Zhou and Qin Ethical Culture and the Cultivation of Socialism Core
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Archaeological Observation on the Exploration of Chu Capitals
Archaeological Observation on the Exploration of Chu Capitals Wang Hongxing Key words: Chu Capitals Danyang Ying Chenying Shouying According to accurate historical documents, the capi- In view of the recent research on the civilization pro- tals of Chu State include Danyang 丹阳 of the early stage, cess of the middle reach of Yangtze River, we may infer Ying 郢 of the middle stage and Chenying 陈郢 and that Danyang ought to be a central settlement among a Shouying 寿郢 of the late stage. Archaeologically group of settlements not far away from Jingshan 荆山 speaking, Chenying and Shouying are traceable while with rice as the main crop. No matter whether there are the locations of Danyang and Yingdu 郢都 are still any remains of fosses around the central settlement, its oblivious and scholars differ on this issue. Since Chu area must be larger than ordinary sites and be of higher capitals are the political, economical and cultural cen- scale and have public amenities such as large buildings ters of Chu State, the research on Chu capitals directly or altars. The site ought to have definite functional sec- affects further study of Chu culture. tions and the cemetery ought to be divided into that of Based on previous research, I intend to summarize the aristocracy and the plebeians. The relevant docu- the exploration of Danyang, Yingdu and Shouying in ments and the unearthed inscriptions on tortoise shells recent years, review the insufficiency of the former re- from Zhouyuan 周原 saying “the viscount of Chu search and current methods and advance some personal (actually the ruler of Chu) came to inform” indicate that opinion on the locations of Chu capitals and later explo- Zhou had frequent contact and exchange with Chu. -
High Precision Radiocarbon Dating of the Western Zhou Tombs in the Liulihe Site
High Precision Radiocarbon Dating of the Western Zhou Tombs in the Liulihe Site Zhang Xuelian Qiu Shihua Cai Lianzhen Keywords: high precision radiocarbon dating Western Zhou period tombs Liulihe site the effective reduction of the error terms. This paper is I. Introduction going to discuss how radiocarbon scientists in China live China has one of the longest uninterrupted writing tradi- up with this challenge. tions of the world; yet, the exact date in the received text The reduction of error terms during the calibration began in 841 BC. The earlier historical dates, for example, procedure can be achieved through a program of extrac- the date of King Wu conquest of the Shang, one of the tion of radiocarbon dates from sequential samples and most defining moments in Chinese history, had been fits these ordered 14C dates onto the calibration curve of debated for over 2000 years without a general agreement. high precision. This method, known as high precision Regardless of the effort of numerous scholars from the wiggle-matching, is a new calibration program that was Han Dynasty to the modern times, the attempt to fix an made possible after the establishment of the high preci- exact date for this historical event remains inconclusive. sion 14C-dendro-chronology calibrating curve since 1986. Consequently, the exact chronology of the Xia, Shang, The program starts with the extraction of high precision and the Western Zhou has become an intellectual puzzle 14C data from well-stratified samples that their sequence in Chinese studies. of succession or the exact age gaps between samples are After the Second World War, Libby, an American known. -
Handling of Out-Of-Vocabulary Words in Japanese-English
International Journal of Asian Language Processing 29(2):61-86 61 The Syntactic Evolvement of the Chinese Word “Wei” Yan Li School of Foreign Languages, Shaanxi Normal University Xi’an, China, 710062 [email protected] Abstract Based on Beijing University CCL corpus, this article investigated the functions and meanings of the word “Wei”(维) in different dynasties. “维” could be a word in ancient times while it functions as verb, noun, pronoun, preposition, auxiliary word, etc.. But from West Jin Dynasty there appeared disyllabic words including “维” and the situation of co-existing of monosyllabic words and disyllabic words lasted till the Republic of China. Now “维” as a word disappeared and only as a morpheme in disyllabic or multisyllabic words. The transformation from a monosyllabic word to a monosyllabic morpheme is a very common phenomenon in Chinese. Keywords “Wei”(维), syntactic evolvement, morphemization 1. Introduction The word “Wei”(维) is a very common morpheme in modern Chinese, but its evolution is of specialty which is worth exploring. In Chinese history, a morpheme has ever been a word which could be used independently, but in modern Chinese, many monosyllabic words lower their status to monosyllabic morphemes (Dong Xiufang, 2004). “维”was a word in ancient times, which is pictophonetic while its character from 糸(mì)and 隹(zhuī). “糸” means “rope, string”. The combination of “糸”and “隹” means ‘to draw forth more than three ropes from a higher place to the ground and enclose a hollow cone’. The original meaning is “rope” which is used to form a cone. -
Discovering Discrepancies in Numerical Libraries
Discovering Discrepancies in Numerical Libraries Jackson Vanover Xuan Deng Cindy Rubio-González University of California, Davis University of California, Davis University of California, Davis United States of America United States of America United States of America [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] ABSTRACT libraries aim to offer a certain level of correctness and robustness in Numerical libraries constitute the building blocks for software appli- their algorithms. Specifically, a discrete numerical algorithm should cations that perform numerical calculations. Thus, it is paramount not diverge from the continuous analytical function it implements that such libraries provide accurate and consistent results. To that for its given domain. end, this paper addresses the problem of finding discrepancies be- Extensive testing is necessary for any software that aims to be tween synonymous functions in different numerical libraries asa correct and robust; in all application domains, software testing means of identifying incorrect behavior. Our approach automati- is often complicated by a deficit of reliable test oracles and im- cally finds such synonymous functions, synthesizes testing drivers, mense domains of possible inputs. Testing of numerical software and executes differential tests to discover meaningful discrepan- in particular presents additional difficulties: there is a lack of stan- cies across numerical libraries. We implement our approach in a dards for dealing with inevitable numerical errors, and the IEEE 754 tool named FPDiff, and provide an evaluation on four popular nu- Standard [1] for floating-point representations of real numbers in- merical libraries: GNU Scientific Library (GSL), SciPy, mpmath, and herently introduces imprecision. As a result, bugs are commonplace jmat. -
Title <Translated Article> Western Zhou History in the Collective
<Translated Article> Western Zhou History in the Collective Title Memory of the People of the Western Zhou: An Interpretation of the Inscription of the "Lai pan" Author(s) MATSUI, Yoshinori Citation 東洋史研究 (2008), 66(4): 712-664 Issue Date 2008-03 URL https://doi.org/10.14989/141873 Right Type Journal Article Textversion publisher Kyoto University 712 WESTERN ZHOU HISTORY IN THE COLLECTIVE MEMORY OF THE PEOPLE OF THE WESTERN ZHOU: AN INTERPRETATION OF THE INSCRIPTION OF THE "LAI PAN" MATSUI Y oshinori Introduction On January 19, 2003, twenty-seven bronze pieces were excavated from a hoard at Yangjiacun (Meixian county, Baoji city, Shaanxi province).l All the bronzes, which include twelve ding ~, nine Ii rn, two fanghu 11 if., one pan ~, one he :ii\'t, one yi [ffi, and one yu k, have inscriptions. Among them, the bronzes labeled "Forty-second-year Lai ding" ~ ~ (of which there are two pieces), "Forty-third-year Lai ding" (ten pieces), and "Lai pan" ~~ (one piece) have in scriptions that are particularly long for inscriptions from the Western Zhou period and run respectively to 281, 316 and 372 characters in length. The inscription of the "Lai pan," containing 372 characters, is divided into two parts, the first part is narrated from Lai's point of view but employs the third-person voice, opening with the phrase, "Lai said." The second part records an appointment (ceming :IlJt frJ) ceremony that opens, "The King said." The very exceptional first part records the service of generations of Lai's ancestors to successive Zhou Kings. The inscription mentions eleven former kings, King Wen X3:., King Wu TIk3:., King Cheng JIlG3:., King Kang *3:., King Zhao BR3:., King Mu ~~3:., King Gong *3:., King Yi i~3:., King Xiao ~(~)3:., King Yi 1J$(~)3:., King Li Jj1U (J~)3:. -
Official Colours of Chinese Regimes: a Panchronic Philological Study with Historical Accounts of China
TRAMES, 2012, 16(66/61), 3, 237–285 OFFICIAL COLOURS OF CHINESE REGIMES: A PANCHRONIC PHILOLOGICAL STUDY WITH HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS OF CHINA Jingyi Gao Institute of the Estonian Language, University of Tartu, and Tallinn University Abstract. The paper reports a panchronic philological study on the official colours of Chinese regimes. The historical accounts of the Chinese regimes are introduced. The official colours are summarised with philological references of archaic texts. Remarkably, it has been suggested that the official colours of the most ancient regimes should be the three primitive colours: (1) white-yellow, (2) black-grue yellow, and (3) red-yellow, instead of the simple colours. There were inconsistent historical records on the official colours of the most ancient regimes because the composite colour categories had been split. It has solved the historical problem with the linguistic theory of composite colour categories. Besides, it is concluded how the official colours were determined: At first, the official colour might be naturally determined according to the substance of the ruling population. There might be three groups of people in the Far East. (1) The developed hunter gatherers with livestock preferred the white-yellow colour of milk. (2) The farmers preferred the red-yellow colour of sun and fire. (3) The herders preferred the black-grue-yellow colour of water bodies. Later, after the Han-Chinese consolidation, the official colour could be politically determined according to the main property of the five elements in Sino-metaphysics. The red colour has been predominate in China for many reasons. Keywords: colour symbolism, official colours, national colours, five elements, philology, Chinese history, Chinese language, etymology, basic colour terms DOI: 10.3176/tr.2012.3.03 1. -
Han Fei and the Han Feizi
Introduction: Han Fei and the Han Feizi Paul R. Goldin Han Fei 韓非 was the name of a proli fi c Chinese philosopher who (according to the scanty records available to us) was executed on trumped up charges in 233 B.C.E. Han Feizi 韓非子, meaning Master Han Fei , is the name of the book purported to contain his writings. In this volume, we distinguish rigorously between Han Fei (the man) and Han Feizi (the book) for two main reasons. First, the authenticity of the Han Feizi —or at least of parts of it—has long been doubted (the best studies remain Lundahl 1992 and Zheng Liangshu 1993 ) . This issue will be revisited below; for now, suffi ce to it to say that although the contributors to this volume accept the bulk of it as genuine, one cannot simply assume that Han Fei was the author of everything in the Han Feizi . Indeed, there is a memorial explic- itly attributed to Han Fei’s rival Li Si 李斯 (ca. 280–208 B.C.E.) in the pages of the Han Feizi ( Chen Qiyou 陳奇猷 2000 : 1.2.42–47); some scholars fear that other material in the text might also be the work of people other than Han Fei. Second, and no less importantly, even if Han Fei is responsible for the lion’s share of the extant Han Feizi , a reader must be careful not to identify the philosophy of Han Fei himself with the philosophy (or philosophies) advanced in the Han Feizi , as though these were necessarily the same thing. -
Han Feizi's Criticism of Confucianism and Its Implications for Virtue Ethics
JOURNAL OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY Journal of Moral Philosophy 5 (2008) 423–453 www.brill.nl/jmp Han Feizi’s Criticism of Confucianism and its Implications for Virtue Ethics * Eric L. Hutton Department of Philosophy, University of Utah, 215 S. Central Campus Drive, CTIHB, 4th fl oor, Salt Lake City, UT 84112, USA [email protected] Abstract Several scholars have recently proposed that Confucianism should be regarded as a form of virtue ethics. Th is view off ers new approaches to understanding not only Confucian thinkers, but also their critics within the Chinese tradition. For if Confucianism is a form of virtue ethics, we can then ask to what extent Chinese criticisms of it parallel criticisms launched against contemporary virtue ethics, and what lessons for virtue ethics in general might be gleaned from the challenges to Confucianism in particular. Th is paper undertakes such an exercise in examining Han Feizi, an early critic of Confucianism. Th e essay off ers a careful interpretation of the debate between Han Feizi and the Confucians and suggests that thinking through Han Feizi’s criticisms and the possible Confucian responses to them has a broader philosophical payoff , namely by highlighting a problem for current defenders of virtue ethics that has not been widely noticed, but deserves attention. Keywords Bernard Williams, Chinese philosophy, Confucianism, Han Feizi, Rosalind Hursthouse, virtue ethics Although Confucianism is now almost synonymous with Chinese culture, over the course of history it has also attracted many critics from among the Chinese themselves. Of these critics, one of the most interesting is Han Feizi (ca. -
Chapter Three – the Zhou Dynasty and the Warring States
CHAPTER THREE – THE ZHOU DYNASTY AND THE WARRING STATES THE OVERTHROW OF THE SHANG As our archaeological record has proven, outside of Shang territory there existed a myriad of other kingdoms and peoples – some were allied to the Shang, others were hostile. Between the Shang capital at Anyang and the territory of the Qiang peoples, was a kingdom named Zhou. A nomadic peoples who spoke an early form of the Tibetan language, the Qiang tribes were often at war with the Shang kingdom. Serving as a buffer zone against the Qiang, this frontier kingdom of Zhou shared much of the Shang’s material culture, such as its bronze work. In 1045 BCE, however, the Zhou noble family of Ji rebelled against and overthrew the Shang rulers at Anyang. In doing so, they laid the foundations for the Zhou dynasty, China’s third. In classical Chinese history, three key figures are involved in the overthrow of the Shang. They are King Wen, who originally expanded the Zhou realm, his son King Wu, who conquered the Shang, and King Wu’s brother, known as the duke of Zhou, who secured Zhou authority while serving as regent for King Wu’s heir. The deeds of these three men are recorded in China’s earliest transmitted text, The Book of Documents.The text portrays the Shang kings as corrupt and decadent, with the Zhou victory recorded as a result of their justice and virtue. The Zhou kings shifted the Shang system of religious worship away from Di, who was a personified supreme first ancestor figure and towards Tian, which was Heaven itself. -
The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Wai Kit Wicky Tse University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian History Commons, Asian Studies Commons, and the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Tse, Wai Kit Wicky, "Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 589. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/589 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dynamics of Disintegration: The Later Han Empire (25-220CE) & Its Northwestern Frontier Abstract As a frontier region of the Qin-Han (221BCE-220CE) empire, the northwest was a new territory to the Chinese realm. Until the Later Han (25-220CE) times, some portions of the northwestern region had only been part of imperial soil for one hundred years. Its coalescence into the Chinese empire was a product of long-term expansion and conquest, which arguably defined the egionr 's military nature. Furthermore, in the harsh natural environment of the region, only tough people could survive, and unsurprisingly, the region fostered vigorous warriors. Mixed culture and multi-ethnicity featured prominently in this highly militarized frontier society, which contrasted sharply with the imperial center that promoted unified cultural values and stood in the way of a greater degree of transregional integration. As this project shows, it was the northwesterners who went through a process of political peripheralization during the Later Han times played a harbinger role of the disintegration of the empire and eventually led to the breakdown of the early imperial system in Chinese history. -
Emperor Qin in the Afterlife
108534_TXT 11/8/07 1:24 PM Page 10 Emperor Qin in the Afterlife Jennifer Wolff Writing 20 (Spring 2007): The Archaeology of Death Professor Christine Beaule After taking Dr. Christine Beaule’s archaeology based writing class, I f the many great archaeological finds in the 20th century, one of the learned to appreciate all that we can grandest is the discovery of Emperor Qin Shihuangdi’s terracotta learn from burial sites. The artifacts at army. The ruler of the state of Qin, King Cheng, proclaimed him- a grave site can tell us what an ancient self the First Emperor of China in 221 BC taking the name culture found important in life and Shihuangdi (first sovereign). After hundreds of years of open war- what they believed about death. With Ofare between the different feudal lords, referred to as the Warring States period this in mind, I chose a case study that (475-221 BC) (Capon 1983), the state of Qin raised an army that conquered presented me with the opportunity them all and seized power (Cotterell 1981; Treasure! Tomb of the Terracotta to explore the past. Until I did the Warriors 1998). A monument of some 7,000 clay officers, soldiers, horses, research for this project, all I knew and chariots was found underground just outside Mount Li in Shaanxi about the terracotta figures was that China, the legendary resting place of the First Emperor. The question that they were found in China and that still puzzles scholars and archaeologists is why Emperor Qin had this army there were a lot of them. -
Where Was the Western Zhou Capital? a Capital City Has a Special Status in Every Country
Maria Khayutina [email protected] Where Was the Western Zhou Capital? A capital city has a special status in every country. Normally, this is a political, economical, social center. Often it is a cultural and religious center as well. This is the place of governmental headquarters and of the residence of power-holding elite and professional administrative cadres. In the societies, where transportation means are not much developed, this is at the same time the place, where producers of the top quality goods for elite consumption live and work. A country is often identified with its capital city both by its inhabitants and the foreigners. Wherefore, it is hardly possible to talk about the history of a certain state without making clear, where was located its capital. The Chinese history contains many examples, when a ruling dynasty moved its capital due to defensive or other political reasons. Often this shift caused not only geographical reorganization of the territory, but also significant changes in power relations within the state, as well as between it and its neighbors. One of the first such shifts happened in 771 BC, when the heir apparent of the murdered King You 幽 could not push back invading 犬戎 Quanrong hordes from the nowadays western 陜西 Shaanxi province, but fled to the city of 成周 Chengzhou near modern 洛陽 Luoyang, where the royal court stayed until the fall of the 周 Zhou in the late III century BC. This event is usually perceived as a benchmark between the two epochs – the “Western” and “Eastern” Zhou respectively, distinctly distinguished one from another.