November 14, 1945 Gomulka's Memorandum of a Conversation
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How Hitler and Stalin Made Modern Poland
The Wall Street Journal August 1, 2019 How Hitler and Stalin Made Modern Poland The neglected history of the Warsaw uprising helps explain the country’s nationalist politics today. by Sean McMeekin Members of the Polish resistance fight the Nazis in Warsaw, 1944. Photo: Photo 12/Universal Images Group via Getty Images Warsaw Thursday marks the 75th anniversary of the heroic yet doomed Warsaw Uprising against German occupation forces in Poland. Every Aug. 1 at 5 p.m., Poles mark the bitter occasion with a moment of silence for the fallen. Alarm sirens wail in a would-be call to arms that captures the defiant spirit of this proud, pugnacious nation. Warsaw’s stupendous Uprising Museum, one of the city’s few tourist attractions, illustrates the painful side of this defiance. For the battle of 1944 left behind almost nothing of old Warsaw for visitors to admire. The martyrs of the Polish Home Army lost not only their lives but also the city they loved. The fate of Warsaw—reduced to rubble by the vengeful cruelty of one dictator, Hitler, in unspoken connivance with his enemy doppelgänger, Stalin—epitomizes the catastrophe of World War II better than any other single event. Why, then, is this shattering episode in European history almost forgotten in the West? Perhaps because the battle for Warsaw does not have a happy ending. Germany’s eventual defeat did not mark the liberation of Poles but the beginning of another brutal occupation by the Communists. This unsettles the narrative of World War II as a “good war” and looms large over Polish and European politics to this day. -
The Phenomenon of Banished Soldiers in Polish Schools As an Example of the Politics of Memory
Journal of Social Science Education Volume 18 Issue 1 Fall 2019 Article DOI 10.4119/jsse-921 The phenomenon of banished soldiers in Polish schools as an example of the politics of memory Ewa Bacia Technische Universität Berlin – The new core curriculum for teaching history in Polish schools is an example of the implementation of the politics of memory. – The primary purpose of teaching history at schools has become to stir up patriotic emotions. – This goal is to be reached by promoting distinguished Polish figures, presented as morally impeccable heroes. – Patriotism is linked to war, the image of which is simplified and trivialised. – The promotion of a black and white vision of history is a threat to Polish democracy. Purpose: The article intends to analyse the manner in which banished soldiers are presented in the new history curriculum at schools in Poland as an example of the politics of memory. Design/methodology/approach: The analysis is a case study of the phenomenon of banished soldiers in the Polish public discourse. It includes the following issues: the history of banished soldiers, the core history curriculum after the education reform in Poland, its objectives and goals (with particular emphasis on banished soldiers), the manner of presenting the banished soldiers in educational, public and social environments in Poland today, the impact of new historical politics on the Polish society and democracy. Findings: The manner of presenting the issue of banished soldiers in the core curriculum for teaching history in Polish schools exemplifies the efforts to introduce a new political paradigm into the educational context. -
A Synthetic Analysis of the Polish Solidarity Movement Stephen W
Marshall University Marshall Digital Scholar Theses, Dissertations and Capstones 1-1-2011 A Synthetic Analysis of the Polish Solidarity Movement Stephen W. Mays [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://mds.marshall.edu/etd Part of the Other Political Science Commons, and the Politics and Social Change Commons Recommended Citation Mays, Stephen W., "A Synthetic Analysis of the Polish Solidarity Movement" (2011). Theses, Dissertations and Capstones. Paper 73. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Marshall Digital Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses, Dissertations and Capstones by an authorized administrator of Marshall Digital Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A SYNTHETIC ANALYSIS OF THE POLISH SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT A thesis submitted to the Graduate College of Marshall University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Sociology by Stephen W. Mays Approved by Dr. Richard Garnett, Committee Chairman Dr. Marty Laubach Dr. Brian Hoey Marshall University Huntington, West Virginia December 2011 Table Of Contents Page Acknowledgements ................................................................................ iii Abstract .................................................................................................. v Chapter I. Introduction ................................................................................... 1 II. Methodology .................................................................................. -
Scenario of the Exhibition: Tomasz Łabuszewski, Phd, in Cooperation with Anna Maria Adamus, Phd, Ewa Dyngosz, Edyta Gula and Michał Zarychta
STOLEN CHILDHOOD Scenario of the exhibition: Tomasz Łabuszewski, PhD, in cooperation with Anna Maria Adamus, PhD, Ewa Dyngosz, Edyta Gula and Michał Zarychta Graphic design: Katarzyna Dinwebel Reviewers: Bartosz Kuświk, PhD Waldemar Brenda, PhD Producer: Pracownia Plastyczna Andrzej Dąbrowski Photographs from the following archives: AKG images, Archive of the Institute of National Remembrance, Municipal Archive in Dzerzhinsk, State Archive in Warsaw, Archive of Polish Armenians, BE&W Foto, National Library, Bundesarchiv, Centre for Documentation of Deportations, Exile and Resettlements in Cracow, Foundation for Polish-German Reconciliation, Getty Images, Museum of the Second World War, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Polish Army Museum in Kołobrzeg, Warsaw Rising Museum, Regional Museum in Jarocin, Museum of the Castle of Górka Family in Szamotuły, National Digital Archive, Ośrodek Karta, Polish Photographers’ Agency Forum, Polish Press Agency, Underground Poland Studio, Documentary and Feature Film Studio, Association of Crimean Karaites in Poland. With special thanks to: Bogdan Bednarczyk, Janusz Bogdanowicz, Alina Głowacka-Szłapowa, Tomasz Karasiński, Kazimierz Krajewski, PhD, Ewa Siemaszko and Leszek Żebrowski, as well as the Institute of National Remembrance branch offices in Łódź and Poznań. Photograph on the front panel: Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance Despite their efforts, the authors of the exhibition did not manage to reach all authors of photographs used in the exhibition or holders of proprietary -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland a Cultural History of the Socialist Discourse, 1970-1991
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland A cultural history of the socialist discourse, 1970-1991 by Jan Kubik Assistant Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University American Society of Learned Societies Fellow, 1990-91 Program on Central and Eastem Europe Working Paper Series #20 January 1992 2 The relative weakness of social democracy in postcommunist Eastern Europe and the poor showing of social democratic parties in the 1990-91 Polish and Hungarian elections are intriguing phenom ena. In countries where economic reforms have resulted in increasing poverty, job loss, and nagging insecurity, it could be expected that social democrats would have a considerable follOwing. Also, the presence of relatively large working class populations and a tradition of left-inclined intellec tual opposition movements would suggest that the social democratic option should be popular. Yet, in the March-April 1990 Hungarian parliamentary elections, "the political forces ready to use the 'socialist' or the 'social democratic' label in the elections received less than 16 percent of the popular vote, although the class-analytic approach predicted that at least 20-30 percent of the working population ... could have voted for them" (Szelenyi and Szelenyi 1992:120). Simi larly, in the October 1991 Polish parliamentary elections, the Democratic Left Alliance (an elec toral coalition of reformed communists) received almost 12% of the vote. Social democratic parties (explicitly using this label) that emerged from Solidarity won less than 3% of the popular vote. The Szelenyis concluded in their study of social democracy in postcommunist Hungary that, "the major opposition parties all posited themselves on the political Right (in the Western sense of the term), but public opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of social democratic measures" (1992:125). -
February 21, 1948 Report of the Special Action of the Polish Socialist Party in Prague, 21-25 February 1948
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified February 21, 1948 Report of the Special Action of the Polish Socialist Party in Prague, 21-25 February 1948 Citation: “Report of the Special Action of the Polish Socialist Party in Prague, 21-25 February 1948,” February 21, 1948, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Warsaw), file 217, packet 16, pp. 1-11. Translated by Anna Elliot-Zielinska. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117117 Summary: In the midst of a cabinet crisis in Czechoslovakia that would lead to the February Communist coup, several delegates from the Polish Socialist Party were sent to Prague to spread socialist influence. The crisis is outlined, as well as a thorough report of the conference in Prague. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Polish Contents: English Translation In accordance with the resolution of the Political Commission and General Secretariat of the Central Executive Committee (CKW) of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), made late on the night of 20 February 1948, Com. Kazimierz Rusinek, Adam Rapacki, Henryk Jablonski, and Stefan Arski were delegated to go to Prague. This decision was made after a thorough analysis of the political situation in Czechoslovakia brought on by a cabinet crisis there. The goal of the delegation was to inform the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party (SD) about the basic stance of the PPS and possibly to influence the SD Central Committee in the spirit of leftist-socialist and revolutionary politics. The motive behind the decision of the Political Commission and General Secretariat was the fear that, from the leftist socialist point of view, the situation at the heart of SD after the Brno Congress was taking an unfavorable shape. -
Media and the Sacralization of History
ORIGINAL A RTICLE Media and the sacralization of history Krzysztof Wasilewski REGIONAL AND MUNICIPAL PUBLIC LIBRARY IN GORZÓW WIELKOPOLSKI, POLAND DOI: 10.19195/1899-5101.9.1(16).8 ABSTRACT: is article presents an analysis of the process of sacralization of history in the media discourse. Certain events and gures from the past are incorporated into the sphere of sacrum which excludes any discussion and maintains the domination of one narration of history. e process of sacralization may take places directly or indirectly. e rst relies on direct inclusion to the dis- course of certain words, which are associated with religion. e indirect sacralization takes place when episodes from the past are changed into universal stories of ght between the good and the evil. e analysis is performed on printed media discourses concerning three events from Poland’s contemporary history: the 1920 Warsaw Battle of Warsaw, the 1944 Warsaw Uprising and the post- war armed underground. KEYWORDS: history, collective memory, discourse, religion, sacralization, media. INTRODUCTION is article aims at analyzing the process of sacralization of history in the media discourse. By this I understand the incorporation of certain past events into the sphere of sacrum (Stevenson, 2010). In this sense sacralization can be regarded as the nal phase of idealization or mythologization of history (Nowak, 2000, pp. 317–343). While the latter two latter do not exclude questioning or even rejec- tion, sacralization is absolute. As our perception of the past also in" uences our contemporary political choices, there is no surprise that the media grow more and more interested in reporting on history (Ponczek, 2013, p. -
The Stone Master”: on the Invisibility of Women’S Writing from the Soviet Ukrainian Periphery
“The Stone Master”: On the Invisibility of Women’s Writing from the Soviet Ukrainian Periphery Oleksandra Wallo University of Kansas Abstract: Until the last decade of the Soviet state’s existence, only very few Ukrainian women writers achieved literary fame. This study sheds new light on Soviet Ukrainian political, historical, and social contexts that contributed to the invisibility of Ukrainian women’s writing by examining the case of Lviv-based author Nina Bichuia (b. 1937). Bichuia’s career and the publication history of her works illustrate several characteristics and paradoxes of Soviet literary politics concerning the Soviet periphery—i.e., the non-Russian republics, such as Ukraine. In particular, this article analyzes the differences in permissible literary expression between Moscow the metropole, Kyiv, the centre of the Ukrainian periphery, and Lviv, the Western Ukrainian periphery. It considers gender politics and biases in the Soviet Ukrainian literary establishment and the strictures of the Soviet “Friendship of Peoples” discourse, which had a provincializing effect on Ukrainian literary production and the tastes of the reading public. The article offers a close reading of Bichuia’s last short story, “Kaminnyi hospodar” (“The Stone Master,” 1990), which reflects this author’s “final word” on the Soviet environment for writing literature in the Western Ukrainian periphery. By analyzing Bichuia’s use of important literary intertexts and employing recent theorizations about Soviet state discourse, I demonstrate how “The Stone Master” imaginatively represents and criticizes the regime of discursive monopoly established by the Soviet system. This regime is shown to force a Ukrainian female writer into silence, which can be strategic, but cannot result in greater literary visibility. -
The October 2015 Polish Parliamentary Election
An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election Article (Accepted Version) Szczerbiak, Aleks (2016) An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election. Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 18 (4). pp. 404-427. ISSN 1570-5854 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/63809/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election Abstract The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election saw the stunning victory of the right-wing opposition Law and Justice party which became the first in post-communist Poland to secure an outright parliamentary majority, and equally comprehensive defeat of the incumbent centrist Civic Platform. -
Bruno Kamiński
Fear Management. Foreign threats in the postwar Polish propaganda – the influence and the reception of the communist media (1944 -1956) Bruno Kamiński Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Florence, 14 June 2016 European University Institute Department of History and Civilization Fear Management. Foreign threats in the postwar Polish propaganda – the influence and the reception of the communist media (1944 -1956) Bruno Kamiński Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Examining Board Prof. Pavel Kolář (EUI) - Supervisor Prof. Alexander Etkind (EUI) Prof. Anita Prażmowska (London School Of Economics) Prof. Dariusz Stola (University of Warsaw and Polish Academy of Science) © Bruno Kamiński, 2016 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author Researcher declaration to accompany the submission of written work Department of History and Civilization - Doctoral Programme I <Bruno Kamiński> certify that I am the author of the work < Fear Management. Foreign threats in the postwar Polish propaganda – the influence and the reception of the communist media (1944 -1956)> I have presented for examination for the Ph.D. at the European University Institute. I also certify that this is solely my own original work, other than where I have clearly indicated, in this declaration and in the thesis, that it is the work of others. I warrant that I have obtained all the permissions required for using any material from other copyrighted publications. -
The Polish Resistance Movement in Second World
Bridgewater Review Volume 4 | Issue 1 Article 6 Apr-1986 The oliP sh Resistance Movement in Second World War Chester M. Nowak Bridgewater State College Recommended Citation Nowak, Chester M. (1986). The oP lish Resistance Movement in Second World War. Bridgewater Review, 4(1), 4-7. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/br_rev/vol4/iss1/6 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. The Polish Resistance Movem.ent in the Second World War Chester M. Nowak he European Resistance Movement duals formed clandestine groups which ing German property. Individually these T provides us with one of the more shaped their own goals and activities. It is activities may have seemed unimportant, engaging and captivating stories of the here within the nature and the dynamics of but in their totality they had a positive Second World War, and the Polish Resis these early secret organizations that we find impact upon the Poles and made the Ger tance Movement has a central place in that the source of the variety and complexity of mans feel unwelcomed and insecure. story. Yet, the history and the struggles of both the resistance organizations and their Political parties of all persuasions also the Polish Resistance are not well known. clandestine activities. In Poland this spon went underground. They published their Few people are aware, therefore, of the taneous aspect ofresistance in its scope and own presses and journals and formed their Polish Underground's reports about the intensity soon reached the level ofa revolu own military detachments.