1 Introduction

The limited links between studies and history have led frequently people to believe that tourism is a new phenomenon. However, over millennia, people have travelled with the aim of seeing the world. This is proven from the remains of the earliest placed alongside the highway from the north coast of Crete, just at its approach to the palace at Knossos, dated sometime around 1500 bc (Casson, 1974: 38). In effect, the history of tourism can be traced back thousands of years and tourism has passed through different stages, from the Olympic Games (the first organized form of athletic tourism), first held in 776 bc in Greece; via the world’s first recorded international tourist, the geographer and historian Herodotus (480–421 bc); the explorer Christopher Columbus (1451–1506); to the journeys established in the 18th century as an aristocratic tradition of Gentlemen’s ‘intelligent wandering’ in Europe; and the day trippers of the late 19th century. In these early movements, the opportunity to was only for the privileged social groups (aristocracy), who had sufficient money and time (Gierczak, 2011: 276). Due to certain circumstances, mainly limited techno- logical advances, early travelling followed several principles of degrowth. Thus while degrowth-inspired tourism movements are considered as rela- tively ‘new’ discourses, in reality they exist for decades. In fact, early trav- ellers used low-carbon means of (horses and carriages) and basic amenities and paid high attention to the travel experience and education abroad. In the late 19th century, technological changes in various branches of transport resulted in more frequent and less environmentally friendly means of transport and, as it was expected, travel time from home to the places of high tourist attractiveness has been significantly reduced. In the words of Gierczak (2011): the widespread use of the steam engine made travel by rail and steamships popular, and the invention of the gasoline engine as well as the development of

© K. Andriotis 2018. Degrowth in Tourism: Conceptual, Theoretical and Philosophical Issues (K. Andriotis) 1 2 Chapter 1

hard surface roads resulted in the development of motorized tourism. Twentieth century innovations led primarily to the development of air transport, and the twenty-first century allows for the development of . (p. 275) The ability to move cheaply and faster enabled new forms of tourism like those initiated by Thomas Cook, a Baptist preacher and track distributor (Swinglehurst, 1974), who in 1941 organized the first group from Leicester to Loughborough that due to its rousing success continued with more commercial ventures (Eisner, 1991) and marked the evolution of mass tourism. From then to now, people have travelled for various reasons: • to immerse themselves in different natural environments, e.g. , green tourism, , , nudism tourism or ‘natourism’, cave tourism, mountain tourism, lake tourism, river tourism; • to appreciate the cultural resources and to experience the authenticity of destinations, e.g. , , archaeological tour- ism, historical tourism, ethnic tourism, creative tourism, art tourism, tourism, , poetic tourism; • to travel to places associated with death and suffering, e.g. dark tour- ism, , thanatotourism, , tourism, tourism, homeless tourism; • to travel for spirituality, and other related religious reasons, e.g. , faith tourism, monastery tourism, pilgrimage tourism, spiritual tourism, , , ; • to be involved with and learn about production and/or to experience the local foods and drinks, e.g. agrotourism, farm tourism, fish tourism, tea tourism, coffee tourism, cheese tourism, mining tourism, industrial tour- ism, food tourism, gastronomic tourism, , wine tourism (); • to participate or watch different kinds of events and performances, e.g. event tourism, festival tourism, film tourism, ; • to view or participate in sport events or adventure activities, e.g. sport tour- ism, golf tourism, adventure tourism, ski tourism, bicycle tourism, , ; • to come in contact with the sea, e.g. marine tourism, maritime tourism, sea tourism, yacht tourism, ; • to entertain themselves, e.g. party tourism, drug tourism, narcotourism, hippy tourism; • to obtain health services and rebuild their health and stamina, e.g. , health tourism, spa tourism, dental tourism, ; • to travel for work or for various reasons pertaining to work, e.g. , conference tourism, congress tourism, MICE (meetings, incen- tives, conferences and exhibitions) tourism, incentive tourism; • to engage in sexual activity, e.g. , gay tourism, lesbian tourism, queer tourism, LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) tourism; • to live and experience a host community, e.g. responsible tourism, commu- nity based tourism, voluntary tourism, pro-poor tourism, fair-trade tourism, village tourism, tribal tourism; and Introduction 3

• to pursue special interests, e.g. social tourism, educational tourism, cruise tourism, slow tourism, tourism, virtual tourism, urban tourism, shopping tourism, tourism, , space tourism, , , tourism, tourism.

While most of the aforementioned forms of tourism cannot be related to degrowth-inspiring travelling, even those forms that are considered as mass tourism activities may follow some of the key principles of degrowth, as Case study 1.1 highlights in the case of conference tourism. Despite the long history of travelling and the large number of forms of tourism that have evolved through the ages, the study of tourism has become important only during the second half of the 20th century. The phenomenal growth of tourism supply and demand which resulted in mass production and ­consumption ­radically changed host communities and made tourism a widespread social­ activity in the developed world and a leading economic force for many devel- oping countries and regions. As a consequence of the rapid increase in real incomes and leisure time, as well as advances in technology, the demand for recreation and holidays has increased for considerable number of people. International tourist arrivals have increased from 25 million in 1950, to 278 million in 1980, 527 million in 1995, and 1.235 billion in 2016 (World Tourism Organization, 2017) and are expected to increase by 3.3% a year between 2010 and 2030 to reach 1.8 billion by 2030. It is estimated that receipts earned by destinations worldwide have surged from US$2 ­billion in 1950 to US$104 billion in 1980, US$495 billion in 2000 and US$1220 ­billion in 2016 (World Tourism Organization, 2017). In addition, in 2016 world travel and tourism supported directly and indirectly 292.2 million jobs (9.5% of total employment), i.e. one in every 11 jobs. Its contribution is expected to rise by 12.5% pa to more than 370 million jobs in 2026 (11.0% of total) (World Travel & Tourism Council, 2017). In spite of the tremendous increase in tourist arrivals and income, there is a dispute on whether tourism is the world’s top industry. Although the sector offers a great opportunity for generating economic activity in areas where there are typically few alternative sources of economic diversification there has been widespread debate about the contribution of tourism to economic development and/or economic regeneration. For example, more than 25 years ago, Williams and Shaw (1991), while drawing attention to earlier authors who questioned the overall benefit–cost impact of tourism, identified that tourism was ‘shrouded with myths and stereotypes’ and that there is a need to ‘examine critically . . . its contribution to economic development’ (p.1). This necessity might be due to the fact that many destinations have not managed to attract the desired positive effects from tourism development, but instead they face several costs. Due to the easiness to measure the economic impacts, early tourism research, e.g. Mings (1969); Peters (1969); Henderson (1975); International Union of Official Travel Organizations (1976); Spartidis (1976); Archer (1977, 1982, 1988); Diammond (1977); Chen-Young (1982); Seward and Spinard (1982); Liu and Var (1983); McCann (1983); Papadopoulos (1985); Ruiz (1985); Hennessy et al. (1986); Jackson (1986); Vaughan and Wilkes (1986), has paid interest to 4 Chapter 1

Case study 1.1. Organizing ‘alternative events’ – the case of International Conference on Tourism.

All conferences, including alternative ones, aim to bring together groups of people inter- ested on a particular subject. What makes alternative conferences distinctive is that they are addressed to a small number of delegates, they are more informal, they aim to pro- tect and promote the local natural and cultural environment, to support the local economy and to be socially responsible. Examples of small alternative conference venues include Launceston Farm, Dorset (http://www.launcestonfarm.co.uk/the-farm/venue), Bridge 5 Mill, Manchester (http://bridge5mill.org.uk/site), The NutCracker Country Venue, South (http://thenutcracker.co.za/conference) and Bon Secours Retreat and Conference Center, USA (https://rccbonsecours.com/us/contact-us). The International Conference on Tourism (ICOT) is an academic conference organized annually by the International Association for Tourism Policy (IATOUR). ICOT conferences have obtained strong support by the international scholarly community and host delegates from 30–42 countries. Table 1.1 shows statistics of past ICOT conferences. ICOT is different to most other academic conferences. While as an academic conference it aims to add to the debate of various themes related to tourism scholarship by stimulating discussion and exchange of ideas between tourism professionals, academics, researchers, policy makers, consultants, practitioners, government officials and postgraduate students from all tourism-related fields, it is what somebody would consider an alternative conference with its main feature the large number of social events and field trips, all of which are low-carbon and benefit the host community. As the author of this volume (as well as chairman of the ICOT conferences), Prof. Konstantinos Andriotis, posted on TRINET about the ICOT2012 conference in Archanes: If you would like to attend a conference at a luxurious with ugly structures, congestion and fabricated authenticity, then I am afraid this conference is NOT for you. If your aim is to enjoy a conference where history blends with the warmth of hospitality and culture in a small traditional town then ICOT2012 is an event not

Table 1.1. ICOT statistics.

ICOT2012 ICOT2013 ICOT2014 ICOT2015 ICOT2016 Archanes Limassol Dalian Naples Crete, Greece Cyprus China UK Italy Abstracts/ 258* 239* 165* 232* 301* Submission Papers 82 101 76 106 139 Presented Number of 104 124 81 137 177 Delegates Geographical 35 countries 39 countries 30 countries 42 countries 39 countries Distribution 43 delegates 49 delegates 35 delegates 38 delegates 62 delegates of Delegates outside outside outside outside outside Europe Europe Asia Europe Europe (41.3%) (39.5%) (43.2%) (36.9%) (35.0%)

*These numbers do not include abstracts submitted to Special Sessions. Continued Introduction 5

Case study 1.1. Continued.

to be missed. ICOT2012 offers to participants the opportunity to join an academic conference of utmost quality and at the same time discover the traditional town of Archanes in Crete. (6 December 2011) With seven conferences organized up to now, five in Europe (Greece, Cyprus, UK and Italy) and two in Asia (China and Thailand), ICOT faces several challenges. These include: 1. Avoid commercialization and keep authentic character: when the first ICOT conference was organized the aim was to be small scale, with no more than 100 participants. Now that the conference has been well established and is known in the academic community, it ­attracts a large number of good-quality papers. As a consequence, it is not an easy task to keep the number of participants small. Between 2012 and 2016 the number of delegates ranged between 81 and 177, mean 125). While it is not possible to keep the number of ­delegates small, lack of commercialization and authenticity is ensured by the selection of destinations and buildings (usually historical) where ICOT venues are taking place. 2. Keep the conference fee minimal: expenses to organize a conference are quite high. Up to now, two out of the seven ICOT conferences had a loss. The main reason for this was that ICOT conferences are self-financed, organized by a non-profit organization and the fee has been kept to a minimum. In fact, the fee is much lower compared to most tourism conferences if somebody considers the large number of social events on offer and the aim to offer value for money (quality bags, presents, etc.) Sponsorships could be a solution, but in the turbulent economic environment facing most countries today, this is not always feasible. 3. Keep loyal delegates: ICOT has managed to build a collegial atmosphere and a small community within the discipline with peers who hold similar values and ideas. There are between 30 and 50 peers who attend the conference on an annual basis not only because they have the chance to speak with people from various backgrounds and to build up a good network, but also because they are happy with the conference organization, social events on offer and the academic character of the conferences. As Susan Slocum posted on TRINET about her ICOT experience: ‘It was a highly educational conference and very diverse in its presentation of ‘science’. I even returned to the conference two years later’ (20 November 2014). 4. Continue to be innovative: by offering an alternative to the mainstream conference experience and organizing conferences that have a unique character and are not addressed to the masses. A representative example of ICOT conference was the second ICOT conference that was held in Archanes, Crete, between 23 and 26 May 2012. The theme of the conference was ‘Setting the Agenda for Special Interest Tourism: Past, Present and Future’. The conference venue was hosted at the old Elementary School of Archanes village, a historical traditional building dating back in 1864 at the entrance of the village. Archanes is a picturesque village in Crete, famous for its typical Cretan architecture. One of the main initiatives of the conference was to support the local economy. As Jan Jones (2012) wrote in the VolunTourist Newsletter about her search for ‘the Right Conference’: For the first time in a long time I attended a conference where people were not only passionate about their own work, but extremely welcoming and keen to learn from others. The conference itself was created in a way so that the local communities would benefit from the conference and therefore we were able to really experience

Continued 6 Chapter 1

Case study 1.1. Continued.

local culture and hospitality. For the first time ever there were academics who were interested in the same type of tourism that I was. What was most impressive about this conference was the amount of cultural events woven into the agenda. I found myself learning as much during these events as I did from the sessions themselves. Before I left the conference, I knew that I wanted to return again next year. The main social, non-academic, but educational activities of the Archanes conference are listed below (Fig. 1.1): 1. Guided of Archanes: the opening day included a guided walking field trip tour of the village. The tour offered to participants the opportunity to discover the town of Archanes, which is characterized by Byzantine churches and many restored sandstone houses dating back to the Turkish era. Participants also had the chance to experience the customs, architecture and art that gave Archanes its distinctive character. 2. Welcome reception: the welcome reception took place at Fourni Open Air Theater lo- cated in the middle of a forest. The welcome addresses were followed by a folk dance group performance which created a unique atmosphere, followed by a special night that included local dishes, wine in abundance and enjoyment. During buffet time an opportunity was pro- vided for delegates to catch up with friends, network and meet other participants. 3. Lunches: during lunch time a visit and sweet treat was made at Fabrica Heleni, a re- stored traditional olive oil press, which offered a charming tour through the initiation in traditional olive oil production. Following this, lunch was offered at the wonderful two-floor Xotaris gallery, which was created at an old wine-press, where some elements had been retained to keep in mind the process of making wine out of grapes.

Fig. 1.1. ICOT2012 Events. Continued Introduction 7

Case study 1.1. Continued.

4. Flea market: local women sold traditional products, such as olive oil, honey, handmade soap and creams, sweets and liquors, in the premises of the venue. This event was offered exclusively to ICOT participants. 5. First half-day trip – Houdetsi village: Delegates visited the Musical Workshop Labyrinth, where they were welcomed and attended a live music performance by Ross Daly (world-famous musician of Irish descent specialized in Cretan lyra). Following this, the dinner was offered at a traditional Cretan tavern located in Houdetsi village with a sample assortment of Cretan foods and locally produced wine. 6. Second half-day trip and gala dinner: this trip started with a walking tour to the highlights of Heraklion, including the Morosini Fountain in Lion Square, the Venetian Lodge (town hall) and Agios Titos (a beautiful church), the castle, the Cathedral of St Minas, etc. Following the walking tour, the gala dinner was offered at a traditional tavern located at St Dimitrios Square. 7. First full-day trip: the first full-day trip included a visit to Peza Cooperative traditional winery, a walk to Giouhtas mountain, release of two wild vultures (that had been injured and treated), lunch at Houdetsi village, a guided visit to the Museum Nikos Kazantzakis (Mirtia village) and to the St George ‘Epanosifis’ monastery, where participating delegates had the opportunity to experience a ten-minute Divine Liturgy and a traditional treat offered by the monks of the monastery. 8. Second full-day trip: the second full-day trip included a visit to Knossos (archaeological site outside Heraklion), boat trip to Spinalonga (known as the Leper Island), and its Venetian castle, and a visit to the beautiful lake city of Agios Nikolaos, including lunch. To summarize, the organizers of ICOT conferences aim to offer sustainable events, ‘designed, organized and implemented in a way that minimizes potential negative impacts and leaves a beneficial legacy for the host community and all involved’ (United Nations Environment Programme, 2012: 1). While the majority of those attending ICOT conferences cannot be con- sidered as degrowth-inspired conference tourists for the reason that they do not follow one of the main principles of degrowth philosophy, namely, use of low-carbon transport to reach the destination, the organizers are doing their best to adopt a non-materialistic conference experience, where the host community gets the most benefit from the events. In particular, low-carbon modes of transport are used during the event (walking, buses and boats where appropriate), paper use is being reduced by having electronic proceedings and minimizing printing, and overall all activities aim to minimize potential negative impact.

the contribution of tourism to economic development and most of them meas- ured the multiplier effects of tourism expenditures on a local economy through the use of input–output models. Curiously, with limited exceptions – see, for example, Cohen (1972, 1978, 1979); Pizam (1978); Pigram (1980); Sethna (1980); Krippendorf (1982) – the domain of tourism has long been overlooked by early social and environmental research. Only during the last two decades have an increasing number of scholars realized that tourism is not exclusively an economic phenomenon, but also a serious social and environmental one that requires further research attention. Correspondingly, tourism has attracted a growing body of sociological and environmental research interest (Cohen, 2008: 331). In a similar vein, while there is a significant body of research on the appli- cation of development theories and paradigms in the case of tourism – see, for 8 Chapter 1

example, Chapter 2 of this volume as well as the studies of Britton (1982, 1989, 1991); Lea (1988); Pearce (1989); Harrison (1992, 2016); Oppermann (1993); Woodcock and France (1994); Oppermann and Chon (1997); Andriotis (2003, 2006); Andriotis and Vaughan (2009); Chaperon and Bramwell (2013) – tourism research is not innovative enough. Until now, tourism scholars have been unable or unwilling to explore in depth new theories and paradigms. Instead, they prefer to explore old and sometimes outdated theories rather than those which have emerged only recently in the academic domain, and have attracted increased research interest by different established disciplines and traditional fields of study. In turn, various aspects of development need further investiga- tion from a tourism perspective. This monograph has emerged as a consequence of the author’s exten- sive research on motivations, behaviours, experiences, values and attitudes of non-mainstream travellers who resist commercialism to the way they travel, interact with the host community and experience the destination (Andriotis, 2009, 2010, 2011, 2013; Andriotis and Agiomirgianakis, 2014), as well as past ethnographic research on travellers who exercise their right to travel through non-mainstream travel activities and lifestyles and reject the tourist label. These travellers include: ‘’ (Wilson, 1997); ‘new age travelers’ (Martin, 1998, 2000), ‘drifters’ (Cohen, 1973), or in the words of MacCannell (1992) ‘neo-nomads’; ‘wanderers’ (Vogt, 1976); ocean cruisers (Macbeth, 1985, 1992); frontier travellers (Laing, 2006; Laing and Crouch, 2009a,b, 2011); lifestyle trav- ellers (Cohen, 2010); and antinomians (Andriotis, 2013). All of the aforemen- tioned forms of travelling, as well as other related forms of socially conscious tourism practice, share much in common with degrowth-inspired travelling. This chapter will start by exploring the main preconditions of develop- ment in conjunction with the reasons that some destinations remain ‘under- developed’, and as a result receive only limited numbers of alternative tourists and limited economic benefits, but at the same time the conservation of their local environmental and cultural resources is ensured, while others attract large number of mass tourists along with the associated costs. In addition, the chapter will review the key historical manifestations of degrowth forms of development by exploring degrowth as an approach to development and travelling, which although historically had many supporters (several early travellers and philo- sophers were following the principles of degrowth), it only recently came to the surface as a distinctive multidisciplinary academic paradigm requiring further research interest. Finally, the chapter highlights negligence of past research, outlines the aims and objectives of the study and provides an overview of the different sections of the book.

1.1 Preconditions of Development

Through a literature review of tourism studies, it emerges that there are two core preconditions of development, namely the ‘necessary’ and the ‘sufficient’ (Rostow, 1990; Auty, 1995; Andriotis, 2000, 2005). The former include those natural and cultural factors that pull people to different destinations: very often Introduction 9

agreeable landscapes, natural parks, archaeological sites, museums, architec- ture, visual and performing arts, crafts, music, dance and festivals, etc. These necessary free preconditions are essential in the early stages of tourism devel- opment because they act as attractions which motivate people to visit a destin- ation. In the words of Sharpley (2002): the development of tourism (and its subsequent economic contribution) is based upon natural resources that are free or ‘of the country’, in as much as they do not have to be built or created, and that ‘economic value can be derived from resources which may have limited or no alternative use’ (Jenkins, 1991: 86). Similarly, historic sites and attractions that have been handed down by previous generations may also considered to be free, although costs are, of course, incurred in the protection, upkeep and management of all tourist attractions and resources, whether natural or man-made. The point is that, in the context of tourism as a favored development option, the basic resources already exist and therefore tourism may be considered to have low ‘start-up’ costs. (p. 19) While these natural and cultural resources attract specific forms of tourism and satisfy special needs, tourism resources encompass more than nature’s and cul- ture’s endowment (Liu, 2003: 464). From a broader perspective, the start-up costs increase if somebody considers that most destinations in their attempt to attract tourists invest high amounts of capital in infrastructure and facilities serving the needs of tourists and local population as well (construction of air- ports, ports and roads, communication infrastructure, hospitals, , gas stations, banks, etc.) This may explain why many destinations rich in necessary preconditions do not always move from the stage of potential to that of actually being developed, because either they face certain limits to growth, or because they lack the sufficient preconditions which consist of a person’s will to develop the tourism industry, and to invest in infrastructure, facilities, transportation, leisure and entertainment (Andriotis, 2005). In any case, each context is unique. Arguably, although the presence/­ absence of the necessary and sufficient preconditions can be used to explain the reasons that some areas develop while others do not, not all necessary preconditions are required to be present for the sufficient conditions to be sat- isfied. Apparently, there are destinations poor in necessary preconditions that have developed their tourism industry mainly through capital investments in artificial attractions, e.g. Disneyland in Paris and luxury developments in Dubai. Taking a different perspective, while for most forms of tourism suf- ficient preconditions are required, there are specific forms of development, such as degrowth, for which sufficient preconditions are not always required. Instead, for degrowth-inspired tourists the necessary preconditions of develop- ment comprise the main attractions of a destination. In fact, non-mainstream development approaches have emerged as a result­ of travellers, degrowthers or not, who visit unconventional places in their ­attempt to avoid commercialization and to experience unspoilt environ- ments. As Chapters 4 and 5 in this volume highlight, the reason for this is that degrowth-inspired travellers prefer uncrowded environments and demand only modest infrastructure and facilities, such as basic public transport to reach the destination and a or with a food store where they can 10 Chapter 1

Management/Planning

Necessary Sufficient - natural resources - accessibility - archaeology - infrastructure - cultural resources - accommodation - society - entertainment

Host Acceptance

Fig. 1.2. Preconditions of development. Author’s own.

buy raw food for cooking and fruits. In effect, this type of tourist can help des- tinations to attract a small number of tourists and obtain benefits from their consumption without any need to invest high amounts of capital, i.e. without sufficient preconditions of development. In addition to the necessary and the sufficient preconditions of develop- ment, two main considerations are of vital importance for the development of any form of tourism that aims to increase the benefits and reduce the costs for all parties involved in destination development (see Fig. 1.2).

1.1.1 Host acceptability

Although many developing societies promote tourism for its positive effects, they ignore that the tourism industry should be developed according to the capabilities of each destination (Godfrey, 1993; Andriotis, 2000). Virtually, the transformation of resources into an effective tourism product usually requires the efforts of various parties. According to various authors, e.g. D’Angela and Go (2009); Kuvan and Akan (2012); Nunkoo and Ramkinssoon (2013), tourism is a complex system comprising a number of stakeholders, e.g. residents, busi- nessmen, local authorities, voluntary associations, non-governmental organ- izations. Due to the conflicting views of these stakeholders, discord may arise on how the industry should be developed and managed. Degrowthers believe that communities have certain limits. Growth beyond these limits, in other words, overtourism, can exceed the acceptability limits of the host community and may result in an anti-tourism attitude towards unsus- pecting tourists. As Doxey (1975) reported in his Irridex model (Fig. 1.3) that investigated changes in residents’ attitudes as a community moves from a dis- covery stage to moderate and finally to full tourism development, residents’ at- titudes pass through a sequence of stages from euphoria in which residents are enthusiastic about tourism development and welcome strangers, to apathy, and from annoyance to antagonism in which irritation is expressed and outsiders are seen as the cause of all problems. Doxey’s model has been confirmed by Introduction 11

EUPHORIA Initial stage of development, visitors and investors are welcomed, little planning or control mechanism.

APATHY Tourists are taken for granted, contracts between residents and outsiders more formal, planning is concerned mostly with marketing. ANNOYANCE Saturation points are approached, residents have misgivings about the tourist industry, policy makers attempt solutions in increasing infrastructure rather than limiting growth. ANTAGONISM Irritations openly expressed, outsiders are seen as cause of all problems, planning has to be remedial but promotion increased to offset the deteriorating reputation of destination.

Fig. 1.3. Doxey’s Irridex model of resident irritation. From Doxey (1975).

several scholars, e.g. Kousis (2000); Westerhausen (2002); Briassoulis (2011), who report cases of host communities open resistance in the form of anti-tourist protest and agitation. (Case study 1.2 presents the example of Barcelona where uncontrolled tourism development has resulted to reactions towards incoming tourists and tourism development.) If the aim of any development project is to retain community support, it has to take into consideration the desires and needs of the local commu- nity (Monterrubio and Andriotis, 2014). In the words of Ritchie (1992), ‘no longer can it be assumed that the residents of a tourism destination/region will automatically accept all (or any) forms of tourism development that the industry proposes or attempts to impose’ (p. 16). In reality, residents’ reactions can have a major influence on the future success of a destination, since community attitudes are one of the most essential determinants of visitor satisfaction and repeat visitation, and determine the level of wel- come visitors are likely to ­receive (Swarbrooke, 1993; Andriotis et al., 2008; Andriotis and Agiomirgianakis, 2010; Taecharungroj and Tansitpong, 2017). A destination may have all necessary preconditions for expansion of its tourism industry, but these preconditions might not be sufficient without local community’s acceptability and hospitality. In the case of degrowth forms of development, community acceptability is of vital importance because degrowth aims to increase benefits for the local community and to improve its welfare without incurring any costs to local resources. At the same time, degrowth by setting physical limits to growth and by involving the local popu- lation in decision making can help communities to avoid the negative effects of increased tourism activity.

1.1.2 Planning/Management

Since tourism activity relies on the protection of environmental and sociocul- tural resources, planning is important for the management of necessary and suf- ficient resources and the balanced development of tourism at community level, 12 Chapter 1

Case study 1.2. Residents reactions towards tourism – anti-tourism attitudes in Barcelona.

In several European cities (Venice, Barcelona, Palma de Mallorca, San Sebastian, Dubrovnik, Amsterdam and Santorini, to name a few), residents have launched local campaigns against tourists and tourism. The main reason for these campaigns is that tourist arrivals have re- sulted in overtourism, particularly in rising housing costs, overcrowded streets and unequal distribution of benefits among residents. Recognizing the extent of the problem, Taleb Rifai, the Secretary-General of the United Nations World Tourism Organization, stated in (Coldwell, 2017) that the rise in anti-tourist sentiment is ‘a very serious situation that needs to be addressed in a serious way’, and recommended as proven methods for managing crowds not simply stopping tourists travelling, but also to encourage them to visit areas beyond the central sights, to diversify tourist activities, to reduce seasonality and to address the needs of the local community. While there are anti-tourist protests in several cities worldwide, the case of Barcelona is unique because residents’ reactions towards tourism have resulted in a social movement mobilization and institutional action. Since the 1992 Olympics, Barcelona has been heavily marketed as a metropolis of art, culture, gastronomy and entertainment. With 6 million in- habitants and over 8 million overnight visitors in 2016, Barcelona is the 12th most-visited city in the world and the fourth most-visited in Europe. The growing number of tourists has been fuelled by low-cost flights and the popularization of home-sharing platforms, e.g. Airbnb, which offer cheaper accommodation options compared to . The main problems of increased tourism activity include that income generated by tourism is concentrated in the hands of a minority of people, while its negative impacts affect almost all citizens; in several central neighbourhoods, the number of tourist beds outnumber the residential housing offer; life is becoming more expensive; there is an increase in rents that pushes residents out of their homes; and inappropriate behaviour of drunk and noisy tourists (Baid, 2017; Díaz, 2017; Leadbeater, 2017; Sansom, 2017). Due to these problems, many residents perceive tourism as the biggest problem fa- cing Barcelona today and think that their home is being damaged by the influx of tourists (Baid, 2017; Leadbeater, 2017). In effect, several neighbourhood movements, such as local degrowth groups, are protesting against uncontrolled tourism activity and call for increased regulation. In addition, angry graffiti and passive-aggressive messages on banners and slogans such as ‘Tourist go home’, ‘This isn’t tourism, it’s an invasion’ and ‘Tourism Kills Neighbourhoods’, appear all over the city (Leadbeater, 2017; Sansom, 2017). As a way to control tourism expansion, decongest the most overcrowded districts and distribute tourists more evenly throughout the city, a new restrictive zoning plan has been ­enforced, called the PEUAT (Plan Especial Urbanístico de Alojamiento Turístico, trans- lated as the Special Urban Tourism Accommodation Plan) (Díaz, 2017). This plan has applied a tourist tax in an attempt to halt all new tourist apartment licences and a complete ban of housing being turned into hotels in the city centre (Baird, 2017). At the same time, numerous citizens and associations have been united at the Neighbourhood Association for (Assemblea de Barris per un Turisme Sostenible, ABTS), which coordinates initiatives for degrowing tourism activity and organizes educational events and public actions to challenge mass tourism development.

as well as to ensure that any positive effects will remain within the community. In practice, according to Baud-Bovy (1982): any tourism development plan has to be integrated into the nation’s socio- economic and political policies, into the natural and man-made environment, Introduction 13

into the socio-cultural traditions, into the many related sectors of the economy and its financial schemes, and into the international tourism market. (p. 308) Although degrowthers as travellers tend to consume low amounts of local ­resources and therefore are more environmentally friendly, compared to most, if not all other forms of tourism, planning and management of the necessary and sufficient preconditions are still essential if the aim of development is to avoid malfunctions and inefficiencies and to cope with rapidly changing con- ditions and situations faced by the host community (Atach-Rosch, 1984; Choy, 1991). On this ground, it should be clear that degrowth-induced destinations should set their own limits to development by formulating detailed policies oriented to control the eagerness of entrepreneurs to maximize their profits that may transform a destination through investments in artificial infrastructures and superstructures. These limits emerge from the philosophical roots and prin- ciples of degrowth which will be briefly presented in section 1.2, and will be analysed in more detail in Chapter 4. In brief, degrowth-induced destinations can be effective not only through the protection of the local resources, but also by restricting unlimited growth, or even downscaling tourism activity through planning and management.

1.2 Searching the Roots of Degrowth

Degrowth philosophies have been adopted as a way of life by several people through the centuries. Sources of degrowth can be traced back thousands of years to the great philosophers of ancient Greece and , in particular, the Cynics and the Stoics. In one of the most radical expressions of degrowth, the Greek philosopher Diogenes, known as Diogenes the Cynic, lived in a barrel and discarded all his possessions except for a cloak, a purse and a wooden bowl, and maintained that civilization is regressive and all artificial creatures of society are incompatible with happiness (M.F., 1930; Andriotis, 2014). Diogenes voluntarily embraced a life of poverty and his free and meaningful life implied a return to the simplicity of nature, which could not be measured by conventional accounts of wealth. Following Diogenes, less extreme examples of degrowth were expressed by the Stoics, such as Epictetus, Marcus Aurelius and Seneca, who believed that ‘people cannot always be in control of how much worldly wealth and fame they attain, but they should be in control of the attitudes they adopt in relation to such things’ (Alexander, 2014: 135). In various ways such philosophies have been adopted as a way of life by several advocates of degrowth through centuries. Emerging from environmental concerns, degrowth debates have been going on through the centuries and according to Andreoni and Galmarini (2013) they were formulated from the critical thinking of Marx (1859), Jevons (1865), Soddy (1922, 1926) and Polany (1944). However, it was only during the 1970s that scholars such as Illich (1973) and Schumacher (1973) explored its principles, and when ‘the father of de-growth’ Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen (1971, 1979) challenged the conventional economic concept of unlimited economic­ growth 14 Chapter 1

by supporting that continuous growth is not possible on a finite planet, and as an alternative he introduced the formalization of degrowth as a new eco- nomic paradigm aiming to reduce entropy that results from mass production and consumption. In the modern world, France was one of the first countries where the notion of degrowth came in the surface. This took place when various authors (e.g. Amar, 1976; Gorz, 1977; Georgescu-Roegen, 1979) used the word décrois- sance (French for degrowth), a term that during this era was not popular neither for scholars nor for activists. During this era, degrowth was at the junction of two movements which emerged from political ecologists, such as Grinevald (1975), who emphasized the negative effects of increased production on the environment (Latouche, 2006), as well as the severe criticism of the concept of development. As a result of this criticism, various concepts emerged, related to degrowth, such as ‘zero growth’ (Brooks, 1973), ‘agrowth’ (Kallis, 2011), ‘sus- tainable development’ (World Commission on Environment and Development, 1987) and ‘steady state economy’ (Kerschner, 2010; Latouche, 2010). (Some of these concepts will be explored in later chapters.) Since the 1960s, the pursuit of economic growth has been a dominant ideology for industrialized countries. As a consequence of unlimited growth and the associated negative effects of overconsumption and overproduction, our world today faces a hostile climate, depleted resources, the destruction of habitats, as well as severe economic crisis. Admittedly, our planet does not have the ecological and economic capacity to fulfil the dream that growth will lead to a materialistic utopia (Jackson, 2009: 203). So, the only choice is to find an alternative to increased growth by transforming the structures and institutions that shape the world and by articulating a more credible vision for a lasting pros- perity (Jackson, 2009: 203). In search of transforming the world and as a reaction against capitalism and its negative effects, degrowth became an activist slogan. This happened after the turn of the 21st century, and more specifically from 2001 in France, 2004 in Italy and 2006 in Catalonia (Spain). More recently, in 2008, the term ‘degrowth’ was adopted in the English language, at the first conference of the Research & Degrowth academic association in Paris, which marked the initi- ation of degrowth in the debate of academic research (Demaria et al., 2011: 2). One of the persons who promoted the degrowth concept in the modern era was Francois Schneider, who in 2004–5 undertook a year-long donkey tour in his attempt to disseminate the degrowth idea, and in 2006 initiated the academic association Research & Degrowth that in 2008 organized the first scientific degrowth conference in Paris. From a tourism standpoint, degrowth is based on an ideology of opposition to conventional mass tourism and prevention of the exploitation of the local com- munity. It has strong ideological and philosophical roots to the counterculture of hippies that arose in the United States during the mid-1960s from youths and younger adults who in protest against industrial society chose to turn their back on the system and its values by visiting pristine environments all around the world (Andriotis, 2006, 2013). Their protest was expressed when they started vis- iting Matala (Crete, Greece), where they slept in caves, as well as during hippy Introduction 15

gatherings and festivals, such as the Summer of Love on the West Coast of the United States in 1967, and Woodstock on the East Coast in the town of Bethel, New York, in 1969. The so-called ‘hippy convoy’, which grew out of the annual excursion of a small and relatively cohesive group of hippies, emerged as a summer circuit of ‘free’ (non-commercial) festivals (Martin, 1998: 738). While the reasons for travel and modes of travelling underwent broad changes, which can be linked to the different cultural background of travel- lers and tourists through the centuries, there are many people who still look for primitive forms of travelling and the use of modest means of transport and facilities. Like their earlier counterparts, who used a variety of travel modes including biking, boating, and riding freight trains, and a primitive range of lodgings, such as sleeping in fields, , local houses and , these travellers avoid the established touristic circuits, and prefer to visit uncon- ventional environments, including sea, forests and mountains which, as will be explained in Chapter 5, function as spaces open to conditions of freedom distinctly different from the normal place of home. Moreover, there are trav- ellers who, while not attracted by remote places, choose urban destinations that are not affected by commercialization and overconsumption. Due to their distinctive attributes, these travellers, degrowthers or not, have been highly dif- ferentiated from conventional tourists.

1.3 Past Research on Tourism and Degrowth

Even if the origin of the ideas of degrowth have a relatively old history and degrowth has attracted a great deal of research attention from various discip- lines and scholars concerned with aspects of limits to growth (see, for example, Kallis and Schneider, 2008; Latouche, 2010; Schneider et al., 2010; Alexander, 2012; Xue et al., 2012), its concepts have only recently been used in a limited number of tourism publications (Hall, 2009; Andriotis, 2013, 2014; Bourdeau and Berthelot, 2018; Canavan, 2014; Di-Clemente et al., 2014; Hollenhorst et al., 2014). Despite the paucity of research, the finding that a small number of scholars have ventured to write about degrowth in the case of tourism is at least partial evidence that the topic has relevance in the subject of tourism. Among past studies, Andriotis (2013) explored the crystallization of a specific antinomian travel counterculture that advocates withdrawal from the social milieu by visiting the Greek island of Gavdos and found that the main attributes that characterize antinomians as degrowth-inspired travel- lers and distinguish them not only from institutionalized travel, but also from other forms of alternative budget travelling is that they place an emphasis on independently organized, long-term and flexible travel schedules, they undertake non-mainstream activities, such as nudism, reject materialism and engage in intense social interactions. Andriotis (2014) in his second study looked at alternatives to the classic models of development by exploring the paradigm of degrowth in a tourism context and identified as important core themes of degrowth-inspired travelling among others reduction in working hours, use of low-carbon transportation, rejection of western travel amenities 16 Chapter 1

and ­commoditized tourism products, lack of industrialization and increased benefits for the local population. A theoretical study by Bourdeau and Berthelot (2018) criticized the dom- inant modes of tourism and explored the main concepts, axioms and practices in which the notion of ‘recreation’ has been re-created, within the boundaries of a degrowth society. Canavan (2014) cited the Isle of Man, UK, to demon- strate the relevance of sustainable tourism to the destination’s decline and the rising interest in degrowth and concluded that tourism decline, degrowth and economic replacement require sustainable management. Di-Clemente et al. (2014) explored slow tourism as an alternative to degrowth-induced devel- opment and found that the degrowth philosophy can provide a new under- standing to the concept of slow tourism. Hall’s (2009: 46) conceptual study on degrowing tourism proposed the con- tribution of tourism to sustainable development to be understood in the context of degrowth paradigm that offers an alternative discourse to the economism paradigm that reifies economic growth in terms of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Finally, Hollenhorst et al. (2014) proposed the locavist approach as an efficient model that decision makers can use to construct effective, long-term priorities and policies, and includes ‘the de-growth of the high-carbon distant travel model of tourism and replacement with a low-carbon model that empha- sizes local destinations, short distances, lower-carbon transport modes, and capital investment (both financial and social) in local communities’ (p. 305). The same authors discussed the transition of the society from peak-oil tourism to ‘locavism’, which they defined as travel closer to home and tourists them- selves investing money, time and personal energy in their host communities. With the exception of the studies of Andriotis (2013, 2014), the concept of degrowth has been peripheral in tourism scholarship. This paucity of research has hindered our understanding on degrowth-induced tourism development and travelling and suggests that greater attention needs to be devoted to the underlying theoretical constructs of degrowth theory in the context of tourism.

1.4 Contents of the Book

Being among the limited attempts to scientifically approach the degrowth con- cept from a tourism perspective, this book explores important core themes of degrowth, each of which will be the focus of one chapter in the book. The fol- lowing paragraphs signpost the structure of each chapter. Following this introductory chapter, the second chapter will explore degrowth as one of the most recent approaches to development, or to be more specific, to limited growth. Based on Brewer (1980: 1), who reiterated that development can only be understood by looking at the historical process by which it has evolved over a period of centuries, Chapter 2 reviews and criti- cizes the main theories and approaches to development which have been applied in the case of tourism, namely, modernization, diffusion, dependency, neoliberalism and sustainability, and compares them with degrowth. The chapter also highlights the need for a new development approach in the case Introduction 17

of tourism and explains the reasons which made degrowth one of the most controversial approaches to development. Development by its nature is a process of change that may be implemented in a variety of ways. On these grounds, Chapter 3 explores further the theories and approaches to development, by arguing that tourist destinations have a variety of options to follow in developing their tourism sector which can be associated to degrowth. These options include six dichotomous alternatives, namely: cap- ital versus labour-intensive; endogenous versus exogenous; small-scale versus large-scale; alternative versus mass; enclave versus spread out; and bottom-up versus top-down. Based on the fact that these alternatives could prove a useful framework for the anticipation of tourism development benefits and costs, as well as the development of non-conventional forms of degrowth-inspired travel, it is the aim of Chapter 3 to discuss the six development alternatives and to use these discussions as a basis for explaining degrowth from a tourism perspective. For the reason that degrowth can be considered not only as the most con- temporary, but also the most controversial approach to development, its prin- cipal features cause it to be highly differentiated from all other approaches. Thus Chapter 4 attempts to familiarize readers with some basic concepts and debates related to degrowth-inspired tourism by arguing that sustainable change can only be achieved by following the main principles of degrowth, which are associated­ to limits to growth and steady-state economy, and move- ments such as simple living, volunteer simplicity and slow movement. Since the answer to the question of whether unlimited growth can continue forever is negative, an issue to be considered is whether the tourism system can rescind­ from the system of growth by slowing down tourism activity and conceiving a drastic change in the dominant model of development (Castaldo, 2012: 14). In doing so, the fourth chapter presents a whole series of arguments of the reasons considered responsible for the modern economic and environmental failure and sees crises (economic and environmental) as an opportunity to change. Reflecting a wide range of academic literatures and by reviewing the fundamental conceptual and philosophical notions of degrowth, which include reduced consumption and production, limited use of technology, low-carbon travel, reduction of working hours, promotion of simpler alternative lifestyles, improved community welfare and increased human happiness, the fourth chapter attempts to identify the main features which make degrowth distinctive from all previous tourism development approaches. Chapter 5, based on those attributes characterizing degrowth-induced destinations, identifies the main features of travellers who visit places where degrowth prevails and at the same time explores the reasons which make degrowth-inspired travel a distinctive segment of tourism deserving further investigation. The chapter will also explore those types of travellers demon- strating a desire to move away from the old-style standardized rigid motivations and in common with degrowth attempt (but do not always succeed), to offer to travellers non-commercial alternatives to travel, interacting with the host community and experiencing the destination. Because freedom is the main prerequisite of degrowth-inspired travel, this chapter draws selections from a broad range of sources and from the works of a variety of authors treating the 18 Chapter 1

theme of alternative lifestyle and freedom. By operating beyond mainstream commodity consumption culture, Chapter 5 aims to offer a theoretical contribu- tion to the literature on travel and freedom, specifically in the ‘non-conventional’ area of tourism research. In doing so, it reviews a range of connected literature and identifies a number of types of freedom, drawing on research in tourism, degrowth, consumption and philosophy. Every form of tourism and approach to development has positive and nega- tive outcomes. The development of degrowth-inspired travel is no exception. Chapter 6 reviews the impacts of degrowth for host communities (economic, environmental and sociocultural) and compares them to mass tourism. In doing so, attempts are being made to identify the reasons which make essential the degrowing of tourism activity, as a way to eliminate the negative effects of the rapid growth of tourism and the massive exploitation of environmental and sociocultural resources. Finally, by looking at the associated problems in rela- tion to specific cases, Chapter 6 presents degrowth as an alternative approach to development which will help destinations to improve community welfare without any adverse socioeconomic and environmental effects. The final chapter summarizes the main conclusions of the book and provides a model for the better understanding of degrowth in the case of tourism. It also acknowledges that some of the most exciting advances in development theory have emerged when ideas that were before treated as entirely separate spheres of enquiry were utilized to propose new concepts. In doing so, and by using the criticism of past development paradigms as well as the negative ­impacts resulting from tourism activity, Chapter 7 attempts to explain the reasons which make it essential to consider degrowth as a new development paradigm. In this end, it considers degrowth revolutionary in character, since it involves giving up the current system of growth which is incompatible to degrowth. Finally, the chapter provides the directions of future research and the limitations of the study.

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