.000) between the alienation of peasants instigated peasants' revolt against landlords and peasants' movement. Furthermore, highly significant (P=0.000) association between alienated peasants are now satisfied and peasants' movement. Similarly, a highly significant association (P=0.000) was found between vertical mobility of peasants occurred after the movement and peasants' movement. Work satisfaction is linked to a sense of ownership in the work and prospects of vertical social mobility. A peasant owning, controlling and manipulating work takes more interest than alienated labour. Such a peasant is more hopeful for vertical social mobility. The satisfaction of this human need also sets off for peasant movement. A successful movement fetches land ownership to peasants, their higher inclusion in agricultural decisions, greater chances of social mobility and higher satisfaction. These findings are in line with the Karl Marx theory of alienation, as the theory explains that the labourer is estranged from the products he delivers since it is claimed and arranged by the entrepreneur.

Liberty from such oppressions may open ways for vertical mobility of the working class. The dissatisfactory fulfilment of this human need may create resentment in the working-class and result in revolt against the elite ("Karl Marx

- Alienation", 2017).

Moreover, a highly significant (P=0.000) association was found between peasants take great interest in their daily routine work and peasants' movement.

Again, a significant (P=0.001) association was found between peasants now feel

125 a sense of belonging to the Hashtnagar and peasants' movement. Besides, a highly significant (P=0.000) association was found between peasants take a keen interest in agriculture, lives stock after the victorious uprising and peasants' movement. The revolutionary peasant movement broke the chains of slavery and included the peasants in mainstream society. The peasants now started to take a keen interest in daily activities and integrated them into a single organisation of Hashtnagar peasants. The results are supported by the findings of Sheldon (2001) that the peasant class is now more work-oriented in pursuit of their individual and collective socio-economic goals. Individual and group free will is vital in the production process and deliverance to society.

Involvement of all segments of the production process at all levels in gainful actions, therefore, is must streamline the production process meet the need of these groups on a priority basis.

Again, a significant (P=0.036) association existed between landlords now keep a distance from the peasants and peasants' movement and a highly significant (P=0.000) relationship was found between peasants are now taking an interest in music and poetry and peasants' movement. The landlords, once at the heart of the decision making process are at a distance from the peasants' affairs and peasants are not only free in their decision making but also enjoy it.

A robust peasant's movement for realising their due rights is source calmness in the society and satisfaction of the peasant class. As against alienation, the sense of ownership created enthusiasm and integration in society, especially the deprived peasant group. The peasant class is now more work-oriented in pursuit of their individual and collective socio-economic goals. Karl Marx also noticed

126 the importance of individual and group free will in the production process and deliverance to society. He stressed for the involvement of all segments of the production process at all levels for gainful actions. Besides, a socio-economic need of these groups needs to be satisfied on a priority basis (Sheldon, 2001; and "Karl Marx - Alienation", 2017).

Also, a significant (P=0.045) association, was found between the statements which were that peasants realised their social status and a statement peasants' movement as their saviour.

The results help to conclude that the landlord class maintained their supremacy on the peasants by alienating them from the agricultural products they created, the procedure of generating agricultural products, their activities related to agricultural production and from the group of their colleagues. The resentment created in peasant class due to non-ownership of work instigated them to revolt against landlords. The land acquired after the peasant movement redeemed the ownership sense in the peasants and revitalised their interest in work. A decisive, satisfied and willing to work peasant prospered rapidly and climbed up the social mobility ladder. The bonds of the peasants within themselves and with general society were strengthened, and the peasant class is now more work-oriented in pursuit of their individual and collective socio- economic goals.

Table-4.18: Associations between Alienation and Peasants’ Movement

127 S# Attribute Perception Peasants’ movement Chi-square

Disagreed Uncertain Agreed test

1 The reason Disagreed 19 x2=136.070 13 (39.4) 1 (3.0) (57.6) peasants have Uncertain 0 revolted 5 (83.3) 1 (16.7) P= 0.000

against Agreed 333 landlords was 6 (1.8) 2 (0.6) (97.7) alienation.

2 Alienated Disagreed 16 x2=147.997 19 (52.8) 1 (2.8) (44.4) peasants are Uncertain 0 now satisfied 0 4 (100) P= 0.000 after the Agreed 333 5 (1.5) 2 (0.6) movement. (97.9)

3 The vertical Disagreed 4 (44.4) 0 5 (56.6) x2=48.656 mobility of Uncertain 1 (20.0) 1 (20.0) 3 (60.0) peasants Agreed P= 0.000 occurred after 345 2 (0.5) the 19 (5.2) (94.3) movement.

4 The peasants Disagreed 4 (44.4) 0.0 5 (55.6 x2=37.243 take great Uncertain 1 (12.5) 0.0 7 (87.5) interest in Agreed 353 3 (0.8) P= 0.000 their daily 24 (6.3) (92.9)

128 S# Attribute Perception Peasants’ movement Chi-square

Disagreed Uncertain Agreed test

routine work

after the

movement.

5 Peasants feel Disagreed 4 (36.4) 0.0 7 (63.6) x2=18.325

a sense of Uncertain 1 (14.3) 0.0 6 (85.7) belonging to Agreed P= 0.001 Hashtnagar 340 3 (0.8) after the 19 (5.2) (93.9) movement.

6 The peasants Disagreed 4 (36.4) 0.0 7 (63.6) x2=17.749

take a keen Uncertain 0 0 7 (100) interest in Agreed P= 0.001 agriculture,

livestock, 339 3 (0.8) over the 20 (5.5) (93.6) movement.

7 Peasants Disagreed 3 (27.3) 0.0 8 (72.7) x2=9.745 realised their Uncertain 1 (16.7) 0.0 5 (83.3) social status Agreed 340 P= 0.045 20 (5.5) 3 (0.8) (93.7)

129 S# Attribute Perception Peasants’ movement Chi-square

Disagreed Uncertain Agreed test

after the

movement.

8 Landlords Disagreed 3 (27.3) 0.0 8 (72.7) x2=10.248

now keep a Uncertain 1 (20.0) 0.0 4 (80.0) distance from Agreed 341 P= 0.036 3 (0.8) peasants. 20 (5.5) (93.7)

9 Peasants are Disagreed 107 x2= 20.008 1 (0.9) 1 (0.9) (98.2) taking an Uncertain 1 (10.0) interest in 0.0 9 (90.0) P= 0.000 music and Agreed

poetry after 353 24 (6.3) 3 (0.8) the (92.9)

movement.

4.3.3 Associations between Awareness and Peasants Movement

Control on communication channels helps the exploiters to keep the

exploited in the dark, away from the facts. Any reform movement, therefore,

starts with awareness-raising campaign to make the exploited believe that they

are exploited, how they are exploited, and why they are exploited. Redemption

of the rights of the exploited is the next step to follow. Raising awareness,

therefore, is the starting point for peasant movements to get rid of the landlord's

130 oppression. Association of awareness and peasants' movement is reflected in table 4.15 and explained below.

The result shows a highly significant association (P=0.000) between peasant's awareness of being exploited and peasants' movement. In past peasants were exploited by imposing high rents, taxes, engaged in free labour and deprived of all production. The life of peasants and their families was like slaves, where they had to obey the commands of landlords. The peasants were first made aware of their exploitation and the tactics used for the same and then organised to revolt against the landlords. Similarly, a highly significant association was established between the peasant movement and agreement that peasants are now practising family planning (P=0.000), and they have access to a better health care system (P=0.000).

In the same way, a highly significant association was established between peasants' movement and peasants are now highly aware of their human rights (P=0.000), seek higher education (P=0.000), and status of women have been improved (P=0.000). The awareness level among peasants was high as it not only liberated them from the oppressions of landlords but also helped them control population growth, abide by the fundamental human rights and secure higher education. The high awareness level helped them topple the landlord's rule and get freedom through a peasant movement. Findings of Yu (2007) are consistent with these results that awareness-raising campaigns help in spreading awareness to the peasants of their rights and how they may be achieved. Galbiati

(1985) reported that peasant awareness is perhaps the most significant reason for the start of peasant movements around the globe. Most suffering peasants

131 were unaware of what their rights were and how they could stand up against oppression. However, eventually, leaders emerged who not only provided them with awareness but unified them and led them to fight against oppression.

Furthermore, by enhancing the peasants' awareness of their exploitation by imperialism, it also increased their capacity to perceive other types of manipulation as well, such as that carried on by landlords and moneylenders. It is because the enrichment of political awareness of a specific structure of exploitation simultaneously creates the capacity and the potential for understanding other structures of exploitation. By mobilising the peasantry into anti-imperialist political action, it created awareness among them, which made them receptive to the more radical ideas of peasant organisation and peasant struggles (Mukherjee, 2004). Roy (2004) affirmed that the peasant movement not only helped the peasants to come out from under landowners oppression but also to protect their primary educational and health-related rights. The awareness-raising help in the mobilisation of the masses, especially the deprived groups like women, to secure their fundamental rights.

Besides, a highly significant association was found between peasants are now very active to use and take advantage of print and electronic media and peasant movement (P=0.000). Similarly, the association of recognising social change through ballot paper and peasants' movement was highly significant

(P=0.000). The awareness-raising campaigns trained the masses in the effective use of electronic and print media and use of political power for desired results.

Mukherjee (2004) also reported that enhancing the peasants' awareness, increased their capacity to perceive other types of manipulation and efficiently

132 use the communication and political resources to achieve and maintain desired results.

Level of awareness is an essential contributor in initiating a revolutionary campaign and guiding it to the desired results. The exploiters managed to exploit the peasant group by hiding facts. However, an authentic leadership's principal stress remained on awareness-raising of peasants regarding their exploitation of individual and familial level, and subsequently, the peasants were organised for the movement. The high awareness level helped them topple the landlord's rule and get freedom through a peasant movement.

The awareness-raising campaign did not stop at the success of the peasant movement; instead, it continued afterword to develop positive attitudes and behaviours in the peasant class to sustain their success. The awareness level helped the peasants to control population growth, abide by the fundamental human rights and secure higher education. The awareness-raising campaigns also trained the masses in the effective use of electronic and print media and use of political power for desired results.

Table-4.19: Associations between Awareness and Peasants Movement Do you consider the peasant movement as your saviour?

S# Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi-

square

test

1 Peasant’s Disagreed 16 x2=65.437 1 (5.6) 1 (5.6) awareness was (88.9)

133 S# Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi-

square

test

the main reason P=0.000 Uncertain 4 (100) 0 0 that leads Agreed 337 peasants to 19 (5.3) 2 (0.6) (94.1) agitation.

2 Peasants are now Disagreed 24 x2=140.536 15 (37.5) 1 (2.5) practising family (60) P= 0.000

planning as a Uncertain 4 (100) 0 0 result of Agreed 329 awareness. 5 (1.5) 2 (0.6) (97.9)

3 Peasants are Disagreed 16 x2=88.778 7 (29.2) 1 (4.2) aware enough of (66.7) P= 0.000 their human Uncertain 4 (100) 0 0 rights now. Agreed 337 13 (3.7) 2 (0.6) (95.7)

4 Peasants now Disagreed 16 x2=88.788 7 (29.2) 1 (4.2) seek high (66.7) P= 0.000 education as a Uncertain 4 (100) 0 0 result of Agreed 337 awareness. 13 (3.7) 2 (0.6) (95.7)

134 S# Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi-

square

test

5 Peasants have Disagreed 16 x2=88.778 7 (29.2) 1 (4.2) access to better (66.7) P= 0.000 health care Uncertain 4 (100) 0 0 systems. Agreed 337 13 (3.7) 2 (0.6) (95.7)

6 Status of Disagreed 16 x2=88.778 7 (29.3) 1 (4.2) womenfolk (66.7) P=0.000 improved after Uncertain 4 (100) 0 0 the movement. Agreed 337 13 (3.7) 2 (0.6) (95.7)

7 Women Disagreed 1 (5.6) 1 (5.6) 16 x2=65.437

education is Uncertain 4 (100) 0 0 P= 0.000 given special Agreed 337 attention after the 19 (5.3) 2 (0.6) (94.1) movement.

8 Peasants know Disagreed 139 x2=65.254 6 (4.1) 3 (2.0) how to use and (93.9) P= 0.000 take advantage of Uncertain 4 (100) 0 0

135 S# Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi-

square

test

print and Agreed

electronic media, 214 14 ( (6.1) 0 after the (93.9)

movement.

9 Peasants Disagreed 147 x2=34.410 24 (13.8) 3 (1.7) recognised social (84.5) P= 0.000

change through Uncertain 206 0 0 ballot paper after (100) the movement. Agreed 353 24 (6.3) 3 (0.8) (92.9)

4.3.4 Associations between landlords’ attitude and Peasants Movement

Respect and honour are attractive human behaviours. Giving due respect and honour to workers increases work efficiency and create a sense of ownership in the working class. Avoiding this psychological need demotivate and demoralise workers and create resentments in them. The landlords used physical hostility, psychological stresses and financial oppressions as tools to create fear in peasants and oblige them to work for landlords. This strategy, however, backfired in the shape of the peasant movement and their liberation from landlords' oppression. Association of landlords' attitude with peasants and peasants' movement is given in Table 4.16 and explained below.

136 Association of hostile landlords' attitude with peasants after the movement and peasants' movement was highly significant (P=0.000). Size of land ownership is the basis of social stratification in most rural Pakistan. The higher the size of landholding, the higher is the status of the owner. In this stratification system, the landless are ranked at the lowest rung. The landlords' treatment with peasants, therefore, was unjust. The result further shows that peasant's movement had a highly significant association (P=0.000) with peasants being not allowed to wear clean clothes.

Similarly, Peasants' movement had a highly significant association with peasants being forced to obey the out-dated customs and traditions (P=0.000), peasants considered as landlord's subjects (P=0.000), and peasants disallowed from combing their hair before the movement (P=0.000). The landlords started to consider peasants as slaves and interfered in social and individual personal life. They were forced to abide by the conventional system that was established to keep the supremacy of the landlord. The peasants were intentionally demoralised so that they cannot question the authority of the landlord.

Likewise, highly significant association (p=0.000) was found between peasant women are not harassed by landlords after the movement and peasants' movement. The results depict an altogether different picture of landlord peasant relations in Post-peasant movement scenario. The fundamental rights of peasants are established after the movement, and they live a peaceful and honourable life in their communities. The cruelty from landlords resulted in the integration of landless peasants and a similar cruel reaction. Kids were trained to hate landowners and to damage them whenever they get a chance. Power was

137 freely exercised, and the movement took the shape of revolt. The landlords had no option except to surrender the lands and live in peace and prosperity with peasants (Khan, 2011; Aziz, 2014; Dawn, 2017).

Conversely a non-significant association was found between peasants' movement and landlords' attitude with peasants before the movement was pleasant (P=0.847), landlords give respect to peasants after the movement

(P=0.879), the landlord doesn't force peasant women to work in their homes, after the movement (P=0.865) and self-esteem of the peasants and their women are not hurt by landlords after the movement (P=0.836).

These results reveal that attitude of landlords towards peasants was inhuman. The peasants were interfered with and exploited in their public and private life. They and their families were considered the landlords' property where landlords could use them any way they wanted. Various inhumane traditions and rules were established to control the peasants. The peasants were demoralised to the extent that they were forbidden to wear clean clothes and comb hair. The women of peasant families were obliged to work in landlords home, and that work was free of cost. These negative attitudes from the owners ignited the sentiments of the peasant to start a revolt against landlords. The hatred with landlords was to the extent that even small kids wanted to become comrades of their liberty. The revolution was bloody and left several miseries; however, the peasants managed to redeem their lost prestige and property.

Table-4.20: Associations between landlords’ attitude and Peasants Movement Do you consider the peasants’ movement as your saviour?

138 S# Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi-

square

test

1 Landlords’ Disagreed 339 18 (5.0) 2 (0.6) attitude (94.4)

with Uncertain 6 (42.9) 1 (7.1) 7 (50.0) peasants x2= 1.165 Agreed before the P= 0.847

movement 0 0 7 (100) was

pleasant.

2 Landlords’ Disagreed 0 0 12(100) x2= 41.365

attitude P= Uncertain 13 0.000 0 0 with (100) peasants Agreed after the 328 24 (6.8) 3 (0.8) movement (92.4) is hostile.

3 Peasants Disagreed 18 x2=138.834 19 (50) 1 (2.6) were not (47.4) P= 0.000 allowed to Uncertain 0 0 3 (100) wear clean Agreed 332 and neat 5 (1.5) 2 (0.6) (97.9)

139 S# Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi-

square

test

clothes by

landlords.

4 Peasants Disagreed 18 x2=138.851 19 (50) 1 (2.6) were forced (47.4) P= 0.000 to obey the Uncertain 0 0 5 (100) out-dated Agreed customs

and 330 5 (1.5) 2 (0.6) traditions (97.9) before the

movement

5 Landlords Disagreed 18 x2=138.842 19 (50.) 1 (2.6) treated (47.4) P= 0.000 peasants as Uncertain 0 0 4(100) their Agreed subjects 331 5 (1.5) 2 (0.6) before the (97.9) movement.

6 Peasants Disagreed 18 x2=138.842 19 (50.) 1 (2.6) were not (47.4)

140 S# Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi-

square

test

allowed to Uncertain 0 0 4 (100) P= 0.000 comb and Agreed style their 331 hairs before 5 (1.5) 2 (0.6) (97.9) the

movement.

7 Landlords Disagreed 11 x2=1.194 0 0 give (100) P= 0.879 respect to Uncertain 0 0 4 (100) peasants Agreed 338 after the 24 (6.6) 3 (0.8) (92.6) movement.

8 The Disagreed 11 x2=1.278 0 0 landlord (100) P= 0.865 does not Uncertain 0 0 5 (100) force Agreed peasants’ 337 women to 24 (6.6) 3 (0.8) (92.6) work in

their

141 S# Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi-

square

test

homes,

after the

movement.

9 The self- Disagreed 11 x2=1.445 0 0 esteem of (100) P= 0.836 peasants Uncertain 0 0 7 (100) and their Agreed women are

not hurt by 335 24 (6.6) 3 (0.8) landlords (92.5) after the

movement.

10. Peasants’ Disagreed 18 x2=138.851 19 (50) 1 (2.6) women are (47.4) P= 0.000 not Uncertain 0 0 5 (100) harassed by Agreed landlords 330 5 (1.5) 2 (0.6) after the (97.9) movement.

4.3.5 Associations between Ejectment and Peasants Movement

142 Modernisation had a mix of positive and negative effects on society. It increased unit production, reduced production cost and fulfilled growing population needs on one side; however, on the other side, it reduced the demand for unskilled labour. The landlords, as a result, made an authoritative decision to eject peasants from their lands. The decision created resentment among peasants, and they revolted against the landlords and ejected them in turn from lands and destroyed their property. To test the association between ejectment and peasant's movement, the perception of ejection was limited to a few statements as given in Table 4.17 and explained below.

The result shows a highly significant association between peasants were ejected from their lands by landlords before the uprising and peasants' movement. Furthermore, a highly significant (P=0.000) association was confirmed between presently peasants cannot be evacuated from their homes by landlords and peasants' movement. Once again, a significant association

(P=0.002) was found between landlords wanting to cultivate the land themselves using modern machinery and peasants' movement. Agricultural reforms in the name of the green revolution brought drastic changes in the agricultural production system. Introduction of innovative technologies reduced the need for unskilled labour and their subsequent ejection movement. The landlords also feared the growing strength of the peasants and wanted to retrieve their arable land for self-cropping. The political wisdom of peasant leaders sensed the conspiracy and initiated a movement to safeguard the peasants' rights. This movement stopped landlords from the accomplishment of their designs. Farhad (1970) viewed that land reforms of Ayub Khan in 1959

143 sensitised landlords to utilise modern machinery and ejected peasants from their land. Under the initiative of Mazdoor Kisan Party, the ejectment was pronounced unlawful. Also, begar (free service) to landowners was denied.

Moreover, a significant (0.001) association was found between landlords used to settle the lease matter before the agitation and peasants' movement. Again, a significant (0.001) association was found between lease matters are settled mutually after the uprising and peasants' movement as their saviour. Once again, a significant (0.001) association was found between private guards of landlords and police are not used for the peasant's evacuation after the uprising and peasants' movement. Peasants' movement brought a significant shift in the landlord's attitude. Landlords once deciding the fate of peasants ruthlessly are now on the back foot after peasant movement. The private militia engaged for controlling peasants have become ineffective, and the peasants are no-more or less powerful than landlords in decision making. The landlords now are obliged to sit beside peasants in making land-related decisions. The results show that seesaw of power never remained in the balance as initially the migrants were treated inhumanely and forced to leave the land and migrate.

However, the peasant's unity and land reforms of the 1970s strengthened the peasant group. Fear of landlessness due to evacuation and vulnerable to debt subjection created a do or die like situation for the peasants (Kara, 2014;

Ahmed, 1972; and Dawn, 2017).

Conversely, non-significant association (P=0.075) was found between landlords' evacuation from their lands by the peasants and peasants' movement.

Again a non-significant association (P=0.0851) existed between peasants

144 formed communes to bring an end to forced evictions by organizing armed resistance and peasants' movement. Likewise, a non-significant association

(P=0.0851) was found between evictions of peasants by landlords caused migration to cities and peasants' movement.

The results help to conclude that ejectment of peasants from the lands has its roots in the modernisation of agriculture and desire for land. Due to mechanised agriculture, the unskilled labour became a liability, and the landlords wished to self-crop their fields. The poor labour class was ordered by the authoritative landlord to evacuate the land and settle somewhere else. This unidirectional decision of ejectment created resentment in the peasants and organised them into peasants' movement. The organised peasants overpowered the private militia of the landlords, destroyed their properties and residencies and made them flee. In the post peasants' movement scenario, the landlords- peasants power was balanced, and the landlords started negotiation with the peasants.

Table-4.21: Associations between Ejectment and Peasants Movement Do you consider peasant movement as your saviour?

S.No Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi- square test

1 Peasants Disagreed 4 (36.4) 0.0 7 (63.6) x2=18.325

were ejected Uncertain 1 (14.3) 0.0 6 (85.7) from their Agreed P= 0.001 340 lands by 19 (5.2) 3 (0.8) (93.9) landlords

145 S.No Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi- square test before the

movement.

2 Peasants Disagreed 0 0 11 (100) x2= 31.36

cannot be Uncertain 0 0 6 (100) evacuated Agreed P=0.000- from their

homes by 24 (6.3) 3 (0.8) 353(92.9) landlords

after the

movement.

3 Reason for Disagreed 0 0 11 (100) x2=2 1.194

peasant’s Uncertain 0 0 4 (100) evacuation Agreed P=0.002 by landlords

was that they

want to 338 cultivate the 24 (6.6) 3 (0.8) (92.6) land

themselves

using

modern

146 S.No Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi- square test agricultural

machinery.

4 Landlords Disagreed 0 0 10 (100) x2= 41.700)

used to settle Uncertain 0 0 11 (100) the lease Agreed P= 0.001 matter 332 24 (6.7) 3 (0.8) before the (92.5) movement.

5 Lease Disagreed 0 0 10 (100) x2= 41.700

matters are Uncertain 0 0 11 (100) settled Agreed P= 0.001 mutually 24 (6.7) 3 (0.8) 332(92.5) after the

movement.

6 Private Disagreed 0 0 10 (100) x2= 41.700

guards of Uncertain 0 0 11 (100) landlords Agreed P= 0.001 and police 332 are not used 24 (6.7) 3 (0.8) (92.5) for peasant’s

evacuation

147 S.No Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi- square test after the

movement.

7 During the Disagreed 0 0 10 (100) x2= 1.786

movement, Uncertain 0 0 12 (100) landlords Agreed P= 0.775 were

evacuated 331 from their 24 (6.7) 3 (0.8) (92.5) lands and

homes by

peasants.

8 Peasants Disagreed 0 0 10 (100) x2= 1.361

formed Uncertain 0 0 7 (100) communes Agreed P=0.851 to bring an

end to forced 336 evictions by 24 (6.6) 3 (0.8) (92.6) organizing

armed

resistance.

9 Disagreed 0 0 10 (100) x2=1.361

148 S.No Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi- square test Evictions of Uncertain 0 0 7 (100)

peasants by Agreed P=0.851 landlords 336 caused 24 (6.6) 3 (0.8) (92.6) migration to

cities.

4.3.6 Associations between Agricultural Productivity and Peasants Movement

In conventional agricultural system was based on muscle power; therefore, the food production system was labour intensive. The highest number of labour was engaged in farm-related activities for greater yield. Peasants of large size families were preferred for subletting land on tenancy as they were able to engage more labour and grow more crops. With the mechanisation of agriculture and modernisation of agricultural technologies, the large size of peasant families became a liability. The landlords started to relinquish their lands and eject peasants to employ modern cropping techniques on their land and enhance their income through higher productivity. The peasants resisted these ejections and revolted against landlords through peasant movement. To test the association between the ejection and peasants' movement reliably, the perception of peasants' movement was limited to a few statements as given in

Table 4.18 and explained below.

149 A highly significant association (P=0.000) was found between land reforms of the ‘60s and ‘70s accelerating peasant unrest and peasants' movement.

Furthermore, significant (P=0.002) association was found between agricultural productivity and peasants' movement, with productivity increasing after the uprising. Besides, a significant (P=0.001) association was found between free labour to landlords is abolished, which increased agricultural productivity and peasants' movement. As indicated by a few investigations in Pakistan, 9% of landowners possess 42% of the land, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is not exempted

(Naqvi et al., 1989). Land reforms of Ayub Khan in 1959 sensitised landlords to announce their land as self-cultivated. They began to utilise modern machinery and ejected peasants from their land. Under the initiative of the

Mazdoor Kisan Party, the ejectment was pronounced unlawful; also begar (free service) to landowners was denied. Conflicts amongst landowners and peasants started. Feudal lords' private militia alongside state apparatus was utilized to suppress the peasants (Farhad, 1970). In 1960s and ‘70s, land reforms were carried out for legitimised circulation of land, access to assets, diminishment in poverty and the abolition of exploitation. Likewise, regulations and the relationship between peasants and landlords were reformed (Naqvi et al., 1989).

Moreover, a highly significant (P=0.000) association was found between the pre-existing system of batai (sharecropping) was replaced with a new, cash- based system of land tenure and peasants' movement. Again, a significant

(P=0.002) association was found between food security has been achieved now and peasants' movement. The results further show a significant (P=0.003) association between peasants used modern agricultural innovative technologies

150 after the uprising and peasants' movement. Again a highly significant (0.000) association existed between peasants also increased their productivity by, poultry farms and other livestock and the peasants' movement. Changes in the land tenure system provided higher power and liberty to the peasant group to manage the fields as per their wisdom and in line with market demands.

Freedom to make decision created a sense of ownership in peasants; they went in various cash based contractual agreements with the landlord and acquired land. The rent was paid to the landlord, and the agricultural products became the property of the peasant. The peasants introduced innovative technologies and integrated crop, poultry and livestock management into practice and increased their income many folds. These findings are in line with Javed (2015), which stated that in Pakistan's situation of agricultural production changed as the conventional agricultural basis shifted to technological base innovative agriculture. Two interconnected marvels, the modernization of the farming area using high return seeds, automation and an enhanced water system framework

(all together called the Green Revolution), and the improvement of an essential yet quickly developing assembling part lie at the core of these progressions.

Conversely, a nonsignificant association (P=0.490) was found between peasants produce surplus agricultural yield after the movement and peasants' movement.

Likewise, a non-significant association (P=0.720) was found between the right to own the manure produced by the peasant's livestock and peasants' movement.

In summary, peasants were engaged intensively by the landlords to get maximum agricultural production. Various tactics were used to keep peasants engaged and under control with low returns to them. With modernisation,

151 demand for excessive labour was falling, and the landlord compelled the peasants to abandon their lands. The peasants rejected this stance of landlords and started systematic efforts to topple landlords' supremacy. The new power equilibrium was established with a more balanced power structure and relations between peasants and landlords. Peasants underwent agreements with landlords under new terms and conditions and paid cash rent to them with the right of use of land vested into peasants. Liberty to use land opened new avenues for technological use and integrated agriculture for the peasants and increased their agricultural productivity and income.

Table-4.22: Associations between Agricultural Productivity and Peasants Movement Do you consider the peasant movement as your saviour?

S.No Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi-

square

test

1 Land reforms of Disagreed 18 x2=52.401 0 0 the ’60s and ’70s (100)

accelerate the P=0.000 Uncertain 11 0 0 peasants’ (100) movement. Agreed 324 24 (6.8) 3 (0.9) (92.3)

2 Agricultural Disagreed 21 x2=32.491 0 0 productivity is (100)

152 S.No Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi-

square

test

increased after Uncertain 0 0 9 (100) the movement. Agreed 323 P= 0.002 24 (6.9) 3 (0.9) (92.3)

3 Free labour Disagreed 19 x2=44.401 0 0 (beggar) to (100)

landlords is Uncertain 10 P=0.001 0 0 abolished, which (100) increased Agreed 324 agricultural 24 (6.8) 3 (0.9) (92.3) productivity.

4 The pre-existing Disagreed 19 x2= 0 0

system of batai (100) 36.491

(sharecropping, Uncertain 11 0 0 rent in-kind) was (100) P=0.000 replaced with a Agreed new, cash-based 323 24 (6.9) 3 (0.9) system of land (92.3) tenure.

5 Food security Disagreed 18 x2= 0 0

has been (100) 29.491

153 S.No Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi-

square

test

achieved after Uncertain 12 0 0 the movement. (100) P=0.002

Agreed 323 24 (6.9) 3 (0.9) (92.3)

6 Peasants use Disagreed 18 x2= 0 0

modern (100) 22.491

agricultural Uncertain 12 0 0 machinery, (100) P=0.003 artificial Agreed fertilisers and 323 24 (6.9) 3 (0.9) pesticides after (92.3) the movement.

7 Peasants produce Disagreed 0 0 17 x2=3.419

surplus Uncertain 0 0 23 agricultural yield Agreed P= 0.490 313 after the 24 (7.1) 3 (0.9) (92.1) movement.

8 Peasants also Disagreed 34 x2= 1 (2.9) 0

increased their (97.1) 56.087

154 S.No Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi-

square

test

productivity by Uncertain 11 0 0 poultry farms (100) P=0.000 and other live Agreed 308 stocks. 23 (6.9) 3 (0.9) (92.2)

9 Right to own the Disagreed 16 x2= 0 0 manure (100) 2.087

(fertiliser) Uncertain 0 0 11(100) produced by Agreed P=0.720 peasant’s

353 livestock was 24 (6.3) 3 (0.8) (92.9) granted after the

movement.

4.3.7 Associations between Politics and Peasants Movement

The peasants were exploited as they were disorganised and powerless.

They did not know that their actual strength lies in their unity. The peasant leaders, most of which belong to outside areas, amassed the peasants to raise the voice against their exploitation. The peasant movement, with time, got strength and managed to gather a vast majority of peasants under its umbrella. The manifesto of the peasant movement was broadened and extended to safeguard their educational and health-related needs. It got the shape of a political

155 movement and shaped its peasant security policies. To counterbalance the power of peasants, the landlords started their political movement and interrupted the peasants' movement by introducing multiple political parties to divide peasants' power. Association of politics and peasant movement is given in Table

4.19 and explained as under.

A highly significant association (P=0.000) was found between peasants were united after the movement and peasants' movement, besides, significant association (P=0.001) was affirmed between peasants are still united in a single party and peasants' movement. Also, peasants' movement had a significant association with politically peasants inspired by Marxism and Maoism

(P=0.000), peasants have their interpretation of Islam in regards to feudalism

(p=0.002) and peasant's movement of Hashtnagar influence peasants of other districts also (P=0.000). Securing peasants interests and rights was the underlying theme behind peasants' movement. The political nomenclature of the movement and its manifesto was refined later on. Some keen political observers from outside Hashtnagar joined the movement and led it to the desired destination. The members of the movement were free to express their views.

However, the association with the movement was robust. Landlords also formed different parties in order to control the peasants' movement. Landlords declared peasants as un-Islamic and communists in order to gain sympathies of religious scholars and the general public (Khan, 2007). Politically Mazdoor Kisan Party pledged to establish labour and peasant courts in order to abolish absentee landlords and unlimited ownership of land for the greater well-being of the working class. Its party leaders also promise to unite all leftist parties, so if got

156 power will provide free education up to matric and will restore the 1973 constitution in its original form (Dawn, 2002).

Conversely, the association of peasants' movement was non-significant with peasants are now free to vote and join any political party (P=0.879), peasants have established their political parties (P=0.879) and the top leadership of peasant uprising was from outside Hashtnagar.

To conclude, the landlords managed to rule and exploit the peasant class to their disorganisation. The landlord's strategies kept peasants disorganised and powerless. Awareness of peasants regarding their disorganisation and its repercussions was mostly from outsiders. The peasants were organised under peasants' movement to raise voice against the landlord's oppression and secure their rights. The landlords tried to counter the peasants' political movement by creating rifts in their leadership on religious and political grounds but in vain.

157 Table-4.23: Associations between Politics and Peasants Movement Do you consider the peasant movement as your saviour?

S.No Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi-

square

test

1 You are now Disagreed 0 0 9(100) x2=1.194

P=0.879 free to vote Uncertain 0 0 6(100)

and join any Agreed 24(6.6) 3(0.8) 338(92.6) political party.

2 Landlords and Disagreed 0 0 9(100) x2=1.194

P= 0.879 peasants have Uncertain 0 0 6(100)

established their own Agreed 24(6.6) 3(0.8) 338(92.6) political

parties.

3 The top Disagreed 0 0 9(100) x2=1.194

leadership of Uncertain 0 0 6(100) P= 0.879

the peasant’s Agreed uprising was 24(6.6) 3(0.8) 338(92.6) from outside

Hashtnagar.

4 All peasants Disagreed 0 0 16(100) x2=183.49

are united after Uncertain 20(60.6) 1(3.0) 12(36.4) P= 0.000

the movement. Agreed 4(1.2) 2(0.6) 325(98.2)

158 S.No Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi-

square

test

5 Peasants are Disagreed 18(5.3) 3(0.9) 317(93.8) x2=18.560

still united in Uncertain 6(27.3) 0 16(72.7) P= 0.001

one single Agreed

party of their 0 0 20(100)

own.

6 Politically Disagreed 8(7.8) 1(1.0) 94(91.3) x2=13.252

peasants were Uncertain 1(0.7) 1(0.7) 140(98.6) P= 0.000

inspired by Agreed

Marxism and 15(11.1) 1(0.7) 119(88.9)

Maoism.

7 Peasants have Disagreed 1(4.5) 0 21(95.5) x2=17.559

their own Uncertain 4(36.4) 0 7(63.6) P= .002

interpretation Agreed of Islam in 19(5.5) 3(0.9) 325(93.7) regards to

feudalism.

8 Peasant’s Disagreed 10(45.5) 1(4.5) 11(50) x2=88.090

movement of Uncertain 4(40) 0 6(60) P= 0.000

Hashtnagar Agreed

influence 10(2.9) 2(0.6) 336(96.6)

peasants of

159 S.No Attribute Disagreed Uncertain Agreed Chi-

square

test

other districts

also.

160 CHAPTER-5

FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND

RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Major Findings

The current study aimed at examining the causes of Peasants' Movement its socio-economic impacts on peasants' community. A total of 380 respondents were selected from various hamlets of the study universe. Significant findings of the research are summarised as below.

A significant proportion of 29.7 % and 27.1% respondents were aged between 41-50 and 31-40 years, respectively, 20.3%were from the age group

51-60 years, 17.1% belonged to the age group of 20-30 years and the remaining

5.8% had more than 61 years of age. A majority of 93.7% respondents were married, 23.9% respondents were illiterate, 34.5% had a primary level of education, 21.6% and 10.3% were having a secondary and metric level education respectively, and a small proportion of 5% and 3.4% respondents had education up to graduate or post-graduate level respectively. Furthermore,

77.1% of respondents were farmers, 10% were unemployed, and another 2.1% and 6.8% were employed in public and private sector jobs respectively. A majority of 75.5% of respondents had ownership of a piece of land, while 24.5% were landless.

161 The uni-variate results reveal that the majority of 93.7% of the sampled respondents agreed that poverty was the leading cause of peasant agitation.

Also, 73.7% said that they received agricultural land after the peasant's movement, 68.2% added that their acquired land was self-cultivated and 87.6% reported that they could buy as well as sell the land. Furthermore, a majority of

90.8% respondents stated that peasants could start a business of their choice,

78.7% reported that their income per month increased after the movement.

Furthermore, an even proportion of 93.9% of respondents agreed that the landlords reduced the land rent after the peasant movement and agricultural labourers wages have been increased after the movement. Also 92.4% disagreed that peasants' movement increased the poverty of agricultural labourers, 96.3% agreed that they were exempted from private taxes imposed by landlords like

Tip and Tora after the movement, 94.7% reported increase in peasant's share after the movement and 92.4% agreed that the uprising resulted in a reduction of poverty.

While responding to questions on alienation majority of 89.7% respondents agreed that alienation was the reason behind the peasants' revolt against landlords, 89.5% agreed that the alienated peasants were satisfied after peasant's movement and 96.3% agreed that vertical mobility had been made after peasant uprising. The results further show that respondents agreed that they were taking great interest in routine work after the movement (95.5%) and felt a sense of belonging to Hashtnagar after the movement (95.3%), the peasants take an interest in agriculture and livestock (95.3%) and have realised their social status after the movement (95.5%). Similarly, 68.7% of respondents

162 agreed that peasants were taking an interest in music and poetry after the movement and (95.8%) agreed that landlords kept a distance from peasants after the movement.

Questions on awareness were responded as the majority of (94.2%) respondents agreed that peasants' awareness was the main reason that leads peasants to agitation. Also, an even proportion of 88.4% respondents each agreed that peasants were practising family planning as a result of awareness and peasants were aware of their human rights and 92.6% reported that peasants seek high education. The results further show that 92.6% of respondents were of the view that peasants had access to better health care systems. 92.4% admitted that the status of women folk improved and 92.4% stated that women education is given special attention. Furthermore, 60% of respondents agreed that peasants know how to use and take advantage of print and electronic media, and 54.2% stated that peasants recognise social change through ballot paper.

Perception of the respondents regarding landlords’ attitudes towards peasants is summarised as 94.5% respondents disagreed that landlords' attitude with peasants before the movement was pleasant. However, 93.4% agreed that landlords' attitude after the movement was hostile, 88.7% stated that landlords treated peasants as their subjects before the movement. Similarly, 88.4% stated that peasants were not allowed to wear clean and neat clothes, 89.2% supported the view that peasants were forced to obey the out-dated customs and traditions, and 88.9% avowed that peasants' were not allowed to comb and style their hair before the movement. The results further unveil that 88.9% of respondents were of the view that landlords gave respect to peasants after the movement. Also,

163 96.1% agreed that women were freed from the forced work in the landlords' homes, 85.8% stated that landlords do not hurt the self-esteem of peasants and their women after the movement, and 95.3% agreed that landlords do not harass peasants' women after the movement.

The perception of the respondents regarding ejectment show that majority of 95.5% respondents viewed that peasants were ejected from their lands by landlords before the movement. Besides 95.5% agreed that the ejection of peasants from lands stopped after peasants movement, 96.1% respondents affirmed that reason for peasants' evacuation by landlords was that they wanted to cultivate the land themselves using modern agricultural machinery. The results further show that a majority of 94.5% respondents agreed that before the peasants uprising landlords used to settle the lease matter. Also, 94.5% stated that lease matters are settled mutually after the movement. Besides 94.5% respondents agreed that private guards of landlords and police are not used for peasants' evacuation after the movement and 94.2% agreed that during the movement landlords were evacuated from their lands and homes by peasants.

95.5% reported that peasants formed communes to bring an end to forced evictions, and 95.5% reported that previous evictions of peasants by landlords caused migration to cities.

Perception of the respondents regarding agricultural productivity show that 92.4% of respondents were of the view that in Pakistan land reforms of the

'60s and '70s accelerate the peasants' movement, agricultural productivity increased after the peasants' movement (92.1%), free labour (beggar) to landlords is abolished which increased agricultural productivity (92.4%). The

164 results further show that the majority (92.1%) respondents were of the view that the pre-existing system of batai (sharecropping, rent in-kind) was replaced with a new, cash-based system. Also, 92.1% stated that peasants achieved food security after the movement. Similarly, 92.1% reported that peasants used modern agricultural machinery, artificial fertilisers and pesticides after the movement. Besides, 89.5% agreed that peasants produce surplus agricultural yield after the movement, 87.9% stated that peasants also increased their productivity by poultry farms, and other live stocks and 92.9% reported that right to own the manure produced by peasant's livestock was granted after the movement.

Results on respondents perception regarding policies are summarised as the majority of 96.1% peasants were free to vote and join any political party of their choice. Also, 96.1% agreed that to safeguard their interests, peasants and landlords had established their political parties, 96.1% were of the view that top leadership of the peasants' movement was from outside the Hashtnagar. The results further show that the majority of 87.1% of respondents agreed that all peasants were united after the movement. However, 20% agreed that peasants were still united in one single party of their own, 35.5% agreed that politically peasants were inspired by Marxism and Maoism. Besides, 91.3% stated that peasants had their interpretation of Islam in regards to feudalism, 91.6% were of the view that movement of Hashtnagar influenced peasants of other districts and 92.9% stated that peasants and labourers strongly favour Mazdoor Kisan

Party Movement.

165 Perception of the respondents regarding social relations between landlords and peasants show that 52.6% of respondents agreed that peasants and landlords participate in funeral ceremonies of each other. Also, peasants and landlords participate in wedding ceremonies of each other was agreed by 21.3%, and Eid prayers and Friday prayers are offered in one mosque was agreed by

43.7%. The result further shows that peasants no longer presented chickens, eggs and dairy products on occasions related to landlords after the movement.

Similarly (92.1%), peasants no longer offered greetings (Salaam) to landlords at regular intervals (93.9%) and peasants were free to marry anywhere of their choice without asking the consent of landlords (94.7%). Besides, a majority of

95.5% of respondents agreed that social relations between peasants and agricultural labourers were better. However, 95% disagreed that social relations between landlords and agricultural labourers were better. Also, 84.2% were of the view that the young generation of both peasants and landlords were in good relations, and 95% reported that peasants were not bound to landlords and could migrate anywhere of their choice after the movement.

The variable of law and order situation due to peasants and landlord infighting is summarised as the majority of 86.3% respondents agreed that law and order problems started after the movement. Also, 91.1% viewed that landlords established their own rules and regulations and imposition of fines on peasants when they were at their full power. Besides, 83.7% disagreed that the police department restored law and order situation, and 84.5% respondents stated that Mazdoor Kisan Party, controlling law and order situation amongst peasants. The results show that in comparison to other districts law and order

166 situation of Charsadda was better as 82.1% respondents agreed to the statement.

96.1% of respondents agreed that court orders in favour of landlords were not implemented due to peasants' resistance, 95.8% were of the view that law still needed attention to precisely explain tenure rights.

Responses on the variable 'litigation' show that 96.1% of respondents were of the view that litigation adversely affected the education and health of landlords class. However, 88.4% negated that litigation adversely affected the education and health of peasants, 47.6% agreed that litigation between landlords and peasants still existed, 96.1% described that landlords mostly succeeded in lawsuits whereas, 20.5% were of the view that peasants mostly succeeded.

Furthermore, 96.6% respondents stated that precious time of peasants was wasted in litigation, 65.8% reported that litigation caused financial burdens on peasants and 87.1% admitted that conflicts amongst peasants were settled in

Jirga.

Perception of the respondents regarding militancy initiated due to peasant movement show that 50.5% of respondents were of the view that the uprising led to weaponisation. Also, 95% stated that landlords and peasants resolved their issues by force, 10.3% stated that armed peasants join other militant organisations, 85.3% agreed that most of the casualties were from peasants during the armed struggle and 1.8% stated that most of the casualties were from landlords during the armed struggle. The results further unveil that

77.6% of respondents were of the view that peasants were offensive against the landlords. However, 81.3% disagreed that labourers were the least militant in comparison to peasants; 92.9% avowed that safeguarding (chowkidary) of

167 landlords by peasants at night has been abolished after the movement and 88.9% described that peasants' militancy was of in political nature.

Chi-square test was used at the bi-variate level to test the association among study variables. The bivariate association between poverty and Peasants'

Movement show that peasants' movement had a highly significant association with poverty lead peasants to agitation (P=0.000). Similarly, peasants got agricultural land due to Peasant's Movement (P=0.000), the land is self- cultivated (P=0.000), increase in peasant's income after the peasants' movement

(P=0.000) and wages of agricultural labour have been increased. Moreover, peasants' movement had a significant association with peasants can buy and sell land (P=0.001), and landlords have reduced the rent on peasants (P=0.002).

Conversely, a non-significant association was found between peasants movement and peasants can start their own business (P=0.253), peasants uprising increased the poverty of agricultural labourers (P=0.182), and peasants were exempted from private taxes imposed by the landlords (P=0.892).

Associations results between Alienation and Peasants Movement show that peasants' movement had a highly significant association with the alienation of peasants as alienated peasants instigated a revolt against landlords (P=0.000).

Alienated peasants are now satisfied (P=0.000), and vertical mobility of peasants occurred after the movement (P=0.000). Peasants take great interest in their daily routine work (P=0.000), peasants take a keen interest in agriculture, lives stock after the victorious uprising (P=0.000) and peasants are now taking an interest in music and poetry (P=0.000). Besides, peasants' movement had a significant association with peasants now feel a sense of belonging to

168 Hashtnagar (P=0.001) and landlords keep a distance from peasants (P=0.036).

Conversely, a non-significant (0.045) association was found between peasants, realised their social status and peasants' movement.

Associations between Awareness and Peasants Movement show that peasant's movement had a highly significant association with peasant's awareness of being exploited (P=0.000). Due to awareness, peasants are now practising family planning (P=0.000), and they have access to better health care system (P=0.000). Similarly, peasants are now highly aware of their human rights (P=0.000) and seek high education (P=0.000). Also, the status of women has been improved (P=0.000), peasants are now very active to use and take advantages of print and electronic media (P=0.000) and recognising social change through ballot paper (P=0.000).

Associations between landlords' attitude and Peasants Movement unveil that peasants' movement had a highly significant association with hostile landlords' attitude with peasants before the movement (P=0.000). Peasants were not allowed to wear clean clothes (P=0.000) and were forced to obey the out- dated customs and traditions (P=0.000). Peasants were considered the landlord's subjects (P=0.000), and peasants were not allowed to comb their hairs before the movement (P=0.000), and landlords do not harass peasants' women after the movement (P=0.000). Conversely, a non-significant association was found between peasants' movement and landlords' attitude with peasants before the movement was pleasant (P=0.847). Similarly, landlords give respect to peasants after the movement (P=0.879), the landlord does not force peasant women to work in their homes, after the movement (P=0.865) and self-esteem of the

169 peasants and their women are not hurt by landlords after the movement

(P=0.836).

Associations between Ejectment and Peasants Movement is summarised as the peasants' movement had a highly significant association with present peasants cannot be evacuated from their homes by landlords (P=0.000). In addition, peasants' movement had a significant association with landlords wanting to cultivate the land themselves using modern machinery (P=0.002).

Also, landlords used to settle the lease matter before the agitation (0.001), however, lease matters are settled mutually after the uprising (0.001) and private guards of landlords and police are not used for the peasant's evacuation after the uprising (0.001). Conversely, a non-significant association was found between peasants' movement and landlords' evacuation from their lands by the peasants

(P=0.075), peasants formed communes to bring an end to forced evictions by organising armed resistance (P=0.0851), evictions of peasants by landlords caused migration to cities (P=0.0851).

Associations between Agricultural Productivity and Peasants'

Movement show that peasants' movement had a highly significant association with land reforms of the ‘60s and ‘70s. The reforms accelerated peasant unrest

(P=0.000), the pre-existing system of batai (sharecropping) was replaced with a new, cash-based system of land tenure (P=0.000) and peasants also increased their productivity by poultry farms and other livestock (P=0.000). Furthermore, peasants' movement had a significant association with agricultural productivity increased after the uprising (P=0.002). Similarly, free labour to landlords is abolished which increased agricultural productivity (P=0.001), food security

170 has been achieved now (P=0.001) and peasants used modern agricultural innovative technologies after the uprising (P=0.003). Conversely, peasants' movement had a non-significant association with peasants produce surplus agricultural yield after the movement (P=0.490) and right to own the manure produced by the peasant's livestock (P=0.720).

Summary of associations between Politics and Peasants' Movement is presented as the peasants' movement had a highly significant association with peasants were united after the movement (P=0.000). Also, peasants are still united in a single party (P=0.000), politically peasants were inspired by

Marxism and Maoism (P=0.000) and peasant's movement of Hashtnagar influence peasants of other districts also (P=0.000). Besides, a significant association was found between peasants' movement and peasants having their own interpretation of Islam in regards to feudalism (p=0.002). Conversely, the association of peasants' movement was non-significant with peasants are now free to vote and join any political party (P=0.879), peasants have established their political parties (P=0.879) and the top leadership of peasant uprising was from outside Hashtnagar (P=0.879).

171 5.2 Conclusions

It is concluded that landholding is the primary determinant of social status in the agricultural economy. The landowners, for a fuller control of the land and higher income, tried to introduce mechanised farming and eject peasants. The importance of land for the life of peasants compelled them to organise and initiate a movement against landlords and establish full control over the lands. It also helped the peasants to get rid of their poverty by increasing agricultural productivity and its associated monetary income. The peasant has now been in the position to bargain with the landlord on mutually agreed rent and work on landlords' land on higher wages in a dignified manner.

The landlord class maintained their supremacy on the peasants by alienating them from the agricultural products they created, the procedure of generating agricultural products, their activities related to agricultural production and from the group of their colleagues. The resentment created in peasant class due to non-ownership of work instigated them to revolt against landlords. The land acquired after the peasant movement redeemed the ownership sense in the peasants and revitalised their interest in work. A decisive, satisfied and willing to work peasant prospered rapidly and climbed up the social mobility ladder. The bonds of the peasants within themselves and with general society were strengthened, and the peasant class is now more work-oriented in pursuit of their individual and collective socio-economic goals.

172 Level of awareness is an essential contributor in initiating a revolutionary campaign and guiding it to the desired results. The exploiters managed to exploit the peasant group by hiding facts. However, an authentic leadership's principal stress remained on awareness-raising of peasants regarding their exploitation of individual and familial level, and subsequently, the peasants were organised for the movement. The high awareness level helped them topple the landlord's rule and get freedom through a peasant movement. The awareness-raising campaign did not stop at the success of the peasants' movement; instead, it continued afterword to develop positive attitudes and behaviours in the peasant class to sustain their success. The awareness level helped the peasants to control population growth, abide by the fundamental human rights and secure higher education. The awareness-raising campaigns also trained the masses in the effective use of electronic and print media and use of political power for desired results.

The attitude of landlords towards peasants was inhuman. The peasants were interfered with and exploited in both their public and private lives. They and their families were believed as the landlords' property where landlords could use them any way they wanted. Various inhumane traditions and rules were established to control the peasants. The peasants were demoralised to the extent that they were forbidden to wear clean clothes and comb hair. The women of peasant families were obliged to work in landlords home, and that work was free of cost. These negative attitudes from the owners ignited the sentiments of the peasants to start a revolt against landlords. The hatred with landlords was to the extent that even small kids wanted to become comrades of

173 their liberty. The revolution was bloody and left several miseries; however, the peasants managed to redeem their lost prestige and property.

Ejectment of peasants from the lands has its roots in the modernisation of agriculture and the desire for land. Due to mechanised agriculture, the unskilled labour became a liability, and the landlords wished to self-crop their fields. The poor labour class was ordered by the authoritative landlord to evacuate the land and settle somewhere else. This unilateral decision of ejectment created resentment in the peasants and organised them into peasants' movement. The organised peasants overpowered the private militia of the landlords, destroyed their property and residencies and made them flee. In the post peasants' movement scenario, the landlords-peasants power was balanced, and the landlords started negotiation with the peasants.

Peasants were engaged intensively by the landlords to get maximum agricultural production. Various tactics were used to keep peasants engaged and under control with low returns to them. With modernisation, demand for excessive labour was falling, and the landlord compelled the peasants to abandon their lands. The peasants rejected this stance of landlords and started systematic efforts to topple landlords' supremacy. The new power equilibrium was established with a more balanced power structure and relations between peasants and landlords. Peasants underwent agreements with landlords under new terms and conditions and paid cash rent to them with the right of use of land vested into peasants. Liberty to use land opened new avenues for technological use and integrated agriculture for the peasants and increased their agricultural productivity and income.

174 The landlords managed to rule and exploit the peasant class due to their disorganisation. The landlord's strategies kept peasants disorganised and powerless. Awareness of the peasants regarding their disorganisation and its repercussions was mostly from outsiders. The peasants were organised under peasants' movement to raise voice against the landlord's oppression and secure their rights. The landlords tried to counter the peasants' political movement by creating rifts in their leadership on religious and political grounds but in vain.

The research findings validate Karl Max theory of alienation as the labourer is estranged from the products he delivers since it is claimed and arranged by the entrepreneur. In all social orders, individuals utilise their inventive capacities to deliver objects which they either utilise, trade or offer.

Nonetheless, with the impact of free enterprise, this turns into an estranged movement since the specialist cannot utilise the items he makes to take part in further gainful action. The labourer's needs, regardless of how frantic they might be, do not give him authorisation to the responsibility for he may have created as the items delivered by him are the property of another. Along these lines, labourers deliver money and crops for the market despite the way that they are unfortunate, farmhouses which they cannot buy or make autos they cannot bear to purchase and the rundown goes on. The second constituent of distance Marx distinguished is an absence of control over the means of production. Labourers have no say over the conditions in which they work and how their function is arranged or how it influences them physically and rationally. The specialists do not have a choice of a job, but they are compelled to work harshly. Since they are constrained by their supervisors, who are

175 headed to influence them to work harder and speedier for amplified benefits.

Workers are estranged from other people. This distance emerges partially due to the feelings of disdain, which begin from the class structure of society.

Specialists are distanced from the individuals who abuse work and control items the labourers produce. Alienation from our species being can be viewed as the fourth segment of estrangement. What makes us human is our capacity to shape our general surroundings deliberately. Be that as it may, under free enterprise work is constrained to work. The work bears no relationship to our slants or our aggregate advantages ("Karl Marx - Alienation", 2017). Alienation on all four components was visible in peasants of Hashtnagar that compelled them to organise and revolt.

5.3 Recommendations

1. Poverty is the main reason social rifts and conflicts in peasant and

landlord class. It is recommended to ornament the peasants and the

landlords with the knowledge and skills that are helpful in higher

agricultural productivity, and engagement in alternative employment

opportunities. Besides, diffusion of modern agricultural technologies,

like seeds, pesticides, fertilisers and other innovative farming practices

along with the provision of soft loans, can further reduce poverty and

increase the income of the locals.

2. NGOs and other welfare organisations should be encouraged to develop

and implement peasant welfare and development programs.

176 Interventions of these programs should be extended to vulnerable

landlords that becoming poor.

3. Establishing village level organisation having a membership of

landlords, peasants elected representatives of local bodies and

agricultural department for integrated and participatory agricultural

development and safeguarding rights of both peasants and landlords.

4. Inclusion of peasants in the farm-related decision in terms of deciding

land rent, items produced, and procedure of production can be

beneficial. It can be attained by giving them membership at village-level

organisations and highlighting their say in such decisions

democratically.

5. Initiating peacebuilding measures at the village and local community

level and landlords and peasants using customary institutions like Jirga

and government institutions like peace and conflict/conciliation centres

established at the district level.

6. Initiating awareness-raising campaigns at the community level to

highlight rights, responsibilities and other developmental initiatives

(health, education, population growth et cetera) of each stakeholder

groups and integration of efforts from government agencies, NGOs and

local leaders (religious and political leaders) in the awareness-raising

and reconciliation efforts.

177 7. Initiating trust-building measures among peasants and landlords for

reconciliation of tense issues, development of mutual respect and sense

of mutual coexistence. Involvement of public figures can help in

accelerating such reconciliation processes.

8. Implementation of human rights and abolishing unpaid labour

(especially by women folk) in its true spirit by devising such initiative,

including use of mass media that can promptly report human rights

violations and curb the culprits.

9. Organising such events, fairs and sports activities in which youth from

landlord and peasants group are provided to mix up, communicate with

each other and collaborates their efforts jointly in pursuit of common

goals.

10. Implementation of land reforms in its true spirit and ensuring rights of

preemption to the peasant class, i.e. instead of selling land on buyers of

other districts; first offer to buy should be given to peasants as they are

willing to pay for it.

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190 APPENDICES

Appendix-A: QUESTIONNAIRE

1. Poverty

S# Statements Disagree Uncertain Agreed

1. Poverty was the main reason that

leads peasants to agitation.

2. You get agricultural land after the Peasant’s Movement.

3. Your land is self-cultivated.

4. You can buy and sell land.

5. You can start any business.

6. The income per month increased after the Peasant’s Movement.

7. Landlords have reduced the rent on peasants after the movement.

8. Wages of agricultural labourers have been increased after the movement.

9. Peasant’s uprising increased the poverty of agricultural labourers.

10. Peasants were exempted from private taxes imposed by landlords like “Tip and Tora” after the movement.

11. Share of peasants in crops have been increased after the movement.

12. Peasants’ movement resulted in the

reduction of poverty.

191 2. Alienation

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. Alienation

The reason peasant’s revolted against landlords was alienation.

2. Alienated peasants are now satisfied after the movement.

3. Vertical mobility of peasants occurred after the movement.

4. Peasants take great interest in their daily routine work after the movement.

5. Peasants feel a sense of belonging to Hashtnagar after the movement.

6. The peasants take a keen interest in agriculture, livestock, over the movement.

7. Peasants realised their social status after the movement.

8. Landlords now keep a distance from peasants.

9. Peasants are taking an interest in music and poetry after the movement.

192 3. Awareness

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. Awareness:

Peasant’s awareness was the main reason that leads peasants to agitation.

2. Peasants are now practising family planning as a result of awareness.

3. Peasants are aware enough of

their human rights now.

4. The peasants now seek higher education as a result of awareness.

5. Peasants have access to better

health care systems.

6. Status of women folk

improved after the movement.

7. Women education is given special attention after the movement.

8. Peasants know how to use and take advantage of print and

electronic media, after the movement.

9. Peasants recognised social change through ballot paper after the movement.

193 4. Landlords’ attitude

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. Landlords’ Attitude

Landlords’ attitude with peasants before the movement was pleasant.

2. Landlords’ attitude with peasants after the movement is hostile.

3. Peasants were not allowed to wear clean and neat clothes by landlords.

4. Peasants were forced to obey the out-dated customs and traditions before the movement.

5. Landlords treated peasants as their subjects before the movement.

6. Peasants were not allowed to comb and style their hairs before the movement.

7. Landlords give respect to peasants after the movement.

8. The landlord does not force peasants’ women to work in their homes, after the movement.

9. The self-esteem of peasants and their women are not hurt by landlords after the movement.

10. Peasants’ women are not harassed by landlords after the movement.

194 5. Ejectment

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. Ejectment

Peasants were ejected from their lands by landlords before the movement.

2. Peasants cannot be evacuated from their homes by landlords after the movement.

3. Reason for peasant’s evacuation by landlords was that they want to cultivate the land themselves using modern agricultural machinery.

4. Landlords used to settle the lease matter before the movement.

5. Lease matters are settled mutually after the movement.

6. Private guards of landlords and police are not used for peasant’s evacuation after the movement.

7. During the movement, landlords were evacuated from their lands and homes by peasants.

8. Peasants formed communes to bring an end to forced evictions by organizing armed resistance.

9. Evictions of peasants by landlords caused migration to cities.

195 6. Agricultural productivity

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. Agricultural Productivity:

Land reforms of the ’60s and ’70s accelerate the peasants’ movement.

2. Agricultural productivity is

increased after the movement.

3. Free labour (beggar) to landlords is abolished, which increased agricultural productivity.

4. The pre-existing system of batai (sharecropping, rent in-kind) was

replaced with a new, cash-based system of land tenure

5. Food security has been achieved

after the movement.

6. Peasants use modern agricultural machinery, artificial fertilisers and pesticides after the movement.

7. Peasants produce surplus agricultural yield after the movement.

8. Peasants also increased their productivity by, poultry farms, and other live stocks.

9. Right to own the manure (fertiliser) produced by peasant’s livestock was granted after the movement.

196 7. Politics

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. Politics:

You are now free to vote and join any political party.

2. Landlords and peasants have established their own political parties.

3. The top leadership of the peasant uprising was from outside Hashtnagar

5. All peasants are united after the movement.

6. Peasants are still united in one single party of their own.

7. Politically peasants were inspired by Marxism and Maoism.

8. Peasants have their own interpretation of Islam in regards to feudalism.

9. Peasant’s movement of Hashtnagar influence peasants of other districts also.

10. Peasants and labourers strongly

favour the Mazdoor Kisan Party.

197 8. Social Relations

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. Social Relations:

Peasants and landlords participate in funeral ceremonies of each other.

2. Peasants and landlords participate in wedding ceremonies of each other.

3. Eid prayers and Friday prayers are offered in one mosque.

4. Peasants no longer present chickens, eggs and dairy products on occasions related to landlords after the movement.

5. Peasants no longer offer greetings (Salam) to landlords on regular intervals.

6. Peasants are free to marry anywhere of their choice without asking the consent of landlords.

7. Social relations between peasants and agricultural labourers are better.

8. Social relations between landlords and agricultural labourers are better.

9. The young generation of both peasants and landlords are now in good relations.

10. Peasants are not bound to landlords and can migrate anywhere of their choice after the movement.

198 9. Law and Order Problem

S/No. Statements Disagree Neutral Agree

Law and order problems started after the movement. 1.

2. Landlords established their own rules and regulations and imposition of fines on peasants.

3. Law and order situation was restored

by the police department.

4. Mostly peasants’ law offenders were

punished.

5. Most landlords’ law offenders were

punished.

6. Law and order situation was restored by mutual reconciliation between peasants and landlords.

7. In comparison to other districts, law and order situation of Charsadda is better.

8. Law and order situation amongst peasants were controlled by the Mazdoor Kisan Party.

9. Court orders in favour of landlords are not implemented due to peasants’ resistance.

10. The law still needs attention to

precisely explain tenure ship.

199 10. Litigation

S/No. Statements Disagree Uncertain Agree

1. Litigation adversely affected the

education and health of landlords.

2. Litigation adversely affected the

education and health of peasants.

3. Litigation between landlords and

peasants still exist.

4. Landlords mostly succeeded in

lawsuits.

5. Peasants mostly succeeded in

lawsuits.

6. Precious time of peasants was

wasted in litigation.

7. Litigation caused a financial

burden on peasants.

8. Conflicts amongst peasants were

settled in their own courts (Jirga).

9. Peasants justify their litigation with landlords on the ground that

our forefathers made the barren land fertile and green.

10. Landlords justify their litigation with peasants that the land was

inherited to them from their forefathers.

11. In local Jirga’s peasants claimed that the land was a collective

property of Hashtnagar but the British gave it to landlords as gifts.

200 11. Militancy

1. Militancy

The uprising led to weaponisation.

2. Landlords and peasants resolve their

issues by force.

3. Armed peasants join other militant

organizations also.

4. Most of the casualties were from peasants

during the armed struggle.

5. Most of the casualties were from

landlords during the armed struggle.

6. Peasants are now offensive against the

landlords.

7. Labourers are the least militant in

comparison to peasants.

8. Safeguarding (chowkidary) of landlords by peasants at night is abolished after the movement.

9. Militancy led by peasants was of political

in nature.

201 Appendix-B: GLOSSARY

Glossary Term Glossary Definition

APFOL All Pakistan Federation of Labour

Bar Behram A hamlet attached with Kuz Behram Dheri of tehsil Tangi Dheri of district Charsadda

Bar Behram A hamlet attached with Kuz Behram Dheri of tehsil Tangi Dheri of district Charsadda

Batai Sharecropping, rent in kind

Cholistan It is a desert in Sindh province and approximately is stretched upon an area of 26300 square kilometres.

Chota Malikan It was a party formed by middle-class landlords and was Araziat Party against the Mazdoor Kissan Party.

Eid An Eid is a Muslim religious festival.

Elati Tehreek Name of peasants’ movement active in Sindh from 1940 to 1970.

Farooq Azam It is a prominent place of the district Charsadda bazaar. Chowk

FC Frontier Constabulary, is a federal paramilitary police force of Pakistan

FSC Federal Shariat Court, presented by Gen Zia ul Haq

Gangodher A hamlet in the district Sawabi, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

Gurr Brown Sugar or traditional sugar made from sugar cane juice in a local factory.

Hari Landless peasant farmers in the province of Sindh Pakistan.

202 Hashtnagar The name Hashtnagar is derived from Sanskrit means "The eight towns" situated in district Charsadda.

Hayat Sherpao (1 February 1937 – 8 February 1975), was a Muhammad notable left-wing intellectual and socialist, serving as the Khan Sherpao fifteenth Governor of N-WFP Province of Pakistan, as well as vice-chairman of Pakistan Peoples Party.

IFAP International Federation of Agricultural Producers

IFAD International Fund for Agricultural Development

Ijara Kallay A hamlet in North Hashtnagar Charsadda.

Jagirs It is a Persian word and means "holding land" related to feudal lords or landlords.

Jirga It is a traditional assembly of leaders that make decisions by consensus and according to the teachings of Pashtunwali.

Karo-Kari It is a type of pre-planned honour killing practised mostly in rural and tribal areas of Sindh, Pakistan. Women are killed who are thought to have brought dishonour to their family by involving in pre-marital or extra-marital sex.

Kheduts Means farmers, landless or having a piece of land.

Killadars Means a fort commander or governor.

Kisan An agricultural worker; a peasant.

Kuz Behram It is a union council of tehsil Tangi of district Charsadda Dheri

Liyari It is one of the eighteen constituent towns of the city of Karachi, in the province of Sindh, Pakistan.

Lower Sindh Part of Sindh province of Pakistan

203 MAS Abbreviation of Mahila Atmaraksha Samiti or women's self-protection society

Mardan It is a district headquarter of the Mardan District and the second largest city of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

Marghan It is a hamlet in the Shodag union council of Charsadda District in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan.

Mazdoor An unskilled labourer.

NAP National Awami Party, now renamed as Awami National Party

NGOs Abbreviation of non-governmental organisation

NWFP Khyber Pakhtunkhwa was previously known as the North-West Frontier Province until 2010.

Pak-US Pakistan and the United States of America

Poligars The feudal title of a subordinate chief appointed by the Nayaka rulers of South India.

Ryots A term used for Indian peasants, ryots may be tenants, cultivators or serving as hired labour.

Sahukars A moneylender, in India.

Seths A moneylender, in India.

Shakoor It is a hamlet famous for peasants’ movement in Tehsil Tangi of District Charsadda.

Shodag It is a town and union council of Charsadda District in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan.

204 Swara Swara is a custom found in Pakthun society where girls are given in marriage to an aggrieved family as compensation to end murder related disputes.

Thar It is a vast desert, arid region in the north-western part of the Indian subcontinent and forms a natural boundary running along the border between India and Pakistan

Tip “Forced extraction of 5 % from wheat and 10% from the maize crop in kind.”

Tora A matrimonial tax imposed by landlords on the peasants of rupees 10 on both the bride and bridegroom's families at the time of their marriage.

Umarzai The Umarzai are a subgroup of the Muhammadzai tribe. They are found in the village of Umarzai located in the Hashtnagar area of Charsadda District.

Umerkot It is a district of Sindh province, Pakistan.

Vani Vani is a custom found in rural Pakistan where girls are given in marriage to an aggrieved family as compensation to end murder related disputes.

Watta satta Watta satta is a type of marriage in Pakistan that involves simultaneous marriage of a brother-sister pair from two households or in some cases uncle-niece pairs, or cousin pairs.

WPFTU West Pakistan Federation of Trade Unions

Zamindar A landlord, especially one who leases his land to tenant farmers.

Zamindary The system under which landlords (zamindars) held land.

205