History of Psychology

NORTHERNERS VERSUS SOUTHERNERS: Italian Anthropology and Psychology Faced With the “Southern Question” Guido Cimino and Renato Foschi Online First Publication, June 2, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0036547

CITATION Cimino, G., & Foschi, R. (2014, June 2). NORTHERNERS VERSUS SOUTHERNERS: Italian Anthropology and Psychology Faced With the “Southern Question”. History of Psychology. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0036547 History of Psychology © 2014 American Psychological Association 2014, Vol. 17, No. 2, 000 1093-4510/14/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0036547 NORTHERNERS VERSUS SOUTHERNERS: Italian Anthropology and Psychology Faced With the “Southern Question”

Guido Cimino and Renato Foschi Sapienza Universita` di Roma

Following the Unification of Italy (1861), when confronted with the underdevelopment problems of the south that had given rise to the so-called “southern question,” some Italian anthropologists and psychologists began to study the populations of the south from the psycho-anthropological point of view. These scientists, at times subject to preconceived ideas toward the southerners, conveyed observations and descriptions of the southern character traits that, in general, were considered different, in a negative sense, with respect to those of the northern peoples. To explain such diversity in the “psychological” characteristics between the north and south of the country (presumed cause also of the south’s backwardness), various hypotheses were advanced related to the kind of heredity theory adopted, which could be of, more or less, an “innatist” or “transformist” or “environmentalist” kind. The distinction proposed in this article between at least 2 different “hereditarian” theories formulated by the Italian scientists, and the confrontation of these theories with the hypotheses expressed by the “south- ernist” sociologists, contrary to the idea of “racial varieties” present in the Italian population, allows one to understand in what way and in what sense, at the threshold of the 20th century, there arose the ideology of “Nordicism” and the roots of racism were planted.

Keywords: southern question, innatism, transformism, Nordicism, racism

Recent historical studies have clarified that which the Mediterranean Basin and the south of between the 19th and 20th centuries, at least Europe was the place whose populations were two foundations of contemporary racism were more backward with respect to those of the laid: (a) the idea that physical and psychological north and of the Anglo-Saxon area—then tra- traits were stable and unchangeable, and that versed all of the 20th century up until our days, they were necessarily transmitted from one gen- and also took root in Italy, such that in the eration to another; and (b) the conviction that second half of the 19th century, a debate ensued there existed different human racial varieties concerning a presumed inferiority of southern- ordered in a hierarchical way, and that, among ers compared with northerners. these, those of northern Europe were superior Following the Unification of Italy (1861), the (“Nordicism”; Jackson & Weidman, 2006; see backwardness and difficulties of the Italian also Hacking, 2005). This latter idea—for Mezzogiorno (Southern Italy) became accentu- ated, with the resulting increase of many serious economic and social problems. The differences

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. between the north and south of the country— This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and isGuido not to be disseminated broadly. Cimino, Dipartimento di Psicologia dei Processi di although they already existed—increased al- Sviluppo e Socializzazione, Sapienza Universita` di Roma, most to the end of the century, as a result of the Rome, Italy; Renato Foschi, Dipartimento di Psicologia scarce resources assigned to the south by the Dinamica e Clinica, Sapienza Universita` di Roma. new postunification governments, impoverished This text has been translated in collaboration with Bar- bara Ann Olson. The authors are listed in alphabetical order, both by the independence wars of the Risorgi- as they contributed equally to this article. mento and by the fight against the brigandage. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed The latter was a phenomenon typical of the to Guido Cimino or Renato Foschi, Facolta` di Medicina e Mezzogiorno, and it was protracted for a decade Psicologia, “Sapienza” Universita` di Roma, Via dei Marsi 78, 00185 Rome, Italy. E-mail: [email protected]; renato during the 1860s as the result of a sort of alli- [email protected] ance established between gangs of common

1 2 CIMINO AND FOSCHI

outlaws and groups that were nostalgic for the other so as to create “bio-psycho-typologies.” old Kingdom of the Two Sicilies (see Molfese, There arose, in this way, a program of psycho- 1966, and Pédio, 1998; for an anthropological- anthropological research that, especially with cultural analysis of the brigandage, see Padigli- the criminal anthropology of Cesare Lombroso one, 2006). (see Gibson, 2002), focused primarily on the This situation of serious difficulty and under- so-called “degenerates” (criminals and the in- development of the south of Italy gave rise to sane) and the “marginalized” (asocial individu- the so-called “southern question,” that is to say, als of various kinds: alcoholics, drug addicts, the problem of identifying the causes for the thieves, prostitutes, tramps, etc.), as well as on backwardness and of proposing possible solu- political radicals (the anarchists), with the aim tions for overcoming it. The question was ini- of identifying their typical psychological and tially raised by several politicians of the liberal morphological features, thus making it possible right1 and was discussed at length, both then to recognize them and activate measures of de- and the following years into the 20th century, fense, prevention, and social protection. with various approaches and perspectives of- The Italian anthropologists and psychologists fered (see Moe, 1998; Perrotta & Sunna, 2012; also interested themselves in the populations of Salvadori, 1963; Schneider, 1998; Villari, the Mezzogiorno, which public opinion per- 1978). The whole southern question, accompa- ceived to be diverse and basically inferior. They nied by the dramatic and ferocious events of the made an effort to distinguish the southern an- fight against banditry, already by itself created a thropological characteristics from those of the prejudice—a negative image of the southern popu- northerners, with the aim of helping to resolve lation (Teti, 1993/2011). According to a popular the social problems that came to light with the stereotype, the people of the south were per- Unification of Italy (e.g., illiteracy, poverty, ceived as individualist, asocial, rebellious, apa- criminality, underdevelopment). A research thetic, and idle, with aggressive and, at times, program of this kind had also been formulated criminal tendencies, while being incapable of in the mission undertaken by the Italian Society adapting to modern liberal and capitalist soci- of Anthropology and Ethnology—founded in ety. This image was accredited, amplified, and 1871 by Paolo Mantegazza (1831–1910) and propagated, especially by the conservative Felice Finzi (1847–1872)—to study the re- newspapers of the Kingdom of Italy, which gional ethnic differences of the new and united reported the news of the fight against brigand- Kingdom of Italy (see Puccini, 1998). age, and spoke of a “barbaric Italy” and of an The backwardness of the Mezzogiorno and ineradicable criminality intrinsic to an inferior the widespread stereotypes sometimes led the and primitive race, while considering the south Italian scientists—who, paradoxically, were of- as the “Italian Africa.”2 In any case, in those ten of southern origin—to compare the physi- years, there became the widespread idea of “two cal, temperamental, and behavioral features of Italies, two races, and two psychologies”—that southern people to those of the marginalized or of the north and that of the south and the is- degenerated, thus expressing “the horror of a lands—profoundly different for the psycho- largely northern Italian medical and scientific physical nature of the populations and for the intelligentsia in the face of a fragmented and level of civilization (Petraccone, 2000; Teti, ‘backward’ countryside” (Pick, 1989, p. 4; see 1993/2011). also Dickie, 1999, and Melossi, 2008). This This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. With the closing of the Risorgimento period, reinforced the prejudice of a “racial variety”4 This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. there originated in Italy an anthropology and different from the northern one, and marked by psychology that were considered “scientific,”3 the “negative” characteristics of aggressiveness, and were founded upon the theoretical and arrogance, and irascibility. It was, above all, methodological approach of a positivist and Lombroso and his followers who considered evolutionist kind. In particular, these two new southerners to be the representatives of an infe- “human sciences” proposed to investigate the rior race. The negative reputation also followed somatic and mental character traits of people by them when they emigrated to the United States, means of quantitative measurements, that is, where the myth was spread of the two Italies, with anthropometry (and craniometry), as also inhabited by populations that were different with psychometrics, and to relate them to each from each other both for their race and for their PSYCHO-ANTHROPOLOGY FACED WITH THE SOUTHERNERS 3

civilization (Covello, 1967, pp. 29–32; Des- The theme of the diversity of psycho- champs, 2000, p. 68). anthropological characters between the popula- The positivist scientists had, moreover, also tions of the north and of the south dealt with by posed the problem of the causes of anthropo- the positivist scientists thus presented various logical differences between the north and south aspects that were tied to the more general prob- of the country, and had expressed differentiated lem of 19th-century racism and to its variation opinions. They were, in general, divided, with represented by the so-called Nordicism. Some various approaches and nuances, between those recent studies, for the most part centered on the who had attributed a prevalent weight to the history of racism in the 20th century, with par- populations’ genetic factors, that is, to biologi- ticular regard to the Fascist period, have iden- cal and mental characters of a hereditary nature tified in the analyses of these late 19th-century (“hereditists”), and those who instead had given scientists some roots of the racist ideology (Bur- greater importance to historical and environ- gio, 1999; Cassata, 2008, 2011; Israel, 2010). In mental factors, as well as to social and cultural general, however, the research of the Italian traditions (“environmentalists”). In so doing, positivists interested in the southern question the problem of the Mezzogiorno, in the decades have found little space in the historiography of bridging the 19th and 20th centuries, was re- contemporary science.5 Our intention is thus lated to the purely scientific problem of the that of scrutinizing the whole set of problems by biological heritability and transmission of phys- exploring the hypotheses, theories, and initial ical and mental characteristics. empirical research of anthropologists, psychol- Concerning the group of the hereditists, it is ogists, and intellectuals of various kinds, and of perhaps possible to affirm that, on this matter, at comparing their different positions. least two orientations competed with each other. In this way, in rereading their works from a On the one hand, the orientation of those who historical perspective, we intend to illustrate: (a) held that the physical and mental characters the ideas and images they had formed regarding were determined by a stable genetic patrimony the populations of the south with their physical, that could not be modified by the environment, mental, and cultural features, and also the origin while admitting changes only by means of “sex- and modifiability of the same; (b) how their ual selection,” that is to say, by the crossbreed- theories were more complex and articulated ing of genes in the reproductive process (and with respect to the generic distinction, formu- thus the possibility of bettering or worsening the lated by the secondary literature on the subject, race only in such a way). We could, in a con- between those who attributed the causes of the ventional way, refer to this trend as “innatism.” diversity (and of the backwardness) to genetic- On the other hand, the orientation of those who, hereditary factors and those who identified them although accepting the principle of the heredity in sociohistorical factors; and (c) how, and in of characters, maintained that it was not so rigid what sense, it can be affirmed that there origi- and automatic, but that each morphological and nated, in that period, the idea of an “inferior” mental characteristic could become transformed southern racial type, and, consequently, that the from generation to generation, according to the foundations of Italian Nordicism were laid—a principle of “inheritance of acquired charac- precursor of the biological racism that exploded ters.” They considered this possible not only as in the 1930s. a result of the mingling of the populations that This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. blended their genetic heritage but also, and Southerners in the Theories This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. above all, on account of the influence of envi- of the “Innatists” ronmental factors (according to the Lamarckism inherent in the theory of pangenesis), due to the Cesare Lombroso, the founder of criminal exchanges among different cultures and to ed- anthropology, sustained the thesis that the ten- ucation. We could define this tendency as dency to commit crime is an innate character “transformism.” It is then understandable how, trait that is inherited—a sign of “atavism” en- with regard to the southern question, the scien- closed in a phylogenetic line that leads from the tists at that time could have had diverse ideas animal to the human being. Following this as- and attitudes, justified by the kind of heritability sertion, he argued that the “real” criminals or theory they adopted. habitual delinquents—which he distinguishes 4 CIMINO AND FOSCHI

from the occasional delinquents—do not com- to the social factors of criminality (cf. Gibson & mit crimes because of a conscious and free act Rafter, 2006). Even in his model, the “occa- of ill will, but because they have innate evil sion” and the environment had their role to play, tendencies. These tendencies originate from a but it was held to be secondary. Thus, for Lom- physical and mental organization that is differ- broso, the individuals biologically predisposed ent from the normal one and can be recognized toward crime could be identified and segregated by certain somatic and mental characteristics of by means of an attentive anthropological and a “criminal type” (Lombroso, 1876–1897/2006; psychological analysis extended also to their 1911; see also Bulferetti, 1975; Gibson, 2002; parents and ancestors—an analysis directed at Villa, 1985). identifying the so-called “degenerative stig- Lombroso tried to demonstrate this theory mata” present within the sphere of the same especially with the analysis of various cases of family. By means of a eugenic practice, then, southern brigands, among which the presumed the “criminal type” needed to be segregated (or Calabrian outlaw Giuseppe Villella, who be- eliminated if guilty), not only as a preventive came in the eyes of his contemporaries a kind of measure against the committing of crimes, but “scientific myth.” In analyzing Villella’s skull also in order to avoid reproduction that would after his death, Lombroso thought that he had in transmit and propagate the degenerated genes, fact identified, as a distinctive physical charac- which Lombroso saw to be more present in the teristic of the “born delinquent,” a particular southerners and Mediterranean peoples. “occipital fossetta or indentation,” which he In 1862, in effect, as a young medical official, considered to be hereditary and interpreted as a he had passed three months precisely in sign of involution in the evolutionary scale (on Calabria, participating in the campaign to re- the discovery of the fossetta, cf. Lombroso, press the brigandage. In that period he wrote a 1911; see also Baima Bollone, 2009; Villa, text, republished in 1898, in which, in addition 1985). to denouncing the miserable conditions of the Another “famous” delinquent studied by south, he developed some anthropological and Lombroso was the Calabrian soldier Salvatore psychological considerations concerning south- Misdea, recognized as guilty of having killed erners, which led him to propose a typological some northern fellow soldiers, and condemned differentiation of Italians, and to relate to racial to death on the basis of a Lombrosian appraisal factors the delinquency observed in Calabria that, in diagnosing the accused as having epi- (Lombroso, 1862/2009). His differential- lepsy and other pathologies present in the fam- ethnographic approach, though attentive also ily (atavism), depicted him as a born criminal, toward the social and cultural aspects, was, irrecoverable and dangerous (Lombroso, 1911). however, founded upon a guiding idea that One of the last cases investigated by Lombroso combined in a synthesis innatism, fatalism, and was that of the Calabrian brigand Giuseppe predestination. Although from the political Musolino, who, for the people of the south had point of view, Lombroso considered himself a become a sort of legend, an antihero who makes moderate socialist and strove to modernize Italy justice on his own, but who was regarded as a and eliminate all the factors that obstructed its delinquent predisposed to crime in that (a) he progress (on Lombroso’s socialism, see Gerva- suffered from epilepsy, and (b) he originated soni, 1997), he was, however, inclined to be- from a population that, as a result of the Greek lieve that innate mental traits could not be mod- This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. and Albanian influence, “had become barba- ified by means of education. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. rized and with an inferior moral sense” (Lom- In Lombroso, moreover, there seems to be broso, 1902, p. 513). With Musolino, the search clearly present the idea of the existence of su- for the innate biological causes of criminal be- perior and inferior races with innate and hered- havior had been perfected, and epilepsy had itary characteristics that determine their behav- become the principal distinguishing sign of the ior (cf. Teti, 1993/2011; Melossi, 2008). His born delinquent—the “objective” and neurolog- books are disseminated with this kind of con- ical proof of the hereditability of the criminal sideration, and for him, the southerners and act. Mediterranean peoples presented psychophysi- In reality, in the course of the years, Lom- cal characters that exposed them to greater risk broso had given an always-greater importance of criminality with respect to the people of the PSYCHO-ANTHROPOLOGY FACED WITH THE SOUTHERNERS 5

north: this being an anthropological trait that the which instead would have biologically condi- Italian southerners shared with the American tioned the north of Italy (Ferri, 1895, p. 258). Negroes. In addition, for Lombroso, the inferior Lombroso’s theory, in part, also inspired the races more easily gave rise to criminal associ- psychiatrists, such as, for example, Gaspare ations such as the camorra or the mafia. In all Virgilio (1836–1908), director of the Aversa the editions of his book Criminal Man, we find, Mental Institution (Naples). He considered in fact, a chapter dedicated to the influence of some forms of madness to be derived from race and heredity on organized crime, in which hereditary predispositions that could be as- it is maintained that: cribed to certain “recessive” physical and men- tal character traits (Virgilio, 1874/1983). This Race shapes criminal organizations. Both Bedouins theory was illustrated by the analysis of the and Gypsies can be considered races of organized judiciary case of a well-known figure of the criminals. The same seems to apply to Negroes in the United States (according to A. Maury), and to Alba- political news, Giovanni Passannante (1849– nians, Greeks, and sometimes the indigenous people of 1910), a poor Lucanian cook who, in 1878, was southern Italy. . . . The inhabitants of Palermo, which responsible for a naive attempt at the life of the is the center of Mafia, are descendent from the ancient King of Italy. In the resulting trial, both Lom- bodyguards of the nobles (according to Villari) and, broso and Virgilio insisted upon the fact that he even further back, from the rapacious Arab conquerors was a crazy criminal with obvious hereditary of Sicily who were related to Bedouins. (Lombroso, 1876–1897/2006, p. 90) and family defects (Virgilio, 1888). Following the trial and heavy condemnation, a brother of Based on the Lombrosian doctrine, there then his was also placed in the insane asylum di- arose the “positive school of criminal law,” rected by Virgilio, and the Passannante family whose principal representative was Enrico Ferri was labeled as “degenerate” and “socially dan- (1856–1929). This approach sustained the right gerous,” forcing some of its members to change of society to imprison the delinquent because he their last name (Galzerano, 1997). was dangerous as a result of an innate tendency Even more oriented in an innatist sense were toward crime. This “school” thus affirmed the the description and evaluation of the southern principle that incarceration is not an expiatory population on the part of a Sicilian follower of act, but a means of eliminating the social danger Lombroso—Alfredo Niceforo (1876–1960), of criminals.6 In his work L’omicidio anthropologist and criminologist. When very nell’Antropologia criminale (Homicide in young, he wrote three pseudoscientific essays Criminal Anthropology, 1895), Ferri sustained that savored of racism, intending to discriminate that the delinquents of the southern regions (Ne- southerners for their negative physical and men- apolitans, Calabrians, and Sicilians) had consis- tal characters transmitted hereditarily. tently “inferior” encephalitic measurements In Niceforo’s (1897) first work, La delin- with respect to those of normal people (soldiers quenza in Sardegna (Crime in Sardinia), the Sardinians were described as a criminally in- with whom they were compared) in both north- clined population, for the fact that they were ern and southern Italy. More generally, he af- considered a Mediterranean lineage with Afri- firmed that it was possible to identify racial can influences. In his second book, L’Italia bar- varieties present in different regions, on the bara contemporanea (Contemporary Barbarian basis of certain characteristics of the skull that Italy) of 1898, Niceforo clearly expressed his This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. were held to be typical of superior or inferior Nordicism. He in fact maintained the existence This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. populations; and the craniological characteris- of “two Italies”—that of the north and that of tics that indicated inferiority were naturally at- the south and the islands—inhabited by distinct tributed by him to the people of the south and, races and developed in different ways: In the in particular, in an obvious way to those guilty north, the evolved Aryans, Germanics of Eur- of homicide (Ferri, 1895, p. 206). Like Lom- asian origin, and in the south and the islands, the broso, Ferri also thought that the southerners backward Latins, Mediterraneans of Eurafrican had been subjected to the genetic influence of origin. These two racial groups demonstrated the Phoenecian, Arab, and Albanian popula- their enactment of different behaviors: The for- tions, which were considered inferior with re- mer was more modern and refined, and the latter spect to the Germanic, Celtic, and Slavic ones, was more brutal and primitive; even the delin- 6 CIMINO AND FOSCHI

quency was more refined in the first group of two diverse racial groups—the Aryans and (swindling and scams), and primitive in the the Italics. They were very intermixed even second group (homicides, robberies, and kid- though each group was prevalent, respectively, nappings). Niceforo also tried to differentiate in the north and in the south of Italy, and each the behavior corresponding to various southern could be distinguished, above all, for its psy- areas, and he identified the city of Naples, pre- chological characters (social sentiment vs. indi- viously the capital of the Kingdom of the Two vidual sentiment) and its type of civilization Sicilies, as the place in which the immaturity (industrial vs. peasant; Sergi, 1898). Sergi, and backwardness of the southern people was however, was also one of the founders of Italian most evident. experimental psychology, and he laid the prem- There was no understanding by Niceforo of ises for the development of applied psychology, the historical-cultural processes that had especially in the form of educational psychol- brought about the degraded, traditionalist, and ogy (on Sergi as a psychologist, see Cimino & backward reality of the south (Teti, 1993/2011, Foschi, 2012). It is precisely in Sergi’s writings p. 118). In his opinion, the southerners were on the psychology of education that we find a much more similar to the Greeks and the Span- conception of the “educability” of a transform- ish than to the northern Italians—they demon- ist and basically optimistic kind, which, in the strated a more individualistic character, whereas 20th century, influenced his pupils and many the northerners were instead more gregarious scholars.7 and inclined to become socially organized. The Sergi believed that, in the course of life, southerners, therefore, would have been less character traits could be modified and transmit- adaptable to representative democracies, and ted from generation to generation, in accor- more oriented toward trying to find charismatic dance with the theory of pangenesis. This trans- political leaders—“great men” to whom entrust formist approach was widespread among many themselves (Niceforo, 1898). Italian positivists who were distant from the These theories were revisited in a third book, Lombrosian innatism. The anthropologist Paolo Italiani del Nord e Italiani del Sud (Italians of Mantegazza, for example, precisely on the basis the north and Italians of the south; Niceforo, of the pangenesis theory, opposed the hypothe- 1901), which felt the effects of the criticism received by his first two volumes (cf. Renda, sis of atavism, in maintaining that the environ- 1900). In this work, in fact, Niceforo analyzed mental variability strongly influenced the pos- also the environmental factors, but continued to sible hereditary determinations (Mantegazza, consider them as secondary with respect to the 1891). In this regard, Sergi wrote: genetic-hereditary ones, and he continued in the But the heredity of structures and of functions is not of defense of his “north versus south” schematiza- an absolute uniformity; in the midst of the persistence tion, with its clearly racist accents. of forms there takes place the variation of the same physical and functional characters. The variations that are individual derive from the influence of the envi- Southerners in the Theories ronment, which is efficacious in its diverse and multi- of the “Transformists” ple ways of acting upon the organisms in formation, and especially with regard to the nourishment. And Lombroso’s role in late-19th-century Italian these variations, the deepest and most useful ones, as science was not as central as the subsequent Darwin admits, are also hereditary together with the This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. persistent fundamental forms. (Sergi, 1895, p. 207; on criticism has maintained, and many positivist This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. the Lamarckism of Sergi, see also Volpone, 2011) scientists should be recognized for their inde- pendent scientific thinking, distinct from that of Sergi thus belonged to the group of positivist Lombroso (Guarnieri, 2013). Such is the case of scientists who granted to individuals a possibil- one of the most illustrious Italian anthropolo- ity of change, as a result of both the mixing of gists in the last decades of the 19th century, the populations with a diverse genetic baggage and Sicilian Giuseppe Sergi (1841–1936). He, too, the influence of environmental conditions, es- was a convinced supporter of evolutionist pos- pecially scientific culture and education.8 In this itivism. In the history of anthropology, Sergi is regard, for example, promoting the instruction usually remembered for his craniological stud- of the intellect and the education of character ies and for having indicated the presence in Italy and of feelings, he wrote: PSYCHO-ANTHROPOLOGY FACED WITH THE SOUTHERNERS 7

Scientific culture can, therefore, contribute to elevating positive and “winning” psychological trait com- the civilization, by elevating the feelings, contributing pared with the “gregariousness” of the Austrian to refine the spirit by disrobing it of prejudices and errors. . . . The slow and tranquil improvement of hu- oppressors. Thus, Lombrosian innatism charac- manity, without hurry or pressures, depends absolutely terized the peoples of the Mediterranean Basin upon these conditions. Let us instruct and educate, (the Greeks, Albanians, Arabs) as having “con- cultivate intelligence and develop feelings; let us dis- taminated and weakened” the population of perse the shadows of ignorance and suffocate the sad southern Italy, whereas Sergi’s transformist inclinations. (Sergi, 1893b, pp. 283–284) model characterized them as having been carri- Sergi saw a limit of intervention only in the ers of adaptive and favorable characteristics cases of the most serious criminal and/or insane (Sergi, 1916a, 1916b; see also Pizzato, 2012). behavior, which could be little modified by ex- Sergi then sought a solution that could regen- ternal factors.9 In this sense, he interested him- erate the Italians of the south, and resolve the self in the budding “science” of eugenics, but problem of the inequalities between north and his science was tempered by a Roman-Latin and south. He found it in the proposal of a mixture Risorgimento culture, which tended to keep him among the populations by means of “internal at a distance from the more extreme positions of emigration.” In such a way, their comingling eugenics as a founding ideology of biological with the culture and behaviors of the northern racism (Israel, 2010, p. 146; see also Cassata, people, more active and civilized in that histor- 2011). ical period, would provoke the “reawakening” Sergi was convinced that there existed, at a of the southern people by means of imitation descriptive level of empirical study, psycho- and education. These latter, in fact, could elicit anthropological differences between the north and the development of all the potentialities of their the south, and he did not reject Niceforo’s analysis, genetic heredity and even, in a Lamarckian way, although he judged it to be too “coarse and modify the genes themselves, thanks to the con- harsh.” He believed in the possibility of classi- tact with a more stimulating environment fying people in distinct racial groups on the (Sergi, 1900/2011). basis of morphological characteristics and Between the 19th and 20th centuries, follow- craniological measurements, but he held that, ing an analogous transformist orientation, a sig- from a biological point of view, the Italian nificant contribution to the southern question populations were already a mixture. He instead was made by the Calabrian physician and psy- recognized that differences in the psychological chologist of socialist ideas, Pasquale Rossi traits had been, for a large part, determined by (1867–1905). His social psychology had the “social history,” that is to say, by recent histor- purpose of integrating the “crowd psychology” ical events that, in the case of the southerners, of Scipio Sighele (1868–1913) and the positiv- had not been able to reawaken the potentialities ist school of criminal law with the idea that the a glorious past testified to as being present psychological dynamics of the group are not among their populations (Sergi, 1900/2011). In necessarily negative and a cause of criminality, other words, he did not believe so much in and that the collectivity, as with the individual, differences of a racial kind between the popu- can be educated morally and intellectually (cf. lations of the north and of the south of Italy, as Cornacchioli & Spadafora, 2000; see also Van he did in differences of a psychological-cultural Ginneken, 1992). kind, even though the latter could have a hered- In the third chapter of his main book, This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. itary base that was, in any case, modifiable. L’animo della folla (The Mind of the Crowd) of This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. In the years of the First World War fought 1898, Rossi dealt with the Carattere del Mez- against the Germans, Sergi supposed, moreover, zogiorno d=Italia (Character of Southern Italy) that some character traits of the Mediterranean and brought about an actual reversal of the populations, derived from Greek-Roman ge- positions of the innatist anthropologists. He netic lineages, were in some circumstances even suggested that southerners had mental charac- “superior” to those of the Aryan populations. teristics that were different, in a negative sense, The typical individualism of the southern peo- with respect to those of the northern peoples. ple, who were, for example, capable of inge- However, he argued that these differences and nious achievements, had, in his opinion, shown the region’s socioeconomic problems were due itself, during the Risorgimento process, to be a to contingent historical-political reasons, which 8 CIMINO AND FOSCHI

had suffocated the best genetic potentialities of on the part of the landholders and so-called the population and favored the emergence of the uomini d’onore (men of honor). less positive ones. In this way, both Rossi and Colajanni’s criticism was severe and aimed at Sergi seemed to conceptualize race “deprived of the legacy of both the Bourbon and Sabaudian racism,” inasmuch as race was understood as a monarchies. He also looked beyond the south- malleable and modifiable theoretical construc- ern question, which he contextualized within tion, in the sense that the distinctive character the broader economic crisis that became more traits of a racial group could be transformed by acute and was felt throughout Italy after the pedagogical and socioeconomic interventions. violent riots of popular protest in 1898 and the In Rossi’s work, one notices an accentuated killing of King Umberto I in 1900 (on the riots Risorgimento spirit, whereas the references to of 1898 in Milan, see Colajanni, 1898/1998). criminal anthropology and its innatist view are Colajanni also bitterly criticized the Italian an- marginal. The southerners were described as a thropologists, with the particular objective of people that had experienced glorious historical combatting the conception of Lombroso and of periods, but who, in recent centuries, had been his follower, Niceforo. In a brief writing enti- weakened by the domination of people who had tled, Per la razza maledetta (For the Accursed never enriched the native populations anthropo- Race, 1898), he pointed out all the inconsisten- logically. But, in his opinion, a people could cies in the thinking of Niceforo, who, more rise again in the presence of new situations, Lombrosian than Lombroso himself, schema- such as crossbreeding with a different popula- tized and simplified a whole series of contradic- tion, engaging in external and internal emigra- tory data taken from craniology. Colajanni in- tion, and through changed sociocultural condi- stead used statistics to point out some tions (Rossi, 1898). socioeconomic indicators, and he highlighted the way in which the illiteracy rates of the south Criticisms of the “Southernists” of Italy, correlated with the delinquency and backwardness, were the principal wound to be Toward the end of the 19th century, the main healed. For him, the post-Lombrosian anthro- critics of the hereditist anthropologists, both pologists constructed a pseudoscientific mythol- innatist and transformist, were several scholars ogy, which he called “anthropological novel,” of a heterogeneous formation who constituted and of which he was a decisive adversary. the first nucleus of the so-called “southernists” We must also point out that Colajanni as- (meridionalisti), that is to say, experts on the sumed a viewpoint of transformist evolution- southern question. An excellent source concern- ism, explicitly denying in his writings the im- ing the debate that arose between the hereditist portance of Weissman’s discoveries concerning scientists and these southernists can be found in the impossibility of transmitting acquired char- a volume edited by the Calabrian philosopher acters. It seemed clear to Colajanni, as it did to Antonio Renda (1875–1959). In the volume, the a whole series of Italian scholars—sociologists, main Italian scholars of the two sides responded hygienists, pedagogists—that the education of to five questions regarding their individual individuals and political investment were the points of view on the delicate southern question, principal means for resolving the problems of its causes, and its possible remedies (Renda, backwardness and delinquency that were wide- 1900). spread in the south and on the Italian islands This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. Among the southernists, a figure that stands (Colajanni, 1898). This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. out is that of the Sicilian, Napoleone Colajanni The other great southernist intellectual who (1847–1921), an intellectual of great worth in opposed any distinction in Italy between racial the Italian political and cultural panorama at the groups was the Pugliese historian and politician, end of the 19th century. In the volume La de- Gaetano Salvemini (1873–1957). Salvemini ex- linquenza in Sicilia e le sue cause (Criminality amined the research on the causes and econom- in Sicily and its Causes) of 1894 (Colajanni, ical-political remedies for the solution of the 1894), he shifted completely the barycenter of southern question. In the 1900 essay Risposta the discussion on delinquency in the Mezzo- (Reply) to Renda’s inquiry, he gave no credit to giorno; in his view, the problems derived from the anthropological investigations on the racial the exploitation of the poorest Sicilian classes differences between northerners and southern- PSYCHO-ANTHROPOLOGY FACED WITH THE SOUTHERNERS 9

ers. In his opinion, using the concept of race in northern people. The southerners were seen and order to explain complex social phenomena is described as being aggressive and rebellious fitting for “idlers and simplicians;” race is (and thus potentially more inclined to commit formed in history and is a result of history, not crimes), individualistic and asocial (and thus one of its causes. Salvemini did not deny the less able to construct a civil society), and ulti- character and behavioral differences between mately as more primitive and less evolved. By the north and south of Italy, but he was fully contrast, northerners were considered more convinced that they derived from the diverse placid, orderly, sociable, and better able to join history of the Italian regions. In the south, there together and get organized, as well as more did not exist an entrepreneurial middle class and gregarious and remissive with regard to politi- a proletariat; social relations were still condi- cal rule. Nevertheless, aside from these negative tioned by a feudalism that had been preserved personality traits, the southerners were usually by the monarchic and aristocratic dynasties that not attributed as having less intellectual capac- had governed without concerning themselves ity. with the interests of the south (Salvemini, 1900, Although these observations and descriptions 1955). were, in large part, shared, the psychological The southernists, such as Colajanni and the anthropologists, to explain the differences be- Lucanian politician Francesco Saverio Nitti tween the populations of northern and of south- (1868–1953), were also attentive analysts of the ern Italy, advanced various hypotheses, tied to migration phenomenon, which became particu- the kind of hereditary theory they adopted. A bit larly acute in the decades bridging the two cen- schematically, we can say that there were, on turies. The poor people of Italy—in particular, the one side, the scientists that we have defined those of the south—had chosen the passage of as innatists (Lombroso and the Lombrosians), emigration as an extreme solution in order to who sustained that the physical and mental escape from their misery. The southerners who characters were unmodifiable by the environ- left tended to be marked by prejudices of vari- ment and thus transmitted almost unvaried from ous kinds concerning their presumed inferiority one generation to another. For them, conse- and tendency to commit crime. The positivist quently, the southerners constituted a racial va- anthropologists were divided between those riety that was tendentiously considered of an (usually the innatists) who saw emigration as inferior kind, due in part to their mixture with liberating Italy of the worst elements of society, more primitive populations such as the Greeks, and those (such as Sergi and the transformists) Albanians, and Arabs. It was this presumed who preferred an internal emigration with the inferiority that was interpreted as the principal purpose of bettering the Italians from the bio- reason for the backwardness of the Mezzo- logical and psychological point of view. The giorno. This radical hereditist position also led southernists, by contrast, noted that the “re- to the assertion that it was necessary to defend turned” emigrants—who had usually been for- the society from the defective genes of these tunate overseas—demonstrated that in other po- populations, and thus to actuate eugenic prac- litical and cultural environments, they were able tices such as segregation or even elimination to express all the potentialities that were re- (e.g., the death sentence of the presumed born strained in their homeland (Colajanni, 1903; criminals). Nitti, 1888, 1900; see also Teti, 1993/2011, pp. On the other side, there were the scientists This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. 278–294). defined as transformists (Sergi, Rossi, etc.), This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. who, in general, shared—albeit with more An Overview and Closing Considerations veiled and attenuated emphasis—the descrip- tion of the negative psychological traits of the Following the Unification of Italy, some pos- southern people; but these scientists did not, on itivist scientists, and particularly anthropolo- the one hand, consider them expressions of a gists and psychologists, carried out observations racial group that was different and in some way and descriptions of the personality traits of the inferior, nor, on the other hand, did they con- people of the south. These psychological attri- sider these traits unmodifiable, even though butes were, in general, considered different in a they were inscribed in the genetic patrimony. negative sense with respect to those of the The transformists believed that such characters, 10 CIMINO AND FOSCHI

by virtue of the Lamarckian principle contained modifiable by the environment; and (d) the eu- in the pangenetic theory of heredity, were pres- genic practice of the separation and segregation ent—and possibly inscribed in the genes—as a of the populations (racial discrimination) in or- result of historical circumstances, and that they der to limit the crossbreeding among diverse could, for the same principle, be removed in the racial groups, and preserve, by means of sexual presence of an environment with favorable so- selection, the best characters, so as to favor the cioeconomic conditions, and of an educational purity of the White race (cf. Hacking, 2005; action. The value of the Greek-Latin culture had Jackson & Weidman, 2006; West, 1982, pp. already demonstrated it historically. 47–65). An expression and variation of the rac- These theories of the hereditarist (innatist or ist ideology was the Nordicism, which distin- transformist) anthropologists and psychologists, guished as racial varieties within the White who, with diverse accentuations and nuances, race, the peoples of northern Europe (Teutons had introduced genetic factors in order to ex- or Aryans) from those of the south (the Medi- plain the fracture between the north and the terraneans), and considered the former superior south of Italy, met with the opposition of the because gifted with intellectual, character, and so-called southernists (Colajanni, Salvemini, behavioral traits more suited to an elevated de- Nitti, etc.), who did not believe in hereditary gree of civilization and social order (Jackson & differences, but only in those related to cultural, Weidman, 2006, pp. 105–109).10 linguistic, organizational, and lifestyle tradi- The southern question exploded in Italy at a tions that history could easily explain. In these historical moment in which the Nordicism in authors there was, consequently, no idea of a Europe was planting its roots, and those who presumed racial inferiority of the southern peo- sustained the superiority of the northern peoples ple; and the southern question could be under- of Europe and of America counterposed a he- stood and resolved in terms of political, socio- gemonic and winning “Aryan and Anglo- economic, and educational factors. Saxon” civilization to the “Mediterranean” one This distinction and subdivision of ours be- (Greek-Roman, with Arab influences), which, tween innatist and transformist scientists, aside in their eyes, had by then become decadent and from accounting for some differences existing subjugated. So if we examine with attention the among the Italian anthropologists and psychol- position of the Italian psychological anthropol- ogists, allows a better understanding of the ogists, we can see that, on the one hand, the sense in which it can be affirmed that, at the innatists reconnected with, and contributed to, threshold of the 20th century, the roots of rac- the ideology of Nordicism, and, in fact, en- ism and Nordicism were planted. riched it with their criminal anthropology, in During the second half of the 19th century, in attributing to southerners the hereditary charac- the Western world, racism appeared as a pseu- ter of a greater aggressivity and “tendency to- doscientific doctrine—anchored to the positivist ward crime.” This orientation can then be cor- philosophy, to the theory of evolution, and to rectly considered as the precursor of the most the new anthropological science with its cran- virulent racism against Jews that was mani- iometric and psychometric methods—that was fested in the Fascist period, and was founded on founded upon several basic guidelines: (a) the more sophisticated and specious biological, differentiation and classification of diverse “hu- psychological, and cultural classifications,11 as man races” (usually five) on the basis of super- well as on a more incisive eugenics supported This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. ficial morphological and physical characters; by the “racial laws” of 1938, and even extended, This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. (b) the existence of a hierarchy among the races, with Nazism, to sterilization, the elimination of considered superior or inferior according to the the “different,” and genocide (Cassata, 2008, “intellective and moral” level and the degree of 2011, Israel, 2010). civilization achieved, whereas, naturally, the On the other hand, however, with the trans- White race was placed on the highest level, formists, the distinction between northern and inasmuch as it was held to be the most suitable southern populations did not become trans- to take on the fight for life and natural selection; formed—even on the strength of a heredity (c) the hereditability of the particular and dis- theory with a Lamarckian background—in an tinctive characters of each race, considered an evaluation of superiority or inferiority geneti- expression of a stable genetic patrimony, not cally rooted, but, if anything, only in the recog- PSYCHO-ANTHROPOLOGY FACED WITH THE SOUTHERNERS 11

nition of different mental characteristics and example, the “amoral familism” (Banfield, cultural aspects, even though sometimes consid- 1958) or a “vassal mentality” and a lack of civic ered negative for historical and environmental sense typical of people from the south (Putnam, reasons. And the eugenics, from separatist and 1993). On this basis, despite the overcoming of segregationist, was, if anything, transformed biological racism, there has been no lack of into its contrary, in hoping for the remixture of forms of “cultural racism” as a result of the the populations and their betterment by means presumed superiority of values expressed by of education. northern Italy. If, in the descriptions of the Lombrosians, In conclusion, we would, however, like to there is an evident conceptualization that is a mention that, in order to explain the differences prelude to racism and to segregationist eugen- between the north and the south of our own, as ics, nothing likewise emerges from the theses of of other countries, the tendency to attribute im- the other scientists. It thus becomes clear that portance to hereditary-genetic factors of the between the 19th and 20th centuries, the Lam- population has not entirely disappeared. The brosians were a minority, and the Italian scien- stereotypes of different national mental charac- tists and intellectuals, despite the attempts to teristics still preserve a certain persuasive influ- identify the southerners’ “recessive” features ence on the international scientific community and to wish for a politics of prevention and of today. The problem of possible differences of racial improvement, did not, in general, up until intelligence and of personality among the pop- the 1930s, promote doctrines or programs with ulations of different nations, or among groups a racist background. of people in the same territory, still raises the This interpretation seems to be shared by interest of some researchers, who have diffi- some contemporary anthropologists, who have culty in abandoning the idea of the existence of masterfully analyzed the “differentialist” and “national characters,”12 and of rejecting—as “gerarchicizing” attitude of many scholars (both demonstrated by the progress of population bi- past and present) of the southern question, and ology and of genetics with the DNA analysis— have concluded that the distinction between the any attempt at racial classification (see Barbu- populations of the north and of the south of Italy jani, 2007). from being a racial one then became a cultural one (but not any less discriminatory; cf. Teti, Endnotes 1993/2011). Schneider (1998), moreover, has drawn a comparison between the process of 1. Among them we can mention especially Pas- cultural assimilation carried out by the north quale Villari (1826–1917), Pasquale Turiello (1836– with regard to the Mezzogiorno, and that oper- 1902), Leopoldo Franchetti (1847–1917), Sidney ated by the West toward the Orient. Moving Sonnino (1847–1922), Giustino Fortunato (1848– along this same interpretative line, for Melossi 1932), and Ettore Ciccotti (1863–1939), in addition (2008, p. 54) also the northern Italians cast upon to the so-called “southernists” about whom we shall those of the south, above all, a “civilizing gaze,” speak further. 2. In particular, the newspapers adopted the pro- which they then transferred toward the African pagandistic practice of publishing the “horrible” pho- peoples (of Somalia, Eritrea, Libya) in the brief tographs of the southern brigands who had been season of Italian colonialism. killed, and of comparing them with the “handsome” Today, at least in Italy, no serious scholar portraits of the northern soldiers who were fighting This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. would go so far as to hypothesize significant against them (Morello, 1999). This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. racial differences between the north and south 3. Both anthropology and experimental psychol- of the country. The prevailing idea is instead ogy had, in fact, their origin in Italy during the last 30 that of recognizing that there have existed, and years of the 19th century, intertwining with each still do exist, differences, especially of a cultural other for various aspects, thanks to the commitment kind, between northerners and southerners. In of scientists who carried out research both of an anthropological and of a psychological and psychiat- particular, there are cultural anthropologists and ric kind, while often teaching more than one of these sociologists who have identified and studied a disciplines (cf. Cimino & Foschi, 2012). series of moral and behavioral “values,” which 4. We shall use the term “racial variety” or “race” would have had negative consequences on the to designate a population with common physical and development of the Mezzogiorno, such as, for mental characteristics considered genetically inher- 12 CIMINO AND FOSCHI

ited and different from those of other populations of (1854–1936)—we find the idea of the superiority of the same human species. On the continuity/ the northern European populations, even though the discontinuity of the concept of race in the history of presumed inferiority of the Mediterranean peoples anthropology and in contemporary biology, see Bar- had already been affirmed by English diplomats and bujani (2007). travelers in the beginning of the 19th century, after 5. Only Teti’s (1993/2011) anthological book having encountered, in the south, forms of multieth- conducts an initial overall examination of the theses nic and pluri-confessional cohabitation that was, for of the principal psycho-anthropologists who have them, incomprehensible (Ricotti, 2005, pp. XI–XII). dealt with the Mezzogiorno; but—in our opinion— 11. With the “Manifesto of Race” of 1938, some with a cultural-anthropological approach that does pseudo-scientists who were admittedly racist even not distinguish well between them, and that combines sustained that the “racial physiognomy” of all the them within a single racist and hereditarian orienta- Italians was that of the Longobardi, that is, of an tion. Aryan race, without any significant trace of the Afro- 6. Ferri is often remembered by the historiogra- Semitic races. phy as the Lombrosian who, more than others, sus- 12. On this question, a passionate discussion has tained the environmental causes of crime. In reality, currently developed, raised in particular by the “dif- he was the scholar who best defined in his works the ferentialist” theories of the psychologist Richard notions of “social dangerousness” and of “social de- Lynn, to which other scholars have objected. fense” in establishing clear and distinct discrimina- tory borders, which were than adopted by the Fas- cism in order to legitimate a repressive judiciary system (Melossi, 2008, p. 59). Regarding the grow- References ing influence of criminal anthropology on the Italian Avilés Faffé, J. (2006). Francisco Ferrer y Guardia: judiciary system and then on the Fascist “reforms,” pedagogo, anarquista y mártir [Francisco Ferrer y see Pick (1986). Guardia: Teacher, anarchist and martyr]. Madrid, 7. The optimistic and militant aspect of Sergi’s Spain: Marcial Pons Ediciones de Historia. pedagogy is testified to also by his participation in Babini, V. P., & Lama, L. (2000). 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