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Arranging reality: The editing mechanisms of the world’s first Yiddish newspaper, the Kurant (Amsterdam, 1686-1687)

Pach-Oosterbroek, H.

Publication date 2014 Document Version Final published version

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Citation for published version (APA): Pach-Oosterbroek, H. (2014). Arranging reality: The editing mechanisms of the world’s first Yiddish newspaper, the Kurant (Amsterdam, 1686-1687).

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Download date:07 Oct 2021 Lydia Rood Lydia Hilde Pach 0299 475565 06 22853363 Amsterdam, PARANIMFEN [email protected] Op 27 juni 2014 hetzelfde gebouw hetzelfde eten en drinken in en drinken eten de Universiteit van van de Universiteit Vanaf 18.30 uur is er Vanaf van mijn proefschrift van Marianne Oosterbroek 1093 NB Amsterdam UITNODIGING openbare verdediging openbare [email protected] Restaurant Roezemoes Restaurant Aansluitend receptie in receptie Aansluitend Singel 411, Amsterdam Singel Newspaper, the Kurant Newspaper, (Amsterdam 1686-1687) (Amsterdam The Editing Mechanisms The Editing voor het bijwonen van de van bijwonen het voor Land van Cocagneplein 1A Cocagneplein Land van ARRANGING REALITY ARRANGING of the World’s First Yiddish Yiddish First of the World’s [email protected] om 11.00 uur in de Aula van om 11.00 uur in de Aula van Arranging Reality Arranging Yiddish First World’s Mechanisms of the The Editing 1686-1687) (Amsterdam, the Kurant Newspaper, Hilde Pach-Oosterbroek

The Editing Mechanisms of the World’s First Arranging Reality Yiddish Newspaper, the Kurant (Amsterdam, 1686-1687) Hilde Pach-Oosterbroek ARRANGING REALITY THE EDITING MECHANISMS OF THE WORLD’S FIRST YIDDISH NEWSPAPER, THE KURANT (AMSTERDAM, 1686-1687)

ACADEMISCH PROEFSCHRIFT

ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam op gezag van de Rector Magnificus prof. dr. D.C. van den Boom ten overstaan van een door het college voor promoties ingestelde commissie, in het openbaar te verdedigen in de Aula der Universiteit op vrijdag 27 juni 2014, te 11.00 uur

door

Hilde Oosterbroek geboren te Goes

Promotiecommissie

Promotor: Prof. dr. I.E. Zwiep Co-promotor: Prof. dr. S.Z. Berger

Overige leden: prof. dr. E.M.P. van Gemert prof. dr. E.G.L. Schrijver prof. dr. W.J. van Bekkum prof. dr. J.W. van Henten prof. dr. M. Aptroot

Faculteit der Geesteswetenschappen

Voor papa en mama

Table of contents

Dankwoord (Acknowledgments) ______9 1. Introduction ______11 1.1. Earlier research on the Kurant ______12 1.2. Research question ______15 1.3. Content ______18 Part 1. The Landscape of the Kurant ______23 2. The main events in the Dutch Republic and abroad ______25 2.1. National news ______25 2.2. International news ______26 3. The Dutch press ______30 3.1. The origins of the Dutch press ______31 3.2 The first Dutch newspapers and their makers ______32 3.2.1. Dutch-language newspapers ______32 3.2.2. Newspapers in foreign languages ______38 3.2.3. The publishers of the Dutch newspapers ______40 3.3. The gathering of the news ______40 3.4. Form ______42 3.5. Content ______43 3.6. Government control ______45 3.7. Circulation, distribution and the readers ______47 3.8. Which newspapers appeared in the Netherlands in 1686 and 1687? ______50 3.9. The Gazeta de Amsterdam and the Gazzetta d’Amsterdam ______51 3.9.1. The Gazeta de Amsterdam of January 7, 1675 ______52 3.9.2. The Gazzetta d’Amsterdam of September 14, 1673 ______54 4. The readers ______55 4.1. The Jews of Amsterdam ______55 4.2. What did the Ashkenazi Jews read? ______58 4.3. Jewish-Christian contacts ______60 4.4. Cultural transfer between Ashkenazim and Sephardim ______61 4.5. How many readers? ______61 Part 2. The Kurant and its Makers ______63 5. Bibliographical description ______65 5.1. Content ______65 5.2. Format ______65 5.3. Printing types, lay-out ______66 5.4. Colophon ______67 5.5. First issue______70 5.6. Frequency ______71 5.7. Missing issues ______71 5.8. Incorrect dates ______72 5.9. Condition of the volume and the issues ______73 5.10. Notes and marks in handwriting ______74 5.11. Stamps ______75 6. The makers ______76 6.1. Uri Faybesh Halevi (1627-1715) ______76 6.2. David de Castro Tartas (c. 1625-c. 1700) ______81 6.3. Moushe bar Avrom Ovinu (Moshe bar Avraham Avinu) (?-1733/1734)______83

Part 3. The Editor at Work ______89 7. The sources of the Kurant ______91 7.1. What is a source? ______92 7.2. Tables ______92 7.3. Conclusions ______96 8. Selection and editing: examination in detail ______98 8.1. Language ______98 8.2. The four issues ______98 8.3. Selection, translation and editing: Dinstagishe Kuranten September 3, 1686 ______99 8.3.1. Selection ______133 8.3.2. Conclusions ______134 8.3.2.1. Sources ______134 8.3.2.2. Dating ______134 8.3.2.3. Geographical order ______134 8.3.2.4. Editing ______134 8.4. Was the Ordinaire Leydse Courant really a source for the Kurant? Fraytagishe Kuranten November 22, 1686 ______136 8.4.1. Selection ______150 8.4.2. Conclusions ______150 8.4.2.1. Sources ______150 8.4.2.2. Dating ______151 8.4.2.3 Geographical order ______151 8.5. The use of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant (twice a week): Dinstagishe Kuranten May 6, 1687 ______151 8.5.1. Selection ______163 8.5.2. Conclusions ______163 8.5.2.1. Sources and editing ______163 8.5.2.2. Dating ______165 8.5.2.3. Geographical order ______165 8.6. The use of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant (once a week): Fraytagishe Kurant October 17, 1687 ______165 8.6.1. Selection ______195 8.6.2. Conclusions ______195 8.6.2.1. Sources and editing ______195 8.6.2.2. Dating ______196 8.6.2.3. Geographical order ______197 8.7. Conclusions on the four issues ______197 9. Subjects in the Kurant and its sources ______201 9.1. The major subjects ______202 9.2. Other subjects ______206 9.3. News on Jews ______209 9.3.1. Portuguese Jews burnt at the stake ______209 9.3.2. The Conquest of Buda in 1686 and the fate of the Jews ______211 9.3.2.1. Non-Jewish texts about the Conquest of Buda ______215 9.3.2.2. Jewish eyewitness-accounts ______217 9.3.2.3. Consequences of the Conquest of Buda for Jews elsewhere ______220 9.3.3. Sound-and-light show in Venice ______224 9.3.4. Belmonte ______226 9.3.5. The Jews of Cochin ______227 9.3.6. The killing of the High German Jew in Hamburg ______228 9.3.7. Advertisements ______236 10. Conclusions ______239 Aftermath ______245 11.1. Dirnfurter prifilegirte tsaytung ______245 6

11.2. Vokhentlikhe Berikhtn ______245 11.3. Tsaytung ______247 11.4. The end ______247 Samenvatting ______249 Appendix ______265 The four issues ______267 Tables ______283 Bibliography ______307

Dankwoord (Acknowledgments)

Lang geleden, tijdens mijn studies Nederlands, Hebreeuws en Jiddisj, speelde ik wel eens met de gedachte om een proefschrift te schrijven waarin die drie vakgebieden samenkwamen. Maar zoals dat gaat, het kwam er niet van. Ik werd vertaler van modern Hebreeuwse literatuur, freelance journalist, redacteur van het Nieuw Israelietisch Weekblad, en zelfs een tijdje fulltime politicus. Tussen de bedrijven door probeerde ik ook nog drie kinderen op te voeden. Iets minder lang geleden, maar toch ook alweer een tijd terug, was ik een van de oprichters van het literaire tijdschrift Grine medine voor liefhebbers van het Jiddisj. Tijdens de eerste redactievergadering wees mederedacteur Fred Borensztajn mij op een advertentie van de UvA waarin een promovendus werd gezocht om onderzoek te doen naar de Koerant. Ik had helemaal geen plannen meer om te promoveren, maar zodra ik de advertentie las, wist ik dat het iets voor mij was. Jiddisj, joodse geschiedenis, historische taalkunde, mentaliteitsgeschiedenis, persgeschiedenis, het zat er allemaal in. Ik was daarom zelfs een beetje verbaasd dat de sollicitatiecommissie aanvankelijk een andere kandidaat uitkoos. Maar anderhalf jaar later kreeg ik alsnog de kans aan het onderzoek te beginnen. De eerste maanden heb ik besteed aan het maken van een werkvertaling. Ik deed dat in een kamertje bij de toenmalige Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana, dat ik deelde met Resianne Smidt van Gelder-Fontaine, met wie ik inspirerende gesprekken voerde, over elkaars vakgebied, maar soms ook gewoon over de kinderen. Later verhuisde ik naar kamer 3.37 in het P.C. Hoofthuis, waar nog een stuk of zes promovendi aan hun proefschrift zaten te werken. Ik herinner me vooral de gezellige etentjes die we af en toe organiseerden, ook toen iedereen al weg was uit 3.37 en ik de enige was die nog moest promoveren. Werken deed ik inmiddels op mijn eigen studeerkamer thuis. Het onderzoek nam meer tijd in beslag dan de bedoeling was. Van mijn plan om mijn vertaalwerk op een laag pitje te zetten kwam niets terecht. Mijn promotor prof. Irene Zwiep en co-promotor prof. Shlomo Berger gaven mij veel vrijheid – soms misschien zelfs te veel – maar bleven toch vertrouwen in mij houden en hun opmerkingen waren altijd scherpzinnig en waardevol. Mijn onderzoek maakte deel uit van het project ‘Yiddish in the Netherlands: an Expression of Ashkenazi Culture’, gefinancierd door NWO en de Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. Na de inventarisatie door Mirjam Gutschow en Tehilah van Luyt vond het onderzoek deels 9 plaats aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam door Bart Wallet en mijzelf en deels aan de Heinrich-Heine-Universität in Düsseldorf door Evi Butzer en Stefan Litt, onder leiding van prof. Marion Aptroot. Ik denk met veel plezier terug aan onze halfjaarlijkse bijeenkomsten, afwisselend in Amsterdam en Düsseldorf. Ook prof. Henk Meijering heeft als voorzitter van het Menasseh ben Israel Instituut, waronder het project formeel viel, waardevolle bijdragen geleverd. Hetzelfde geldt voor de achtereenvolgende directeuren van het instituut, prof. Emile Schrijver en David Wertheim. Met grote waardering denk ik terug aan de helaas in 2012 overleden prof. Rena Fuks-Mansfeld, die mij en vele anderen Jiddisj heeft geleerd en tot kort voor haar dood betrokken bleef bij het onderzoek. Ewoud Sanders verdient mijn eeuwige dankbaarheid voor zijn aanbod de Koerant integraal te scannen; iets waarvan ik veel profijt heb gehad tijdens het onderzoek. De heer Jan Anderson uit Vlaardingen was zo vriendelijk mij de Gazzetta d’Amsterdam te tonen en mij bovendien een rondleiding te geven door zijn streekmuseum. David Lee bedank ik voor het corrigeren van het Engels in dit proefschrift. Prof. Em. Sidney Rosenfeld (Oberlin, Ohio), ooit mijn studiegenoot bij de zomercursus Jiddisj in Vilnius, bedank ik voor zijn vriendschap, belangstelling en zijn bereidheid om mij te behoeden voor fouten in mijn Engelse lezingen, artikelen en presentaties. Ik draag mijn dissertatie op – weinig origineel maar zeer gemeend – aan mijn ouders, die mij stimuleerden de intellectuele lat hoog te leggen, maar mij daarbij altijd mijn eigen keuzes lieten maken. Mijn man, Fred, bedank ik niet alleen omdat hij me wegwijs heeft gemaakt in de wondere wereld van Excel, niet alleen omdat hij waarschijnlijk als enige niet-vakgenoot deze dissertatie van begin tot eind heeft gelezen, maar ook omdat hij mij op het rechte spoor heeft gehouden, vooral toen ik in het laatste stadium van het schrijven onverwacht gezondheidsproblemen kreeg en soms even niet meer wist hoe het verder moest. Tot slot wil ik met dit proefschrift mijn respect betonen aan Mousje bar Avrom Ovinoe, de zetter, vertaler en redacteur van de Koerant. Als vertaler, journalist, eindredacteur en voormalig redacteur van een verre nazaat van de Koerant, het NIW, voelde ik al vanaf het begin een zekere verwantschap met hem. Na het bestuderen van het werk dat hij heeft verricht, voel ik niet alleen verwantschap, maar ook bewondering.

1. Introduction

In the summer of 1902 David Montezinos (1828-1916), book collector and librarian of Ets Haim, the library of the Portuguese synagogue in Amsterdam, bought a book from a street peddler while watching Amsterdam’s Flora Theater burn.1 It was a volume containing one hundred issues of a Yiddish newspaper printed in Amsterdam, the Kurant, the Newspaper, dating from August 9, 1686 to December 5, 1687. 2 It turned out to be the oldest known Yiddish newspaper in the world and to date it is the only Yiddish newspaper of which more than a few issues have survived before the East-European Yiddish press came into being in the nineteenth century.3 The Kurant carried news from all over the world, apparently translated from Dutch newspapers. From August 9, 1686 until June 3, 1687 it was printed and published by the Ashkenazi printer Uri Faybesh Halevi, and from June 6 until December 5, 1687 the printer and publisher was the Sephardi David de Castro Tartas. The compositor, and probably also the translator and editor, was the ger – convert to Judaism – Moshe bar Avraham Avinu, or, as it probably was pronounced, Moushe bar Avrom Ovinu.4 The Kurant usually appeared

1 Da Silva Rosa, ‘David Montezinos’, 4. The Flora-Theater, in the Amstelstraat, burned down on August 29, 1902: Van de Kamp & Van der Wijk, Koosjer Nederlands, 158. 2 In the period the newspapers were printed by Uri Faybesh Halevi one issue is called Kuranten (plural), not Kurant. From the moment that David de Castro Tartas took over all further issues were called Kurant. Here I will use the word Kurant; only when referring to a specific issue printed by Halevi I will use the name Kuranten. The newspaper is often referred to as the Dinstagishe un Fraytagishe Kuranten, because it appeared on Tuesdays and Fridays. However, this was not the official name. A Tuesday issue bears the heading Dinstagishe Kurant(en), a Friday issue Fraytagishe Kurant(en), just as Dutch newspaper issues are called Haerlemse Dingsdaegse Courant or Amsterdamse Donderdaegse Courant. Yet in general those newspapers are referred to as Haerlemse Courant or Amsterdamse Courant, without the name of the day. 3 The other ones are the Dirnfurter Prifilegirte Tsaytung (Dyhernfurt (near Breslau), December 13, 1771 and January 10, 1772), the Vokhentlikhe berikhtn (Amsterdam, January 10, 1781) and the French Tsaytung, (Metz, 1789 and 1790): see Ch. 11. Some call the Kurant the oldest Jewish newspaper (e.g. Fuks, Joodse pers), others (notably Schnitzer, ‘Gazeta’) argue that this title belongs to the Spanish-language Gazeta de Amsterdam, also printed by David de Castro Tartas, of which the first known issue was published in 1672. Although the Gazeta was not Jewish in character, its readership was probably mainly Jewish: see Ch. 3. 4 In the issues printed by Halevi, he is referred to as hamesader (‘the compositor’); in the issues printed by Tartas only his name is mentioned.

1. Introduction twice a week, on Tuesdays and Fridays;5 between December 6, 1686 and February 14, 1687 and from August 8, 1687 until the last known issue of December 5, 1687 it appeared once a week (on Fridays). It is not known whether more issues have existed than those in this volume.

1.1. Earlier research on the Kurant As far as we know, before Montezinos’s purchase neither he nor his fellow scholars in the Netherlands and abroad had had any idea that this newspaper had existed. Several of them wrote about the discovery of the Kurant. The first to write about the Kurant was Sigmund Seeligmann. In his article Seeligmann gives a brief description of the Kurant and indicates that Montezinos acquired the volume shortly before the time of writing (1902). Seeligmann writes he will not elaborate because Montezinos himself intends to write about the newspaper.6 However, it seems Montezinos never did so. After his death in 1916 the book with the Kurant stayed in Ets Haim.7 The Kurant drew the attention of the great Yiddishist Max Weinreich who came all the way from Vilna to Amsterdam in the 1920s to study it.8 He gives an extensive, albeit not flawless9 description of the contents and appearance of the newspaper, which he calls ‘di bobe fun der yidisher prese’, the grandmother of the Yiddish press. He stresses the reports on Jews. They are comparatively few, Weinreich writes, but they are very interesting. He also gives some information about the printers and about the compositor, who was probably the editor as well, so he assumes. In his opinion, however, Amsterdam was not the right place for the Kurant. On the last page he sighs: ‘My God, it is unfair that such an important book, a treasure for our “Yiddish” Jews, lies with several other old Yiddish works in a city

5 And once on Thursday, April 3, 1687: see 5.7). 6 Seeligmann, ‘Jüdische Ansiedelung’, 7-8. Sigmund Seeligmann (Karlsruhe 1873-Amsterdam 1940) was a historian, bibliographer and the founder of the Genootschap voor de Joodsche Wetenschap in Nederland. 7 Already in 1889, Montezinos had donated his book collection to Ets Haim. From that moment the library was called Ets Haim – Livraria Montezinos. Apparently this did not prevent him from buying new books, like the volume containing the Kurant. 8 Weinreich, ‘Di bobe’, 679-683. 9 E.g., on p. 681 he quotes from the issue of February 24, whereas it should be September 24 (1686). He also writes, on p. 679, about one of the successors of the Kurant, the Dirnfurter Prifilegirte Tsaytung. According to him it dates from 1742, whereas the two issues we know date from 1771 and 1772.

1. Introduction where one will barely hear a living Yiddish word. I begrudge them, the Western Jews, their heritage, because one has to prove oneself worthy of a heritage, one has to be able to protect a heritage, one has to treat a heritage respectfully. And just dusting off is not enough to protect intellectual property.’10 In 1935 Montezinos’s assistant and successor, Jacob da Silva Rosa (1886-1943), shed light on the treasure in his library in the Dutch Jewish weekly Nieuw Israelietisch Weekblad.11 Two years later the American Yiddishist Jacob Shatzky translated the Dutch article into Yiddish and added some critical remarks .12 In Da Silva Rosa’s eyes, the Kurant was a newspaper carrying world news in Yiddish, for a Jewish readership that was yet unable to read the Dutch newspapers, as the Gazeta de Amsterdam (1672-1702) was for Spanish-speaking Sephardic Jews. First he gives a brief overview of the historical events in the period that the Kurant was published. Then he gives some technical details of the Kurant and information about the printers and the compositor, followed by a description of its content. Like Weinreich, he pays a lot of attention to the Jewish news. In an epilogue, Jacob Shatzky contradicts Da Silva Rosa’s remark that the Kurant was not mentioned in the scholarly literature and gives 21 titles.13 He also remarks that Da Silva Rosa is wrong in assuming that the Gazeta was a model for the Kurant. In the first place, writes Shatzky, because the editor undoubtedly did not speak Spanish, and in the second place because Shatzky found out that the Haerlemse Courant existed at the time, which was a much more likely example for the Kurant.14

10 Weinreich ’Di bobe’, 683. 11 Da Silva Rosa, ‘Een Amsterdams-Joodsche Courant’, 14-15. 12 Da Silva Rosa, ‘Di kurantin’, 7-19. 13 Da Silva Rosa, ‘Di kurantin’, 17-19. The majority of them are short mentions in Yiddish articles, but his list includes Seeligmann, ‘Jüdische Ansiedelung’ and Weinreich, Di bobe as well. 14 Da Silva Rosa, ‘Di kurantin’, 19. Although Shatzky does not tell what he means by ‘model’ and ‘example’, he seems to suggest that according to Da Silva Rosa the Gazeta might have been a source for the Kurant. However, what Da Silva Rosa says on p. 8 is: ‘Therefore we should not be surprised that just like the Sephardic Jews with their Gazeta de Amsterdam, the Ashkenazi community had, half a century after their consolidation, a newspaper of its own.’ This seems to be a sensible remark, which is not inconsistent with Shatzky’s arguments. Whether or not the Gazeta served as a model, an example or even a source for the Kurant, I will discuss in Ch. 3.

1. Introduction

In the Second World War the books of Ets Haim, including the volume containing the Kurant, were transported to Germany. In 1946 they returned to Amsterdam. In 1969 the Kurant was part of an exhibition in the Anne Frank House, ‘Jewish Press in the Netherlands and in Germany 1674-1940’. In the introduction to the catalogue,15 L. Fuks mentions the Kurant and calls it ‘a Jewish newspaper in the full meaning of the word, which, besides general political news, pays a lot of attention to domestic and foreign Jewish news.’ He also mentions the fact that the Kurant sometimes appeared on Tuesdays, but always on Fridays. He sees this as the beginning of a still extant tradition. The exhibition in the Anne Frank House was the first and the last public appearance of the volume containing the Kurant. In the seventies it disappeared without trace. Possibly it was among the books that were transferred from the Ets Haim library to the Jewish National and University Library in Jerusalem in 1978, yet it seems it never arrived in Jerusalem. It may have simply been stolen from Ets Haim.16 Did someone take Max Weinreich’s remark too seriously? Fortunately, photos and photocopies of the papers can still be found in the Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana of the Universiteit van Amsterdam, while microfilms are kept in the City Archives in Amsterdam and in several libraries in the Netherlands and abroad. After its disappearance the Kurant continued to stir the curiosity of scholars. The most extensive piece was written by Shlomo Berger.17 Berger summarizes the literature on the Kurant, information on the printers and the compositor/translator/editor, and a description of the appearance and the content. According to Berger, the main sources are Dutch newspapers, especially those from Amsterdam and Haarlem. He is also, like Toury, Lifshitz, Fuks and Fuks-Mansfeld,18 of the opinion that the compositor used letters sent to Amsterdam by Jews from abroad for reports on Jewish communities.19 It is hard to tell with

15 Fuks, Joodse pers, 7-14. 16 I would like to thank Abraham Rosenberg, former curator of Ets Haim – Livraria Montezinos, Dr. Adri Offenberg, former curator of Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana, and Prof. Emile Schrijver, curator of Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana, for sharing their information and conjectures. 17 Berger, ‘Reshit ha’itonut beyidish’, 363-371. Other articles are: Braber, ‘Strijdtoneel’, 13-15; Cahen, ‘Cradle’, 17-23; Lakmaker, ‘Dienstagische oen Freitagische Koerant’, 9-11; Lifshitz ‘Tsum 300–yorikn yoyvl’, 127-133; Weinstock ‘Origines’, 164-174; and from before the disappearance: Toury, ‘Reshit ha’itonut hayehudit’, 310- 327. 18 Fuks-Mansfeld, ‘Yiddish Historiography’, 9; L. & R. Fuks, ‘Yiddish Language and Literature’, 42. 19 In Ch. 7 I will show that this is probably incorrect.

1. Introduction certainty who were the readers of the Kurant, according to Berger. Dutch newspapers were mainly read by middle-class merchants, he writes, whereas the majority of the Dutch Ashkenazim were poor and therefore probably unable to subscribe.

1.2. Research question The articles mentioned above give ample information about the Kurant. To a great extent this information is descriptive. When did it appear, how did it look, what did it write about, by whom was it published? Some authors also mention probable sources or try to identify its readers. However, they do not answer the question that to me seems the most important: what did the printers and/or the compositor/translator/editor want with the Kurant; with what representation of reality did they want to confront their readers? Although newspapers in the seventeenth and eighteenth century often used the same sources and sometimes copied each other’s texts, each retained its own character. They were hardly voicing opinions, yet by selecting certain reports and leaving out others, by stressing certain subjects more than others, they ‘arranged reality’ in a specific way and thus presented their readers with a certain view on what was happening in the world. Studies on this aspect of press history are scant, both in the Netherlands and abroad.20 One important case study is Marcel Broersma’s insightful history of the Leeuwarder Courant between 1752 and 2002. Broersma presents his study as a search for the identity of the newspaper.21 In order to be convincing and successful, says Broersma, a newspaper had, and still has, to connect with its readers; newspaper and reader need a common frame of reference. Of course journalists do not know all their readers personally and they do not always have a specific type of reader in mind when they publish their newspaper. However they often belong to the same socio-economic and cultural group as their readers and so more or less know what their readers feel and think.22 Thus they are able to create, in the words of Benedict Anderson, an ‘imagined community’ of readers. Anderson, in his study on nationalism, uses this concept to explain how people can be convinced to belong to a nation

20 See Ch. 3 for a survey of Dutch press historiography. 21 Broersma, Beschaafde vooruitgang. I would like to thank Prof. Frank van Vree for bringing Broersma’s book to my attention. 22 Broersma, Beschaafde vooruitgang, 18-19; Darnton, Lamourette, 62.

1. Introduction and mentions newspapers as a tool for that.23 Broersma argues that ‘imagined community’ can also be used to denote other kinds of territorial, religious, linguistic or political communities. Thus, when people read a newspaper that appeals to them, they can get the feeling that they belong or should belong to a community that shares certain characteristics or values, like language, nationality, religion or political views, even though they do not know all members of the community personally. 24 Both Anderson and Broersma concentrate on the period between the eighteenth and the twentieth century, so the question is: can we use the concept of the imagined community to draw conclusions about the identity of the readers of the seventeenth-century Kurant and of the Kurant itself? Eisenstein states – as does Anderson himself25 – that in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Europe the use of the vernacular in printed texts was an important agent in the formation of group identities: ‘Printed materials encouraged silent adherence to causes whose advocates could not be found in any one parish and who addressed an invisible public from afar. New forms of group identity began to compete with an older, more localized nexus of loyalties.’26 Eisenstein’s definition of these forms of group identity bears a great resemblance to Anderson’s concept of the imagined community. But is the concept of the imagined community applicable to the Jewish case? Historian of the Jewish book Zeev Gries thinks not. He remarks that Jews in the Diaspora had several languages; the linguistic factor uniting the Jewish people was not the vernacular language, but the sacred language, Hebrew. That is, according to Gries, why until the eighteenth century the publication of Yiddish books lagged behind compared to Hebrew ones. He thinks Jews shared the sense of a living community long before other peoples in Europe and so did not need an imagined one.27

23 Anderson, Imagined Communities, 35, 37-46. 24 Broersma, Beschaafde vooruitgang, 19-20. 25 Anderson, Imagined Communities, 35, 37-46. 26 Eisenstein Printing Press, 132-133. 27 Gries The Book, vii-ix. Gries here – intentionally? – misunderstands the concept of ‘imagined’. Anderson does not use the word as opposed to ‘real’. The community is imagined because its members ‘will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the mind of each lives the image of their communion.’ (Anderson, Imagined Communities, 6.) In this sense Gries’s ‘living community’ is also an imagined community.

1. Introduction

Shlomo Berger recognizes that Hebrew was the marker of identity for Jews all over the world, yet he sees Yiddish as a powerful Jewish language that had the potential to foster cohesion among various Ashkenazi communities and thus also supported the formation of an Ashkenazi diaspora. The growing distribution of books became a crucial factor in the standardizing of Yiddish and made it a central communication instrument within Ashkenazi society and culture. Even though the Yiddish book production amounted to around ten percent of the books produced in Hebrew type, the impact was probably far greater than that of Hebrew books. In a German- and Dutch-speaking environment, Yiddish was also able to function as mediator between the Jewish world and surrounding society.28 Thus, it seems possible, after all, to apply the concept of the imagined community to the Ashkenazi Jews in Amsterdam and perhaps in other parts of the Dutch Republic as well. At the time the Kurant was published most Ashkenazi Jews had been living in Amsterdam for only a few decades, having arrived mainly from Germany and Poland, and they were still in the process of becoming a community. Of course they had long been part of the community of all Diaspora Jews, Hebrew being its uniting linguistic factor, as Gries remarks. Before they settled in Amsterdam, they already were part of the community of the Ashkenazi diaspora, in which Yiddish was the uniting linguistic factor, as Berger states. After their settlement in the Netherlands a new aspect was added to their identity: they became inhabitants of Amsterdam and the Dutch Republic. Although they lived in their own quarters, ghettos were absent and many of them were surrounded by and frequently got in touch with non-Jews. A newspaper in Yiddish might have helped its readers create the feeling of belonging to a specific community of Amsterdam or Dutch Ashkenazi Jews by giving them the opportunity to form opinions both about the non-Jewish world around them and about their own place in this world, in their own vernacular. The question whether the Kurant indeed created this feeling is not easy to answer. Broersma’s study covers 250 years and has at its disposal a statement of principles by the founder.29 In the eighteenth century the Leeuwarder Courant probably took its foreign news from other newspapers, but also employed their own reporters and contributors.30 The archives offer information about the readers, about the circulation of the newspaper and

28 Berger, ‘Reshit ha’itonut beyidish’, 68-86. 29 Broersma, Beschaafde vooruitgang, 63-65. 30 Broersma, Beschaafde vooruitgang, 71-72.

1. Introduction several other aspects. This, together with a systematic analysis of the newspaper’s content, enables Broersma to conclude that the Leeuwarder Courant welcomed ‘civilized progress’ and propagated the idea that every human being was obliged to develop into a valuable citizen.31 Of the Kurant, on the other hand, only sixteen months have survived. We know who the printers, the compositor and probably the translator and editor were, but neither they, nor anyone else left a statement about their intentions. It seems the Kurant did not have its own correspondents or reporters. It obtained its news from other sources, primarily Dutch newspapers. As to the(intended) readers, the Dutch Ashkenazi Jews, we know even less than about the makers. We have some information about their socio-economic position and some conjectures about their reading habits and interests. Thus, whatever the conclusions of this study, they will be speculative to a rather large extent. Nevertheless, my research question is:

The Kurant, and, more specifically, its editor, ‘arranged reality’ by selecting and editing the material from the sources. What can the selecting and editing mechanisms of the Kurant tell us about the intentions of its makers and about the kind of imagined community of readers the Kurant may have helped create?

I am not suggesting that the makers of the Kurant published the newspaper with the idea of creating an imagined community of readers. Imagined communities, both in the strict and in the broader sense, are generally observed by historians in hindsight. The printers of the Kurant probably decided to publish a newspaper because they hoped it might become a commercial success. For it to be a commercial success, the editor had to select and edit the material from the sources in a way that appealed to the intended readers, a way that made, to some extent, that they could identify with its view on what happened in the world, and gave them the feeling that the Kurant was their newspaper.

1.3. Content The main structure of this study is as follows.

31 Broersma, Beschaafde vooruitgang, 20.

1. Introduction

Part 1. The Landscape of the Kurant In order to answer the research question, I will first take into account what I call ‘the landscape of the Kurant’, the real world in which the Kurant existed, the landscape of the Dutch press, and the (intended) readers of the Kurant. Chapter 2. The main events in the Dutch Republic and abroad What was going on in the Dutch Republic and abroad in 1686 and 1687; what were the important events and what were the issues people in the Dutch Republic were concerned about? Chapter 3. The Dutch press Which newspapers existed in the Netherlands in the 1680s, including foreign-language newspapers, and to what extent did they serve as a model for the Kurant? Chapter 4. The readers It is clear that the (intended) readers were to be found in the Ashkenazi community of Amsterdam and possibly the newspaper was also read elsewhere in the Dutch Republic or even abroad. What was the socio-economic position of the readers and how did they view the world around them? Did they lock themselves up in their own Jewish environment or did they get in touch with non-Jews? Did they consider themselves a group, a community? What books did they read, to what extent were they interested in news events?

Part 2. The Kurant and its Makers What does the Kurant look like and who were its makers? Chapter 5. Bibliographical description A detailed bibliographical description of the volume containing the hundred issues. Chapter 6. The makers The makers of the Kurant, the two printers and the compositor/translator/editor, did not publish a statement of principles, nor is the Kurant mentioned in any contemporary source. We do have biographical information about the printers and the compositor/translator/editor, though, which may give us some clue about their intentions.

Part 3. The Editor at Work The central part of the study.

1. Introduction

Chapter 7. The sources of the Kurant Before I can compare the Kurant with its sources, I have to find out what the sources are. To this end I carried out a representative sample survey of issues of the Kurant and compared them to the Dutch newspapers available from that period, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, the Amsterdamse Courant, the Ordinaire Leydse Courant and the Opregte Leydse Courant. I determined which percentage of each issue could be traced back to which source. Thus I could see whether the editor preferred a certain source, whether there were changes in the use of the sources, and if so, whether it was possible to find a reason for them. I will also show which reports in the Kurant cannot be traced back to any of the sources available. Chapter 8. Selection and editing: examination in detail After having determined the sources of the Kurant, I will show the work method of the editor in detail by taking four issues of the Kurant and comparing them to the Dutch newspapers that might be the sources.32 I will show which report was taken from which source, whether the editor translated the sources faithfully or edited them in some way, whether there is a difference in editing and borrowing between the issues that appeared once a week and those that appeared twice a week, and between the issues printed by Uri Faybesh Halevi and by David de Castro Tartas, whether the editor changed the geographical or chronological order of the reports and whether he understood everything. I will also show which reports from the Dutch newspapers the Kurant did not borrow. Chapter 9. Subjects in the Kurant and its sources Subsequently I will take a look at the subjects covered by the Kurant, based on a classification of the subjects in the entire corpus of the Kurant, and compare them to the subjects covered in a representative sample of the sources. Does the Kurant focus on the same subjects as its sources or does it have other preferences? I will also take a closer look at the way the Kurant describes Jews and Jewish subjects. Chapter 10. Conclusions In this chapter I will answer the main research question: the Kurant, and, more specifically, its editor, ‘arranged reality’ by selecting and editing the material from the sources. What can the selecting and editing mechanisms of the Kurant tell us about the intentions of its makers and about the kind of imagined community of readers the Kurant may have helped create?

32 And by doing so, I also show my own method of working in determining what are the sources.

1. Introduction

Aftermath The Kurant was the first known Yiddish newspaper, and almost the last – until the nineteenth century. In this chapter I will give a short description of the only other Yiddish newspapers still extant.

Part 1. The Landscape of the Kurant

2. The main events in the Dutch Republic and abroad

2.1. National news The Kurant appeared in the late Golden Age.1 For the Dutch Republic the years 1686 and 1687 were a rather quiet interval between great historic events. It had taken the Dutch Republic several years to recover from the Year of Disaster, 1672, when the Dutch Republic suffered a severe political and economic crisis and was attacked by France, England, Münster and Cologne, followed by several years of war with England and France. William III became stadholder. In the 1680s the Dutch economy prospered mainly because of overseas commerce, shipping and industry. Although the once profitable Baltic bulk traffic and fisheries had diminished, the VOC and the WIC2 were still highly profitable companies. Despite the peace treaty with France in 1678, Louis XIV kept threatening the Dutch Republic and started to conquer parts of the Spanish Netherlands, but the Dutch tried to maintain internal calm by preferring adjusting to confrontation, as France was one of the most important markets for Dutch goods. Yet in August 1687 Louis XIV imposed new protectionist measures and it became clear that it was only a matter of time before a new war of commerce would erupt.3 This war eventually started in November 1688. Meanwhile, another measure of Louis XIV had important consequences for the Dutch Republic: the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, forcing some 50,000 Huguenots (French Protestants) to escape to the Dutch Republic. About ninety percent stayed in France and converted to Roman Catholicism, but it were mainly the highly-educated Huguenots who came to the Netherlands and were welcomed as skilled tradesmen. Partly thanks to them the Dutch economy recovered in the years 1685-1688.4 The public opinion was very favorable toward the Huguenots, and the Dutch newspapers – including the Kurant – sympathized with the ‘poor Protestants’ who suffered the hardships of the cold winter when escaping to Switzerland.

1 According to Israel, The Dutch Republic, 619, the economic Golden Age lasted from 1590 until 1740. 2 The United East Indies Company and the West Indies Company. 3 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 844. 4 Lucassen & Lucassen, Winnaars en verliezers, 207-208; Israel, The Dutch Republic, 627-629.

2. The main events in the Dutch Republic and abroad

Stadholder William III had married his English cousin Princess Mary in 1677 and was intent on a chance to dethrone the Catholic King James II, but that too was to happen only in 1688.5

2.2. International news The most important subject in the Dutch newspapers, and in the Kurant as well, is the war between the Habsburgs and the Turks in Hungary.6 At first sight it may seem strange that the news about the war between the Habsburg Empire7 and the Ottoman Empire8 in the Balkans, especially in Hungary, is so much at the center in the Dutch newspapers and even more in the Kurant. After all, the Dutch Republic was not involved in this war, was an important trading partner of Turkey,9 and had an ambassador in Constantinople, as is mentioned in the Kurant.10 In a sense the Dutch Republic did have some interests in the development of the war, because the successes of the Habsburgs over the Turks reinforced the likelihood of Dutch neutrality in a new war between Louis XIV and the Habsburgs and

5 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 824, 841-846. 6 See Ch. 9. 7 In the years 1686-1687 the Habsburg Empire or Habsburg Monarchy comprised the possessions of the Austrian branch of the Habsburgs: the so-called Erblände (Hereditary Lands), being the Austrian lands, the lands of the Bohemian Crown (Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia), and the Hungarian Kingdom (the western part of Hungary, not belonging to Turkish Hungary or independent Transylvania); traditionally the Habsburg emperor, at the time Leopold I, was also the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, yet as a result of the Peace of Münster (1648), this empire had become a conglomerate of de facto independent German states: Hochedlinger, Austria’s War, 7-24. 8 In 1686-1687 the Ottoman Empire consisted not only of present-day Turkey, but also of Greece, most parts of the Balkans, the Crimea, the Middle East and North Africa; in 1687 Sultan Mehmet IV was dismissed and imprisoned, and succeeded by his brother Suleiman II: Stiles, Ottoman Empire, 111. 9 De Groot, The Netherlands and Turkey. (פֿענעציען) · דען דרײסיגשטן סעפטעמבר [...] דער הער (קולירס רעזידענט) פֿון דיא (הוך מאגינדי הערן) פֿון דיא (הערן 10 שטאטן) יענראל פֿון דיא פֿר אײניגטי נידרלנדן דער זעלביגי האט צו (קונסטנטינופל) זײן אײן צוג גיהלטן מיט גרוסן ערן דר נאך Venice, September 30. […] Mr. Colyer, resident of the) האט ער ׁ(אױדיענץ) גיהאט בײא דען טירקישן (קאימאקאם) · Lofty Members of the States General of the United Netherlands, made his entry into Constantinople with great honor; after that, he was received in audience with the Turkish kaimakam (deputy governor): Kurant of October 18, 1686.)

2. The main events in the Dutch Republic and abroad heightened the prospects of a full-scale conflict between the Habsburgs and the pro-Turkish French on the Rhine.11 Yet there was another reason why this war was at the center of the attention in the Dutch – and European – press. Several European countries, like the Dutch Republic, maintained good relationships with the Turks, and the French King Louis XIV actively supported the Ottomans, while several German Electors, and even, for a short period, the Polish King Jan III Sobieski, took sides with the French and against the Habsburgs.12 Nevertheless in Western Europe the expansionism of the Ottoman Empire was considered a threat to civilization. The Turks tried to invade Europe earlier and that had installed fear in the hearts of the Christian Europeans.13 After several attacks the Turks managed to conquer Constantinople in 1453. In the fifteenth and sixteenth century they fought against the Holy Roman Empire, capturing large parts of Hungary, including, in 1526, Buda. In 1529 the Turks tried to conquer Vienna – in vain. According to Wheatcroft the war between Habsburgs and Ottomans was considered a clash of faiths, of Christendom versus Islam, a definitive struggle between East and West.14 In the first half of the seventeenth century it was quiet on the Balkan front, due to internal problems in Turkey and because the Habsburgs were occupied by the Thirty Years War.15 In the sixties there were some skirmishes about Transylvania and the Turks captured several strongholds in Hungary, followed by a twenty years’ truce. Shortly before the end of the truce, Turkey, encouraged by French subsidies, tried to conquer Vienna for the second time.16 The Emperor, Leopold I, assisted by the Elector of Bavaria and King Jan III Sobieski of Poland, managed to ward off the attack after a siege of two months. The siege of Vienna was a turning point in the war in Hungary. In 1684 Leopold I formed a ‘Holy League’ with Poland and Venice against the Turkish sultan, under auspices of the Pope. Russia joined two years later. The first aim was to re-conquer Buda. The main army under Charles of Lorraine managed to take Pest and several fortresses.17 It also dealt a heavy blow

11 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 843. 12 Hochedlinger, Austria’s War, 55, 71-73, 154-155. 13 Wheatcroft, The Enemy at the Gate, 3. 14 Wheatcroft, The Enemy at the Gate, 6-8. 15 Stiles, Ottoman Empire, 158-159. 16 De Boer, Het oude Duitsland, 201. 17 Hochedlinger, Austria’s War, 156-159.

2. The main events in the Dutch Republic and abroad to the so-called Kuruc movement, a group of Hungarian nobles, peasants and border guards who rebelled against the military occupation and religious persecution of the absolute and strictly Catholic system of the Habsburgs and sought refuge in Transylvania, a Turkish vassal state. From there they had launched guerrilla raids into Upper Hungary from 1672 onward. Their commander was Count Imre Thököly (1657-1705), who is mentioned frequently in the Kurant and in the Dutch newspapers (‘Grave Teckeley’). They were supported by the French King Louis XIV. In 1685 the Kuruc movement crumbled. Its army and soldiers deserted to the Imperial camp. Only Thököly’s fortress Munkács held out until beginning of 1688.18 In 1686 there was a breakthrough. After a siege of several months the Christian armies succeeded in capturing Buda (2 September 1686).19 The first known issue of the Kurant dates from August 9, 1686. Although we do not know whether this was the very first issue, it could well be that the newspaper was started during this stage of the war. Newspapers often started to appear when a war broke out.20 In 1686 and 1687 the Imperial Army captured several more towns and strongholds. In October 1687 Charles of Lorraine invaded Transylvania, which was forced by treaty to provide winter quarters for the Imperial army.21 In December 1687 the archduke of Austria was crowned King of Hungary, which was a heavy blow for the Turks.22 The war continued until 1699, when a peace treaty was signed in Karlowitz. Hungary and Transylvania were given to the Habsburg Empire.23 From the moment that Leopold I formed the holy league against the Turkish sultan, the Venetian Republic re-entered the theater of war. Fifteen years after the loss of Candia (Crete), which had resulted in an uneasy peace,24 Venetian troops and fleet occupied the Dalmatian coast and Morea (Peloponnesus). In October 1686 Napoli de Romania was

18 Hochedlinger, Austria’s War, 154. 19 Hochedlinger, Austria’s War, 159. 20 Schneider & Hemels, De Nederlandse krant, 40-45; Dahl, Dutch corantos, 36, 57; see also Ch. 3. 21 Hochedlinger, Austria’s War, 159-160. 22 Stiles, Ottoman Empire, 111. 23 Hochedlinger, Austria’s War, 165; Stiles, Ottoman Empire, 111-112. 24 Setton, Venice, Austria and the Turks, 244.

2. The main events in the Dutch Republic and abroad conquered, which led to festivities all over Europe,25 and in September 1687 Athens was conquered. Meanwhile Poland tried to defeat the Turks near the Black Sea and Russia attacked the Crimea, but these allies of the holy league were less successful.26 Apart from the ‘official’ wars, there was an enemy that was less easy to defeat: the mostly North-African pirates under Turkish rule who endangered all seas and were a great risk for the Dutch and European merchant navies.

25 See 9.3.3. 26 Stiles, Ottoman Empire, 107-111.

3. The Dutch press

The Kurant came into being in the landscape of an extant Dutch press. The Kurant was itself part of the landscape, as a newspaper among the newspapers. It used other papers as a model and as a source. It may have been a source itself. It shows similarity to other newspapers, for example in the way it gathered or copied the news, or because it was published in a foreign language. Most research on the Dutch press of the seventeenth century has been done in the nineteenth century and the 1940s and 1950s.1 Although a comprehensive bibliography of Dutch newspapers is still absent, the pioneers of the Dutch press history provided us with a host of bibliographical, biographical an technical information. Their research is mainly descriptive, without theme or analysis. This often makes it hard to discern the differences in character between several seventeenth-century newspapers, the intentions of the

1 Fruin, ‘Oudste couranten’ and Stolp, De eerste couranten describe how the first printed newspapers in the seventeenth century originated from the sixteenth-century handwritten newsletters. In 1935 an important collection of Dutch newspapers from the first half of the seventeenth century was discovered in the Royal Library in Stockholm. The Swedish librarian Folke Dahl used his findings about these newspapers, and others that already were known, for several articles about the early Dutch press, and for his bibliography of the Dutch newspapers between 1618 and 1650: Dahl, Earliest newspaper centre; Dahl, Dutch corantos; Dahl, Die Anfänge. Couvée, Couranten en courantiers and Couvée, ‘De nieuwsgaring’, using Dahl’s material, give an overview of the Dutch press in the seventeenth and eighteenth century and compare the first Dutch and Flemish newspapers with papers from Germany. W.P. Sautijn Kluit wrote several monographs about newspapers from the second half of the seventeenth and the eighteenth century: Sautijn Kluit, ‘De Haarlemsche Courant’, Sautijn Kluit, ‘De Amsterdamsche Courant’, Sautijn Kluit, ‘Leidsche Couranten’. Schneider & Hemels, De Nederlandse krant wrote a history of the Dutch press. The Centrale catalogus van dagen weekbladen (Central Catalogue for Dailies and Weeklies) is incomplete for the seventeenth century. Gabriëls, Lijst van publikaties, a bibliography of publications from before 1800, held by the Dutch Press Museum, contains only a few publications from the seventeenth century. Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, the standard work about the book trade in Amsterdam, is incomplete and contains several errors. More detailed and accurate is Van Eeghen, De Amsterdamse boekhandel, but it only deals with the period between 1680 and 1725. More recent research has been done by Hoftijzer & Lankhorst, Drukkers, who offer much information on printers, booksellers and readers in the Dutch Republic, and by Keblusek, ‘Nieuwsvoorziening’ and Keblusek, Boeken in de hofstad, which deal with news service and reading culture in the Dutch Republic, especially in The Hague. Information about the French press in the Netherlands is provided by Hatin, Les gazettes de Hollande and Rétat, La Gazette d’Amsterdam. The English press in (and outside) the Netherlands is discussed by Dahl, Cradle and Dahl, English Corantos.

3. The Dutch press publishers or the (intended) readership.2

3.1. The origins of the Dutch press In the sixteenth century merchants were eager to learn news of their trading fleets and what was going on in the regions where they sent their merchandise. So they organized a mailing service for letters written by commercial agents. In the late sixteenth century a highly developed news network of letters existed between cities like Hamburg, Venice, Antwerp and Amsterdam.3 Except for commercial news, the news writers or courantiers added courante nouvelles – current news reports – the latest news from the regions where they were staying. This is where the Dutch word courant – in modern Dutch krant, ‘newspaper’ – came from, and this is the origin of the newspapers themselves.4 These news reports were also of interest to local authorities. In seventeenth-century Western Europe, the newsletter, meant for merchants and authorities, developed rapidly into a printed newspaper, meant for a broader audience. No doubt the publication of newspapers in the Netherlands and in Germany was stimulated by the outbreak and the developments of the Thirty Years’ War, and by the developments in the Eighty Years’ War in the Netherlands. These were wars in which freedom of religion was at stake, in which individual citizens had to take sides. But that was not the only reason. It was only in the seventeenth century that printing techniques had developed in a way that made it possible to print newspapers within a few hours.5 This happened all over Western Europe.6 The Dutch Republic, and Amsterdam in particular, was becoming an economic superpower in Europe and an international center of booksellers and publishers.7 In surrounding countries governments considered newspapers as an instrument of power and

2 Keblusek, ‘Nieuwsvoorziening’ and Keblusek, Boeken in de hofstad, though limited in scope, offer useful views, as does Broersma, Beschaafde vooruitgang, although he deals with the period between the eighteenth and twentieth century. 3 Dooley & Baron, Politics of Information, 8. 4 Couvée, Couranten en courantiers, 6. 5 See 3.7. 6 Dooley & Baron, Politics of Information. 7 Couvée, Couranten en courantiers, 11; Lankhorst, ‘Newspapers’, 153.

3. The Dutch press supported them in order to control them.8 The Dutch local authorities and the national government, the States General, also played an encouraging role in the development of the press.9 Generally, newspaper publishers needed to receive permission from the authorities to publish a newspaper. This was not always in favor of the freedom of the press, especially concerning internal Dutch political news. As for international news, the strong economic position of the Netherlands enabled the newspapers to ignore protests from foreign countries up to a point. This was also the reason why newspapers in foreign languages, especially in French and English, were published in the Netherlands.10

3.2 The first Dutch newspapers and their makers 3.2.1. Dutch-language newspapers Abraham Verhoeven from Antwerp was the first courantier – as far as is known – to receive a governmental privilege for printing news reports, from archduke Albert and archduchess Isabella in 1605.11 However, there is no proof that he printed newspapers in these early years. In 1609 he published engravings, woodcuts, and pamphlets about the Twelve Years’ Truce. From 1615 he started printing occasional news pamphlets ever more frequently, at a rate of one in every ten days in 1619. In 1619 or 1620, shortly after the outbreak of the Thirty Years’ War, and shortly before the end of the Twelve Years’ Truce, he applied for a license to print news, and remodeled his pamphlets as periodically published series: this became the first newspaper in the Spanish Netherlands.12 The paper was called Nieuwe Tijdinghen (New Tidings, or Reports), although this was not its official name. Until 1627 the title page carried several different names, from 1627 onward it was called Weeckelyke Tijdingh (Weekly Tiding).

8 Schröder, ‘The origins’, 123. 9 Lankhorst, ‘Newspapers’, 153. 10 Hatin, Les gazettes de Hollande; Dahl, Cradle; see 3.2.2. 11 ‘om te mogen drucken ende te snyden in hout ofte op copere Platen ende te vercoopen in alle de landen van hare gehoorsaemheydt alle de Nieuwe Tydingen, Victoriën, Belegeringhen ende Innemen van steden, die dselve Princen sulle doen oft becomen, soe in Vrieslandt oft omtrendt den Rhyn’ (to be allowed to print and cut in wood or on copper plates and to sell in all countries that belong to them, all new reports, victories, sieges and capturing of cities that this Prince will do or get, either in Friesland or near the Rhine): Schneider & Hemels, De Nederlandse krant, 39-40. 12 Arblaster, ‘Policy and publishing’, 184.

3. The Dutch press

Pamphlets, like those published by Abraham Verhoeven, were quite popular during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.13 Some pamphlets were published periodically, but more often than not they appeared irregularly, following an important event on which they commented. In most cases they treated only one subject. The most important difference between the pamphlet and the newspaper was the purpose: whereas the majority of the pamphlets were meant to persuade the reader, the main goal of the newspaper was to inform.14 So it seems that the case of Abraham Verhoeven – the development of the newspaper from pamphlets – was quite atypical. Most newspapers in the Dutch Republic – like elsewhere in Europe – stem rather from the weekly newsletters for merchants or local authorities than from the pamphlet. The first newspaper in the Dutch Republic was – as far as is known – the Courante uyt Italien, Duytslandt, &c., published in Amsterdam by Caspar van Hilten, printed by Joris Veseler (or Veselaer), appearing for the first time on June 14, 1618,15 a month after the outbreak of the Thirty Years’ War. In the first issues Van Hilten’s name is not mentioned at all. In 1619, the paper was printed ‘Voor den Courantier in ’t Leger van den Prince van Oraignen’ (For the Courantier in the Army of the Prince of Orange).16 It is unclear whether courantier means ‘war correspondent’ or rather ‘news writer’, but apparently Van Hilten was serving in some capacity or other in the army of Stadholder Prince Maurits, probably in the service of the States General. Caspar van Hilten probably came from Germany, although he was originally from the Low Countries. He was a member of the Bookseller’s Guild on July 17th, 1621. In the Guild Book he was called courantier, the only member entered under this title.17 Kleerkooper & Van Stockum do not mention any other publications by Caspar van Hilten in newspapers or otherwise. They do mention two historical prints that were apparently sold by Caspar in his bookshop. So possibly he was a bookseller, rather than a

13 Harline, Pamphlets, 44. 14 Lankhorst, ‘Newspapers’, 153. 15 During 1618 the papers bore no imprints. Dahl, Dutch corantos, 36 gives the day after the date of the most recent news report (Amsterdam, June 13, 1618) as the date of publication. 16 Dahl, Dutch corantos, facsimile f. 11 v., newspapers of Augustus 28 and September 18, 1620; Dahl, Dutch corantos, 33, 36. 17 Dahl, Dutch corantos, 33; Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 259.

3. The Dutch press publisher.18 After Caspar’s death in 1622 or 1623 his son Jan succeeded him. In 1646 Jan started to print the paper as well.19 He also published and printed many non-periodical news accounts in different languages, as well as works of various types, and maps. He advertised them in newspapers.20 From 1618 till 1623, the Courante had appeared once a week, but not on a fixed day. Jan van Hilten apparently changed this: from 1624 the paper appeared every Saturday, and from 1629 it was numbered.21 Only a few months after the Courante, in February 1619, Broer Jansz. started to print and publish a newspaper as well.22 It was not before 1629 that it got its name Tydinghen uit Verscheyde Quartieren (Tidings from Different Regions), or sometimes Tydinghen uit Vele Quartieren (Tidings from Many Regions). Broer Jansz.’s first known publication dates from 1603, Cort verhael uyt seeckere tydinghe gecomen uyt Engelant (Short story from a certain report arrived from England), a news item about the coronation of King James and Queen Anne, translated from English. The next year he published several texts, one of them a news-account he wrote himself, followed by many more news accounts in later years. Before 1619 he apparently served as a courantier to the Prince of Orange, Stadholder Prince Maurits. He announced himself as ‘Oudt Courantier in het Legher van Sijne Princcelijcke Excellentie’ (Former Courantier in the Army of His Princely

18 Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 259. 19 Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 1293 mention newspapers from 1649, printed by Jan van Hilten, ‘boeckverkooper in de Beursstraet, in de geborduuerde Handtschoen’ (bookseller in the Exchange Street, in the embroidered glove) 20 Dahl, Dutch corantos, 36; Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 1293 mention only two publications, both announced in Van Hilten’s own newspaper: on November 18, 1634: ‘Bij Jan van Hilten wort uijtgegeven een boecxken, geintituleert: Welrieckende Bloeme, beschreven door Jacob Boehme’ (At Jan van Hilten’s will be published a small book, entitled Fragrant Flower, described by Jacob Boehme), and on August 18, 1635: ‘Bij Jacob van Biesen ende Jan van Hilten, sal toecomende weke uijtghegheven werden een perfecte Caerte van ’t Belegh van Schencken-Schants, met alle sijn Approchien ende nieuwe Wercken’ (At Jacob van Biesen’s and Jan van Hilten’s will be published next week a perfect map of the Siege of Schenkenschans (Schenk’s entrenchment), with all its trenches and new works). 21 Dahl, Dutch corantos, 36. 22 During 1619 most papers have no date. Dahl, Dutch corantos, 57 gives the day after the date of the most recent news report (Amsterdam, February 9, 1619) as the date of publication.

3. The Dutch press

Excellency).23 This could mean he was the predecessor of Van Hilten. But it is impossible to know, as no additional information is known about the ‘courantiership’ of either publisher. From 1619 till 1623 the Tydinghen appeared in Amsterdam during irregular intervals, but mostly on Fridays. From 1624 they appeared, like the Courante, almost always on Saturdays.24 In Amsterdam, several newspapers came into being between 1620 and 1650, but only a few survived.25 Jan van Hilten’s Courante uyt Italien, Duytslandt, &c. and Broer Jansz.’s Tydinghen uit Verscheyde Quartieren were among the survivors. Sometime before or in 1672, the Courante, and possibly also the Tydinghen, were renamed Amsterdamsche Courant. A collection of copies of this newspaper from between 1672 and 1677, and from 1684 onward has been preserved in the Amsterdam City Archives. Sautijn Kluit has pointed out that the collection consists of three independent newspapers, published and printed by four men, all of them officially appointed by the Amsterdam government.26 On October 3, 1682, the Amsterdam government appointed one new publisher, Adriaen van Gaesbeeck, for the Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday issues, although they stayed separate newspapers.27 Van Gaesbeeck was born in Leyden around 1641 and was mainly known as a bookseller. It is unknown whether he was active as a book publisher or printer as well.28 After Van Gaesbeeck’s death in February 1686, the Amsterdam government decided to grant the right of printing and publishing a newspaper solely to Casparus Commelin, formerly one of the two publishers of the Zaturdagsche (Saturday) Amsterdamse Courant,29

23 Couvée Couranten en courantiers, 10-11; Dahl, Dutch corantos, 55-56. 24 Dahl, Dutch corantos, 56. 25 Dahl, Dutch corantos; Couvée Couranten en courantiers, 13-14; Sautijn Kluit, ‘De Amsterdamsche Courant’, 17-18. 26 Sautijn Kluit, ‘De Amsterdamsche Courant’, 23. 27 Sautijn Kluit, ‘De Amsterdamsche Courant’, 29; the first issue kept in the City Archives dates from November 18, 1684. 28 Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 231-232. 29 Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 146; C.P. Burger jr., ‘De boekverkopers Commelin’, in: Tijdschrift voor Boek- en Bibliotheekwezen IX, p. 145 e.v. (cited in Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 146); Commelin published at least Aeloude en hedendaagsche Scheepsbouw en Bestier, by Nicolaes Witsen (1671), and several maps of Asia, also by Nicolaes Witsen (1685): Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 1233-1234.

3. The Dutch press

30 who stayed in charge of the Amsterdamse Courant until his death in 1693.87F The Amsterdamse Courant, as we shall see in Chapter 7, is one of the main sources of the Kurant. The first newspaper known to be published outside of Amsterdam appeared in Arnhem on May 17, 1621. The early appearance may be explained by the fact that Arnhem was close 31 to Cologne, where the news reports from Central Europe were collected.88F The publisher 32 was probably Jan Janssen.89F From the beginning of 1623 it was published in numbered series, which makes it the earliest known paper to do this. Until the last known issue, of 33 October 21, 1636, it bears no title, but probably it was called the Arnhemsche Courante.90F Another early newspaper was published in Delft. The first issue that we know of appeared on May 10, 1623, the Courante uyt Italien, Duytsland ende Nederland. The Delft Courante was published by Ian Andriesz. [Cloeting], who worked between 1594 and 1632. After his death it was continued by his widow, and later probably by his son. The last known issue 34 dates from October 5, 1643.91F In The Hague the first known newspaper was published in 1635, in Utrecht in 1658, in 35 Rotterdam in 1666.92F Some of these were short-lived, like the one in The Hague (although a 36 new attempt in the 1650s was more successful).93F After the death of Jan van Hilten in 1656, Abraham Casteleyn, one of the major contributors to the Courante uyt Italien, Duytslandt, &c, decided to publish a newspaper all his own, printed by his father Vincent Casteleyn who had been the town printer of Haarlem 37 since 1642.94F Casteleyn received and collected news reports from all over Europe and, according to a contemporary source, had more knowledge than anybody else about secret state affairs. Sautijn Kluit calls him ‘the Reuter’s of the seventeenth century’. He asserts it was mainly thanks to Casteleyn that Van Hilten’s Courante uyt Italien, Duytslandt, &c was

30 Sautijn Kluit, ‘De Amsterdamsche Courant’, 31-32. 31 Schneider & Hemels, De Nederlandse krant, 52. 32 Dahl, Dutch corantos, 84; Dahl, Earliest newspaper centre, 192-194; Stolp, De eerste couranten, 45. 33 Dahl, Dutch corantos, 84-85; according to Dahl, we know that the paper was called Arnhemsche Courante because an extra issue has the title ‘Ampliatie van de Arnhemsche Courante’. 34 Dahl, Dutch corantos, 86. 35 Lankhorst, ‘Newspapers’, 14-15; Schneider & Hemels, De Nederlandse krant, 46-54; Couvée, Couranten en courantiers, 151-159; Dahl, Dutch corantos, 186-193 36 Couvée, Couranten en courantiers, 15. 37 Sautijn Kluit, ‘De Haarlemsche Courant’, 5-6.

3. The Dutch press valued higher than Broer Jansz.’s Tydinghen uit Verscheyde Quartieren.38 In January 1656 Casteleyn published a letter, probably meant for the booksellers that sold Van Hilten’s newspaper. In this letter, which probably accompanied a batch of his new newspapers, he wrote that he did not intend to continue providing his news reports to Van Hilten’s successors, om geen Slaef van een ander te blyven (so as not to remain someone else’s slave). Instead he announced his plans to publish a newspaper of his own. He also tried to convince the booksellers to sell his newspaper instead of other newspapers and that is why he sent them the same number of his new newspaper as they formerly received of Van Hilten’s newspaper.39 On January 8, 1656, the Weeckelycke Courante van Europa No. 1 appeared. In 1658 or 165940 it was called the Haerlemse Courant, and in 1662 it became the Oprechte [= Real] Haerlemse Courant, in an attempt to prove to his competitors (his own brothers among them) and his readers that his newspaper was the only real Haarlem newspaper. He received a privilege from the Haarlem municipality, which granted him the exclusive right to print a newspaper in the city. Meanwhile (since 1658) he had succeeded his father as the official town printer.41 Abraham Casteleyn died in January 1681. His family carried on his work.42 In 1738 the Enschedé family took over the newspaper and made it one of the best Dutch newspapers.43 In the eighteenth century ninety percent of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant was sold outside of Haarlem.44 Like the Amsterdamse Courant, The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant is one of the main sources of the Kurant. After the death of Adriaen van Gaesbeeck, publisher of the Amsterdamse Courant, in 1686, his relative Daniël van Gaesbeeck started to publish a newspaper of his own, the Ordinaire Leydse Courant. As far as is known it was the first newspaper to be published in Leiden. A volume has been preserved with issues of the Ordinaire Leydse Courant from

38 Sautijn Kluit, ‘De Amsterdamsche Courant’, 14-16. 39 Sautijn Kluit, ‘De Haarlemsche Courant’, 4-5. 40 It is unknown when exactly, the last issue of the Weeckelycke Courante van Europa in the digital collection of the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (Royal Library) in The Hague is dated October 10, 1658; the first issue of the Haerlemse Courant January 14, 1659. 41 Couvée, Couranten en courantiers, 14; Sautijn Kluit, ‘De Haarlemsche Courant’, 6. 42 Sautijn Kluit, ‘De Haarlemsche Courant’, 21, 25, 28-29. 43 Couvée, Couranten en courantiers, 14 44 Van Eeghen, ‘De Amsterdamse Courant’, 45, 49.

3. The Dutch press

March 30, 1686 till January 2, 1687.45 Of the probable successor, the Opregte Leydse Courant, also published by Daniël van Gaesbeeck, two issues are extant, from September 10 and September 17, 1687.46 The Ordinaire Leydse Courant is a minor source of the Kurant.

3.2.2. Newspapers in foreign languages The Kurant and the Spanish-language Gazeta de Amsterdam were by no means the only foreign-language newspapers published in the Netherlands. David de Castro Tartas, the second publisher of the Kurant and publisher of the Gazeta de Amsterdam, also published the Italian Gazzetta d’Amsterdam.47 And at least one other Italian newspaper existed, according to an advertisement in the May 31, 1668 issue of La Gazette d’Amsterdam, published by Corneille Jansz. Zwol (see below), announcing that an Italian Gazete can be obtained for the same price. But Amsterdam was especially famous for its French gazettes.48 It seems Caspar van Hilten was the first publisher of French newspapers in the Netherlands: the Courant d’Italie & d’Almaigne, &c. Four issues from 1620 and 1621 have survived, but there were probably many more. They were printed by Jacob Jacobsz. The paper was probably published one day after the Dutch Courante.49 The two issues of the French Courant that can be compared to their Dutch counterparts show that they are, as Dahl asserts, almost literal translations of the Dutch Courante. Van Hilten’s son Jan published a French newspaper before his death in 1655. No copies of this paper have survived. It is unclear whether this was a direct continuation. Probably Jan’s newspaper was continued by Otto Barentsz Smient as Nouvelles ordinaires or La Gazette ordinaire (or sometimes extraordinaire) d’Amsterdam.50

45 Together with a few issues of the Amsterdamse, the Oprechte Haerlemse and the Utrechtse Courant from 1685 and 1686, and two French newspapers, printed in Amsterdam from 1691. The volume is kept in the Leiden University Library. 46 Kept in the Regional Archives in Leiden. 47 In 3.9 I will elaborate on the Gazeta and the Gazzetta. See also Ch. 5. 48 Hatin, Les gazettes de Hollande. 49 Dahl, Dutch corantos, 34, 53-54. 50 Dahl, Dutch corantos, 34; on December 10, 1655, the government of Amsterdam granted Otto Barentsz. Smient permission to print the Saturdaghse Courante (Saturday Newspaper) and the Fransche Courant (French Newspaper) on Monday, as the successor of Jan van Hilten: Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 727.

3. The Dutch press

Broer Jansz. published the Nouvelles de divers quartiers.51 The earliest known issue dates from July 11, 1639. It was published two days after the Dutch issue, on Mondays. Dahl states that ninety percent was translated out of the Dutch edition, but according to him they were meant for export to France. It is unclear what makes him think so. Perhaps it is the fact that 216 copies were found in Bibliothèque Mazarine Paris, and not a single copy elsewhere. The last edition found dates from December 28, 1643.52 Between 1663 and 1677 Corneille (Cornelis) Jansz. Zwol published La Gazette d’Amsterdam. I was unable to find out whether this newspaper was originally published in French or was a translation from a Dutch newspaper. Apart from these French-language newspapers, which were in most cases translations of Dutch newspapers by the same publishers, independent French-language newspapers existed, published mainly by Huguenots who had been expelled from France after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes by King Louis XIV in 1685. La Gazette d’Amsterdam was published from 1692 until well into the eighteenth century.53 But the most important and influential French newspaper was the Nouvelles Extraordinaires de divers Endroits, commonly called the Gazette de Leide, published by the Luzac family.54 The first newspaper in English was probably the Courant out of Italy and Germany &c (December 2, 1620), published by Pieter van der Keere from Ghent, a well-known map and print engraver who worked in Amsterdam.55 This paper, which appeared at least until September 1621, was printed by Joris (or, for this occasion, George) Veseler, who also printed Van Hilten’s Courante.56 Probably all issues were translations from Dutch newspapers, but as not all matching Dutch newspapers can be found, in some cases it is impossible to tell. Some of the papers are literal translations of Van Hilten’s Courante, but other issues are literal translations of Broer Jansz.’s Tydinghen. It is unknown whether one or both of the printers had anything to do with these publications. Broer Jansz. himself also

51 Neither Dahl nor Kleerkooper & Van Stockum tell whether he also printed them. 52 Dahl, Dutch corantos, 65-66. 53 Rétat, La Gazette d’Amsterdam; this Gazette d’Amsterdam should not be confused with the newspaper of the same name published by Corneille Jansz. Zwol, mentioned above. 54 Couvée, Couranten en courantiers, 15; Popkin, News and Politics. 55 Dahl, Cradle, 2-5; Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 1201-1209. 56 Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 865-866.

3. The Dutch press published and printed translations of his newspapers into English in 1621.57 According to Dahl all English newspapers were meant for export to England. In his opinion this is evident from the fact that they left out news items from England, because at the time the publication of local news in England was prohibited.58 Two papers from ‘Altmore’ (= Alkmaar?), printed by ‘M H’, and one from The Hague, printed by Adrian Clarke, were published in July and August 1621. Nothing is known about their printers.59 After 1621 English publishers started to publish their own newspapers, mostly in the form of news books (see below), but for many years the majority of the news originated from the Netherlands, particularly from Amsterdam.60

3.2.3. The publishers of the Dutch newspapers The first publisher and printer of the Kurant, Uri Faybesh Halevi, was not a typical ‘newspaper man’. He was a book publisher, who for some reason decided to publish a newspaper as well.61 In this respect he was unlike most publishers of Dutch newspapers. The first publishers, Jan van Hilten and Broer Jansz., both specialized in newspapers and other ‘newsy’ publications like accounts of topical or historical events, and maps. Abraham Casteleyn started his career as a news collector and was a typical newspaper man, and an ambitious one at that. Most publishers were booksellers and printers. When they were active as book publishers, like Casparus Commelin, they mostly published non-fiction works. David de Castro Tartas, the second publisher and printer of the Kurant, can be compared to them.62

3.3. The gathering of the news

57 Dahl, English Corantos, 42-46. 58 Dahl, Cradle, 4. Couvée Couranten en courantiers, 17 asserts that English printers were not allowed to publish foreign news, and this was the reason that English-language newspapers were printed outside England. I have not found evidence for this, but if it was true, then it was only for a short time, because on September 24, 1621 the first newspaper was printed in London: Dahl, English Corantos, 18. 59 Dahl, English Corantos, 47-48. 60 Dahl, Cradle, 6-8. 61 See 6.1. 62 See 6.2.

3. The Dutch press

As explained earlier, the origin of newspapers lies in letters correspondents wrote for governments or merchants. Later these correspondents still played an important role in the newsgathering by newspapers. As mentioned above, Caspar van Hilten and Broer Jansz., the first newspaper makers in the Netherlands, had probably been correspondents in the army of Prince Maurits. The newspapers generally do not mention the names of correspondents, but it is clear that most newspapers made use of them.63 Couvée compared issues from 1624 of the Tijdinghen uyt verscheyde Quartieren by Broer Jansz., of the Courante uyt Italien, Duytslandt, &c. by Van Hilten, the Nieuwe Tijdingen by Abraham Verhoeven and the Postzeitungen, which were published anonymously in Frankfurt, Berlin and Hamburg.64 The two Dutch newspapers had a section ‘above the line’ and a section ‘under the line’. Whereas the reports above the line were taken from German newspapers, as Couvée concluded from the wording and the dating of the messages, the reports under the line apparently came from correspondents. They are undated and do not mention a place-name. They often start with phrases like: ‘From… is written’, ‘With letters from…’, etcetera, which indicates they were taken from written sources, sent to the courantiers. The reports from above the line are generally similar in both Dutch papers, under the line they differ, which may mean they made use of different correspondents or news collectors. Both report from all over Europe and the Ottoman Empire. Abraham Verhoeven made use of German and Dutch newspapers, but also had correspondents.65 German newspapers, in turn, sometimes took news from ‘under the line’ from Dutch papers.66 So apparently German publishers read Dutch newspapers, and Dutch publishers read papers from Germany. Later newspapers lack ‘the line’ and do not differentiate between news from correspondents and from other newspapers. Not all Dutch newspapers made use of correspondents, including the first known Delft newspaper, the Courante uyt Italien, Duytsland ende Nederland from 1623, published by Jan Andriesz. Although the title is almost identical with Van Hilten’s Courante uyt Italien,

63 Dahl, Earliest newspaper centre, 171. 64 Couvée, ‘De nieuwsgaring’, 26-40. 65 Sautijn Kluit, ‘De Amsterdamsche Courant’, 14-16. 66 Couvée, ‘De nieuwsgaring’, 34.

3. The Dutch press

Duytslandt, &c., the Delft paper copied both from this newspaper and from Broer Jansz.’ Tydinghen uyt verscheyde Quartieren.67 Broersma found that the eighteenth-century Leeuwarder Courant, which probably did not have correspondents, copied at least 25 percent from other Dutch newspapers in the period between 1753 and 1803. Reports were copied literally or paraphrased. The source was never mentioned. Because the Leeuwarder Courant initially appeared once a week, it could make a selection from two issues of four or five newspapers and thus show its own character.68 The reports from – real and pretended – correspondents are often called ‘letters’ in most papers, which is what they were, in fact. Generally, the correspondents write from their own perspective, so when a correspondent from the Turkish army writes ‘we’, he means the Turks, whereas the ‘we’ of a correspondent from the Habsburg army means the Habsburgs.69

3.4. Form The newspapers printed between 1618 and 1650 listed in Dahl’s bibliography consist of a half-sheet folio, printed on both sides, or occasionally on one side.70 The Dutch-language papers are all printed in Gothic type, the French in Roman letters.71 It was only at the end of the seventeenth century that Dutch-language newspapers were printed in Roman type.72 For the titles of the Dutch newspapers different types were used, Roman, italics, Gothic, or the

67 Dahl, Earliest newspaper centre, 191 claims that the Delft paper copied ninety percent of the reports from Broer Jansz.’ Tydinghen uyt verscheyde Quartieren. Yet a comparison of the August 13, 1624 issue of the Courante from Delft with Van Hilten’s Courante and Broer Jansz.’ newspaper (that at the time still lacked a title) from August 10, 1624 (the only matching issues I have been able to find; facsimiles in Dahl, Dutch corantos) reveals that the Delft paper copied about half of its reports from Van Hilten and half from Broer Jansz. Three reports ‘From Emmerich, August 4’, ‘From Doesburg, 6 dito’, and ‘From Arnhem, 7 dito’ may have been copied from the Arnhemsche Courante. Unfortunately no copies have been found of the Arnhemsche Courante from 1624, so that it is impossible to compare. 68 Broersma, Beschaafde vooruitgang, 71. 69 As I will show in Ch. 8, the Kurant does not follow this example; it never uses ‘we’ and reports from a more neutral perspective. 70 Dahl, Dutch corantos. 71 Dahl, Dutch corantos, 28. 72 Couvée Couranten en courantiers, 20.

3. The Dutch press

French lettre de civilité. The pages are usually divided in two columns. The imprint is at the bottom of the verso side.73 The English newspapers printed in the Netherlands in 1620 and 1621 look exactly like the Dutch papers from the same period.74 Abraham Verhoeven’s paper, published in Antwerp, was for a long time the only Dutch- language newspaper to appear in quarto; it had eight pages and unlike all other newspapers it always came with at least one woodcut, a remnant of its predecessor, the pamphlet.75 In this respect it resembles the English news books which contain woodcuts and printed a survey of the most important news on the front page.76 Surprisingly, from November 18, 1684 till February 12, 1686, the Amsterdamse Courant appeared in quarto and had four pages. This had probably to do with the fact that on October 3, 1682 a new publisher was appointed, Adriaen van Gaesbeeck, for the Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday issues, although they remained separate newspapers. As the first post-1677 issue present in the Amsterdam City Archives is dated November 18, 1684, one might suppose that Van Gaesbeeck changed the format shortly after his appointment. After his death in February 1686, the first issue present in the City Archives, dating from March 30, was printed by Casparus Commelin and appeared again in folio with two pages. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant (March 30, 1686 till January 2, 1687) also appeared in quarto and had four pages, whereas the Opregte Leydse Courant (September 1687) had two folio pages. None of the extant newspapers had the smaller octavo format of the Kurant.

3.5. Content Folke Dahl compared Dutch newspapers from the first half of the seventeenth century, especially the oldest and most prominent: the Courante uyt Italien, Duytslandt, &c. by Van Hilten, and the Tydinghen uyt verscheyde Quartieren by Broer Jansz.77 He found that most reports had to do with wars in different parts of the world. In general there were many reports from foreign countries that might be of interest to businessmen. This emphasis on foreign news was not new. The handwritten newsletters from the end of the sixteenth

73 Dahl, Dutch corantos, 56. 74 Dahl, English Corantos. 75 Fruin, ‘Oudste couranten’, 95; Arblaster, ‘Policy and publishing’, 184. 76 Dahl, English Corantos, 20-21. 77 Dahl, Earliest newspaper centre, 175-76.

3. The Dutch press century also contained mainly foreign politics and topical matters, like the outburst of a pest epidemic.78 Dahl found several other topics: reports about merchants’ ships that had returned to the Netherlands, stories about monstrosities and miracles, ‘acts of God’, sensational accidents and executions, high society news, obituaries, but only rarely, advertisements, official announcements by city councils or other governmental institutions.79 Although the newspapers are rather uniform in the subjects they mentioned, there are some differences. The Amsterdam newspapers carry more reports on commerce and shipping news, whereas the Leydse Courant reports more extensively on academic news.80 In general topics in Dutch newspapers do not differ much from those in the German press, although these printed more news about sovereign courts and the Catholic church and religion, focusing on processions, pilgrimages, and the occupation of a bishopric.81 In most cases reports in Dutch newspapers are arranged according to country, just like most foreign newspaper reports, and within the country, according to town. News from the most distant places, like Italy or Spain, and occasionally America or East Asia, came first. This is usually the oldest news, whereas the local, more recent news appeared last.82 Nevertheless, most newspapers have a more or less fixed geographical order. This may have to do with the moment of postal delivery of the letters on which the reports were based.83 Under the heading ‘Amsterdam’ (or ‘The Hague’, or ‘Leiden’, depending on where the newspaper was based) was also published ‘last minute news’ that could come from all over the world. As mentioned above, the two Amsterdam newspapers had a section ‘under the line’, with often undated news from different countries by their own correspondents. At the very end, or sometimes also in the margins, came advertisements and proclamations. Dutch newspapers generally followed the foreign and domestic policy of the government, but they were rarely outspoken about politics.84 As with foreign newspapers, the informative

78 Schneider & Hemels, De Nederlandse krant, 25-30. 79 Dahl, Earliest newspaper centre, 176-183. 80 Schneider & Hemels, De Nederlandse krant, 69. 81 Schröder, ‘The origins’, 124-126. 82 Dahl, Earliest newspaper centre; 184, Dahl, Dutch corantos, 18-19. 83 Schneider & Hemels, De Nederlandse krant, 69-70. 84 Dahl, Earliest newspaper centre, 185.

3. The Dutch press function was far more important than the judgmental function.85 On the whole they wrote a great deal more about foreign than domestic politics.

3.6. Government control As mentioned above, most papers were published under municipal control and the authorities did not appreciate criticism. Preventive censorship hardly existed, yet sometimes publishers were punished after publication. This was not too effective, mainly because the States General were not a powerful central authority and because the Reformed Church did not have a dominant position.86 Nonetheless, the States General were opposed to distributing news concerning state affairs. They were also concerned about the publication of negative reports from foreign countries, because these might harm relations with these countries.87 The States General and the States of the Provinces issued acts, and sometimes enforced them. In fact the municipal authorities were the ones that had to take action. However, cities remained autonomous and often refused to follow the government.88 The founder of the Haerlemse Courant, Abraham Casteleyn, frequently published resolutions by the States of Holland and the States General without consent. In 1670, the Court of Holland summoned him to appear for interrogation, but he did not show up. The municipal authorities of Haarlem offered protection to him as a citizen of Haarlem. Subsequently, the States of Holland urged the municipalities of Haarlem and Amsterdam to watch the courantiers closely. Yet Casteleyn went on publishing secret state news and the Haarlem authorities allowed him to do so. In the end the Court of Holland was unable to convict him.89 This shows that the relative freedom of the press was not due so much to tolerance based on principle, but rather to the incapability of the national authorities to take legal action and the cities’ quest for autonomy.90

85 Schröder, ‘The origins’, 126. 86 Lankhorst, ‘Newspapers’, 153. 87 Lankhorst, ‘Newspapers’, 155; Weekhout, Boekcensuur, 55. 88 Lankhorst, ‘Newspapers’, 155-156; Weekhout, Boekcensuur, 55-66. 89 Sautijn Kluit 1873, 19; Weekhout, Boekcensuur, 73-78. 90 Weekhout, Boekcensuur, 66.

3. The Dutch press

Casteleyn was not the only one to publish secret news from the government. Papers from Rotterdam, The Hague, Utrecht, Leiden and Delft did the same. They made use of sources in government circles in The Hague, whom they protected, because they were vital for their existence as newspapers.91 Most newspapers, though, were less free to publish news about their own city. Municipal authorities were willing to grant newspapers privileges or patents, thus offering them protection against pirate editions. But at the same time this provided the authorities with a means of supervision and censorship. This may account for the fact that newspapers rarely reported about politics in their own city.92 As for the foreign news, Dutch newspapers published freely about abuses in foreign countries. Ambassadors from these countries frequently filed complaints with the States General against the newspapers. In the first decades they complained mainly about subverting libels and pamphlets, between 1660 and 1680 increasingly about biased reporting in newspapers.93 The States General feared for their reputation and sent out warnings, especially against the French newspapers published in Leiden and Amsterdam at the end of the seventeenth century. The majority of these papers were probably exported to France, where they were widely read. It seems they had readers as far away as in Scandinavia, Russia and the Levant. They published news that newspapers in France were not allowed to print.94 In times of impending war and the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, when the Huguenots were driven out of France, both French and Dutch newspapers were especially active, and the States General tried to curb the newspapers by placing them under state supervision. They failed, mainly because the cities protested.95 In 1679 and in 1686 the States General prohibited French newspapers and ordered Dutch newspapers ‘not to give offence’. Neither French nor Dutch newspapers were allowed to publish about the Huguenots who escaped France and fled to Switzerland in 1686 and 1687.96 These orders

91 Weekhout, Boekcensuur, 80-81. 92 Weekhout, Boekcensuur, 79; Lankhorst, ‘Newspapers’, 156. 93 Weekhout, Boekcensuur, 55. 94 Weekhout, Boekcensuur, 81; Hatin, Les gazettes de Hollande; Sgard, Dictionnaire des journaux. 95 Weekhout, Boekcensuur, 55. 96 Weekhout, Boekcensuur, 56, 82.

3. The Dutch press were unsuccessful, because, as we will see later, the newspapers, including the Kurant, reported extensively about ‘the plight of the Protestants.’97

3.7. Circulation, distribution and the readers No reliable data exist about newspaper circulation in the seventeenth century. Couvée estimates based on limited technical means that Abraham Verhoeven’s Nieuwe Tydinghen had a circulation of five hundred at most, but every issue was reprinted several times, both by himself and by other printers. So in total his newspaper may have had a circulation of several thousand.98 According to Couvée, Dutch newspapers had a circulation of about six hundred at the beginning of the seventeenth century, and – for the important newspapers – about six to seven thousand after 1750, but it is unclear how he reaches this conclusion.99 Schneider & Hemels mention the same numbers, also without explication.100 Dahl estimates that an edition of a newspaper in the seventeenth century may have had a total issue of four hundred copies.101 He did trials with an eighteenth-century press, which showed that it was possible to print about fifty copies in an hour. This means that it took eight hours to print the whole edition on one press. However, Dahl found out that the Amsterdam printer Jan van Hilten, at least from about 1632 until his death in 1655, used two printing presses, which halved the printing time. He emphasizes the innovative aspects of using two presses. Thus, if news arrived after the printing had started, Van Hilten was able to delete older and less interesting news and to insert the latest reports. Later findings suggest that Broer Jansz. also used duplicate printing, and was even the first to do so.102 Schröders findings for the German press in the seventeenth century are in line with those of Couvée and Dahl. He mentions an average newspaper circulation of between three

97 See Ch. 9. 98 Couvée, Couranten en courantiers, 11. 99 Couvée, Couranten en courantiers, 20. 100 Schneider & Hemels, De Nederlandse krant, 63. As the wording of Schneider & Hemels Is very similar to that of Couvée, Couranten en courantiers, 20, this is probaby the source. 101 Dahl, Dutch corantos, 22-24. 102 In 1949 98 Dutch newspapers from before 1651 were found in the Uppsala University Library, all of them seemingly duplicates of copies in the Royal Library in Stockholm. However, several copies belonged to different editions. The Uppsala copy of Broer Jansz.’s newspaper from October 9, 1621 was clearly printed on another press than the Stockholm issue: Dahl, Cradle, 5.

3. The Dutch press hundred and fifty and four hundred copies per issue and for certain newspapers as many as 1500. According to Schröder, up to six hundred copies could be printed on a printing press in one day.103 Unfortunately Schröder does not differentiate between the several periods of the century. Only rarely did seventeenth-century publishers and printers give information about how their newspapers found readers and how much readers paid for them. Abraham Verhoeven from Antwerp may have been the only one who described how his newspapers were distributed: the ‘newspaper boys’ waited in front of the printing shop until the newspapers arrived, then ran into town, shouting the most important news items. They sold the copies for ‘two blanken’, about seven cents.104 According to Lankhorst, newspapers found their way to the general public in Amsterdam, Holland and other provinces through booksellers and peddlers. Rare correspondence shows that Jan van Hilten sent twelve copies of Courante uyt Italien etc. to his Leeuwarden colleague Tjerk Claessen every week, and twenty-six copies on average to his Nijmegen colleague Abraham Leyniers.105 Newspapers in the Netherlands were also probably sold in inns106 and market places. Harline found that the latter was the case for pamphlets: ‘The market place was the best place to hear the latest news, and full of people trying to learn it. […] Booksellers and writers assumed their audiences’ knowledge of current affairs.’107 The announcement in the June 9th, 1674 Amsterdamse Courant of the public auction of Otto Barentsz. Smient’s printing shop read: ‘De Proeven van de Letteren sijn in alle Steden te bekomen bij de Boeckverkoopers daer de Couranten aen ghesonden worden.’ (‘Proofs of the typefaces are available in every town at booksellers to whom the newspaper is sent.’)108 ‘The newspaper’ probably means the Amsterdamse Courant which was published by Smient and others (see above) at that time. This announcement makes clear that newspapers were sent to booksellers in several towns.

103 Schröder, ‘The origins’, 133. 104 Couvée, Couranten en courantiers, 10. 105 Lankhorst, ‘Newspapers’, 152. 106 Keblusek, Boeken in de hofstad, 79. 107 Harline, Pamphlets, 67. 108 Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 730.

3. The Dutch press

About the cost and the affordability of newspapers in the Netherlands in the seventeenth century not much is known with certainty. Thanks to Harline’s study, we know somewhat more about pamphlets. Harline assumes that pamphlets were a luxury item for many, given the fact that the price of a pamphlet varied from one to five stivers a piece, while craftsmen earned roughly fourteen stivers a day around 1600, and perhaps twenty in 1650.109 Yet Harline thinks ‘there was no small amount of interest among the Dutch in political affairs and pamphlets. People of “middling” rank are often shown reading about and discussing the latest controversy. Evidence about literacy and the cost of pamphlets suggests that this picture of widespread interest was at least a possibility. Perhaps the best evidence of interest, however, lies in the book and pamphlet trade itself.’110 As for newspapers, the only readers explicitly mentioned are the authorities. The States of Holland, for instance, ordered the Amsterdamse Courant, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Leydse Courant.111 Keblusek thinks that newspapers in the middle of the century were less expensive than pamphlets and were affordable for a fairly large readership. Remarks in pamphlets make clear that the average citizen read newspapers.112 According to Spufford literacy was comparatively high in the Dutch Republic, especially in the cities: in order to survive economically one had to be able to read.113 From these data it is impossible to know the number of readers in the 1680s. We can suppose a circulation of 2000 for the Amsterdamse Courant and the same for the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant in Amsterdam, which had a population of 200,000 in 1688.114 This would mean an adult population of around 100,000,115 and assuming that each issue was read by five to ten people, this would yield a readership of between 20,000 and 40,000 Amsterdam residents, which is twenty to forty percent of the adult population. As some readers may have read both newspapers, the percentage may be rather twenty than forty.

109 Harline, Pamphlets, 63-65; wages based on Van Deursen, Mensen van klein vermogen, Ch. 2. 110 Harline, Pamphlets, 71. 111 Lankhorst, ‘Newspapers’, 154 112 Keblusek, ‘Nieuwsvoorziening’, 6; Knuttel, Pamfletten 4682. 113 Spufford, ‘Literacy’, 232. 114 Israel, The Dutch Republic, 621. 115 The average family in the cities of Holland in the seventeenth and eighteenth century existed of around four persons: Haks, Huwelijk en gezin, 143.

3. The Dutch press

3.8. Which newspapers appeared in the Netherlands in 1686 and 1687? This chapter provides an overview of the Dutch press in the seventeenth century. Part 3 takes a closer look at Dutch newspapers from 1686 and 1687, not only as a model, but also as the main sources for the Kurant. Which newspapers were being published between August 1686 and December 1687? For this we have an interesting source of information: the volume mentioned in 3.2.1, containing the issues of the Ordinaire Leydse Courant from March 30, 1686 to January 2, 1687, as well as a few issues of the Amsterdamse Courant and the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant from 1685 and 1686, the Utrechtse Maendaegse Courant of October 29, 1685, the Utrechtse Vrydaegse Courant of July 19, 1686, and two French newspapers, printed in Amsterdam from 1691. On the end paper of the book a – apparently contemporary – handwritten note can be found, stating that in the year 1687 one could read a newspaper every day, except Sunday: on Monday the Utrechtse Courant, on Tuesday the Haerlemse and the Amsterdamse, on Wednesday the Leydse, on Thursday the Haerlemse and the Amsterdamse, on Friday the Utrechtse, and on Saturday the Haerlemse, the Amsterdamse and the Leydse.116 Of these newspapers I have been able to find nearly all issues of the Oprechte Haerlemse and the Amsterdamse Courant, the Ordinaire Leydse Courant from March 30, 1686 to January 2, 1687, and two issues of the Opregte Leydse Courant, from September 10 and September 17, 1687. 117

116 ‘1687. N.B. Behalven de Sondagen kanmen alle daegen van het geheele Jaer een Courant leesen als op Maendag de Utregtse, Dingsdag de Haerlemse & Amsterdamse, Woensdag de Leijdse, Donderdag de Haerlemse & Amsterdamse, Vrijdag de Utregtse, Saturdag de Haerlemse & Amsterdamse & Leijdse’. According to Sautijn Kluit, ‘Leidsche Couranten’, 6 this cannot be right, because the Leydse Courant was published on Tuesday, Thursday and Friday, and not on Wednesday. This is, indeed, the case for the Ordinaire Leydse Courant in the volume, published in 1686. However, two issues have been preserved of its successor, the Opregte Leydse Courant, from September 10 and September 17, 1687, both Wednesdays. Sautijn Kluit, ‘Leidsche Couranten’, 6 states that this note was written in 1687, which seems unlikely, though, as the volume contains two French newspapers from 1691. 117 The years 1686 and 1687 of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant have been preserved almost completely, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant in the library of the Press Museum in the International Institute for Social History (IISH) in Amsterdam, the Amsterdamse Courant in the Amsterdam City Archives. Almost all issues from 1686 and 1687 of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and some of the

3. The Dutch press

During this period it is likely that other newspapers were published, like the afore- mentioned Utrechtse Courant. In earlier years there had also been newspapers in The Hague, Rotterdam, Arnhem and Delft,118 but I was unable to find issues from the time in which the Kurant appeared.

3.9. The Gazeta de Amsterdam and the Gazzetta d’Amsterdam Although it is unlikely that the Spanish Gazeta de Amsterdam and the Italian Gazzetta d’Amsterdam served as sources for the Kurant,119 I take a closer look at them here because they may well have been sources of inspiration for the first publisher Uri Faybesh Halevi and the editor, Moshe bar Avraham Avinu, and it may be interesting to compare the use of the sources and the editing mechanisms. Both the Gazeta and the Gazzetta were published by David de Castro Tartas, the second publisher of the Kurant. The Gazeta de Amsterdam certainly existed between 1672 and 1702. Of the years 1686 and 1687 one copy has been preserved, but it dates from January 21, 1686, which means that it cannot be compared to a matching issue of the Kurant.120 Of the Gazzetta only copies of Monday, January 30 and Thursday, September 14, 1673 have been preserved, so it is unclear whether it still existed in the 1680s. In any case, Halevi must have been familiar with the publications of his fellow printer David de Castro Tartas. The outward appearance of both newspapers is similar to that of the Kurant. They are of similar size, the Gazeta being slightly smaller than the Kurant.121 The reports are arranged in the same way. The Gazeta was published once a week, on Mondays. About the Gazzetta we do not have additional information. Judging from the two extant issues it might have appeared on Mondays and Thursdays.

Amsterdamse Courant are available in the digital newspaper library of the Koninklijke Bibliotheek in The Hague: kranten.delpher.nl. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant from March 30, 1686 until January 2, 1687 can be found in the University Library in Leiden, and the two issues of the Opregte Leydse Courant have been preserved in the Regional Archives in Leiden. 118 Schneider & Hemels, De Nederlandse krant, 46-54. 119 See Ch. 1, n. 14. 120 Written communication by Prof. Harm den Boer, August 5, 2013; see also: Den Boer ‘Spanish and Portuguese editions’, 121-122. 121 See 5.2.

3. The Dutch press

As for content, Nelleke van Wendel de Joode analyzed the year 1675 of the Gazeta, which has been preserved almost completely in the Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana.122 She compared form and content of the Gazeta to fourteen issues of the Amsterdams(ch)e Courant (between 1673 and 1690, but not from 1675) and seven issues of the French-language La Gazette d’Amsterdam, published by Corneille van Zwol, all from 1673.123 She concludes that the content of the Gazeta is comparable to that of the other two newspapers: mainly international news, especially about wars, followed by economic news reports. Comparatively little attention is paid to local and court news. News from Spain is scarce in the Gazeta, and news about Jews is absent. As in most Dutch newspapers, the point of view is dependent on the place where the news comes from.124 Several authors argue that the Gazeta is the oldest Jewish newspaper.125 Although the Gazeta is not Jewish in character, its readership in the Dutch Republic was probably mainly Jewish, because the average Spanish- speaker in the Netherlands was Jewish. But it is quite likely that the paper was also exported to Spain for a non-Jewish readership. An indication for this is the fact that several copies of the Gazeta have been found in Spanish libraries.126 Despite earlier persecutions, Sephardic Jews still maintained relations with Spain and an important part of the trade between the Dutch Republic and Spain was conducted by Sephardic Jews.127

3.9.1. The Gazeta de Amsterdam of January 7, 1675 Van Wendel de Joode was unable to find other newspapers from the same period as the surviving issues of the Gazeta, and in fact she seems to think that the Gazeta might have had its own journalists and correspondents.128 Thanks to the digital newspaper archives of the Koninklijke Bibliotheek in The Hague I was able to compare the Gazeta de Amsterdam of

122 Van Wendel de Joode, Spaanse krant. 123 According to Van Wendel de Joode, Spaanse krant, 43, these were the only issues available in the Dutch archives. 124 Van Wendel de Joode, Spaanse krant, 47-51. 125 Notably Schnitzer, ‘Habekhora‘. 126 Den Boer ‘Spanish and Portuguese editions’, 122. 127 Schnitzer, ‘Habekhora‘, 4-5; Israel, ‘De republiek‘, 116; Israel, Mercantilism, 109. One of the most influential ones, the ‘agent of the Spanish crown’ Manuel de Belmonte, is mentioned in the Kurant of May 9, 1687; see also 9.5.4. 128 Van Wendel de Joode, Spaanse krant, 29-31.

3. The Dutch press

January 7, 1675129 to two newspapers, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and La Gazette d’Amsterdam by Corneille Jansz. Zwol.130 Thus I was able to compare the selection and editing mechanisms of the Gazeta with those of the Kurant.131 It turns out that the source of the majority of the reports is the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of January 5, 1675, one report can be traced back to La Gazette d’Amsterdam of January 3, 1675, and a few reports apparently have another source. Although more issues of the two newspapers are available (of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant January 1 and 3, 1675, of La Gazette d’Amsterdam January 1, 1675), these have not been used. About seventy percent of the news in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant seems to have been used as a source for the Gazeta.132 Only fourteen lines from La Gazette d’Amsterdam were used. In most cases the translation is fairly literal, both in style and content. However, some editing was done. Where the Protestant Oprechte Haerlemse Courant shuns the word ‘Catholic’ and speaks of ‘het Spaensse Hof’ (‘the Spanish court’) and ‘den Coning’ (‘the King’), the Gazeta translates this as, respectively, ‘La Corte Catholica’ (‘the Catholic Court’)133 and ‘S.M. Catholica’ (‘His Catholic Majesty’),134 the expressions commonly used in Spain. The fact that the newspaper does not copy the neutral Dutch expression may indicate that it explicitly adapts its text for a Spanish, Roman Catholic audience, rather than for the Spanish speaking Sephardim of Amsterdam. Another form of editing can be seen in the dates of the reports. ‘Naples, December 12’ in the Haerlemse Courant becomes ‘Naples, December 14’ in the Gazeta; reports from ‘Vienna, December 20’ and ‘Vienna, December 23’ are merged into one report, dated ‘Vienna, December 24’, etcetera. The report from La Gazette d’Amsterdam, dated The Hague, January 2, becomes The Hague, January 4, In short, the Gazeta always postdates, with one, two or three days, apparently to look more up-to-date.

129 This issue was also published and translated into Dutch, English and French in NIW 1975. The fact that I could make use of these translations is the main reason that I chose for this specific issue. 130 As mentioned in 3.2.2, I was unable to find out whether La Gazette d’Amsterdam was originally published in French or was a translation from a Dutch newspaper. So it is unclear whether the editor of the Gazeta (and the editor of the Gazzetta) translated from French or from Dutch. 131 See Ch. 8. 132 Based on a counting of the lines in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. 133 Page 1, under Venice. 134 Page 4, under Brussels.

3. The Dutch press

As for the geographical order of the reports, the Gazeta starts with Italy – as do almost all issues of the year 1675 – followed by Germany, Flanders and Holland. By doing so it more or less follows the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, with a few exceptions. The order of La Gazette d’Amsterdam is completely different.135

3.9.2. The Gazzetta d’Amsterdam of September 14, 1673 Although I was unable to compare the Italian Gazzetta d’Amsterdam of September 14, 1673 to a matching Gazeta, the two papers seem to be very similar, both in form and content. I did compare the Gazzetta d’Amsterdam of September 14, 1673 to three newspapers of September 12, 1673, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, the Amsterdamsche Courant, and La Gazette d’Amsterdam by Corneille Janz. Zwol.136 It turns out that over one-third of the Gazzetta was probably taken from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, almost one-third from La Gazette d’Amsterdam, while almost one-third cannot be traced. It seems the Amsterdamsche Courant was not used at all. Interestingly, the Gazzetta ignores all reports from Italy. About twenty percent of the news in both the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and La Gazette d’Amsterdam seem to have been used as sources for the Gazzetta. The translation is quite literal in most cases. Like the Gazeta, the Gazzetta postdates, between one and four days (with one exception, Basle, August 31). The geographical order in the Gazzetta differs from both the Haerlemse Courant and La Gazette, but is more similar to the former.137

135 The order of the cities is somewhat different, the Gazeta merges some reports from different cities and the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant does not distinguish between Flanders and Holland and only mentions The Netherlands. This is the order of the Gazeta: Italy: Venice, Naples, Milan, Rome; Germany: Vienna, Strasbourg; Flanders: Brussels; Holland: The Hague. Amsterdam. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant has: Italy: Naples, Genua, Milan, Rome, Venice; Germany: Vienna, Colmar, Strasbourg, ?, Cologne, Liège; England: London; Netherlands: Oostende, Brussels, Gorcum, The Hague, Amsterdam, Amsterdam. La Gazette d’Amsterdam has: Paris, London, Hamburg, Cologne, Brussels, The Hague, Amsterdam. 136 The spelling of his name varies. 137 Gazzetta: France: Paris; England: London; Poland : Warsaw; Germany: Basle, Frankfurt, Cologne; Holland: The Hague, Amsterdam. Haerlemse Courant: Italy: Genua, Milan, Rome, Venice; Poland, Prussia: Warsaw; Switzerland: Basle; Germany: Vienna, Nurnberg, Frankfurt, Frankfurt, Cologne, Cologne, Liège, Cologne; France: Paris; England: London; Netherlands: Brussels, Utrecht, Kampen, Den Helder, Utrecht, The Hague, Muiden, Amsterdam. La Gazette: Milan, Rome, Venice, Paris, Cologne, The Hague, Camp Naarden, Amsterdam.

4. The readers

Who were the readers of the Kurant is impossible to determine with certainty. What we can do is taking a closer look at the group to which they belonged, the Ashkenazi community in Amsterdam, and possibly Ashkenazi Jews elsewhere in the Dutch Republic or even abroad. What was their socio-economic position and is it possible to find out how they viewed the world around them? What kind of books did they read? Do Yiddish publications from the second half of the seventeenth century show interest in the outside world? Did the Ashkenazi Jews get in touch with non-Jews and Sephardic Jews and were they influenced by them? And finally, is it possible to estimate the number of readers of the Kurant?

4.1. The Jews of Amsterdam Before the end of the sixteenth century hardly any Jews lived in Amsterdam, or in other parts of the Dutch Republic.1 During the Spanish Inquisition at the end of the fifteenth century, Spanish Jews were expelled from Spain and many of them fled to Portugal, where they were forcibly converted to Catholicism. At the end of the sixteenth century many of these ‘New Christians’ faced new persecutions and fled to other regions, like Southern France,2 Turkey, North Africa or Antwerp. In the 1580s, the Dutch Republic, and especially Amsterdam, became an attractive alternative, because it had freed itself from the influence of the Spanish crown.3 It took some thirty years before the ‘New Christians’ lived openly as Jews again.4 Many of these Sephardim were wealthy merchants and contributed to the flourishing of the Dutch economy during the Golden Age. They were people of the world; they dressed like Dutchmen, spoke many languages and were interested in secular culture. Some of them were on friendly terms with prominent non-Jews.5 Yet, as Levie Bernfeld makes clear, among the new immigrants were quite a few paupers as well. The Portuguese community in Amsterdam organized a highly efficient centralized system of poor relief.6

1 Swetschinski, ‘Tussen middeleeuwen en Gouden Eeuw’, 58. 2 Among them the second printer of the Kurant, David de Castro Tartas: see 6.2. 3 Levie Bernfeld, Poverty and Welfare, 2-3. 4 Swetschinski, ‘Tussen middeleeuwen en Gouden Eeuw’, 76. 5 Kaplan, ‘De joden in de Republiek’, 162, 170. 6 Levie Bernfeld, Poverty and Welfare, Ch. 4.

4. The readers

In the beginning of the seventeenth century only a few individual Ashkenazi Jews lived in Amsterdam, like Uri Halevi, the grandfather of the first printer of the Kurant, who arrived from Emden in the first years of the seventeenth century. But after the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648) broke out, more and more Ashkenazi Jews from Germany started to come to the city.7 In general they were poor, and as most jobs were prohibited to Jews, they tried to find work with the Sephardim. At first the Sephardim tried to encourage them to re-emigrate to Germany and Eastern Europe, but as the Thirty Years’ War became more violent, the number of Ashkenazi immigrants increased sharply.8 The end of the Thirty and Eighty Years’ Wars, in 1648, was the beginning of a new period of prosperity.9 At the same time, the pogroms by Chmielnicki’s Cossacks (1648-1650) caused a stream of Ashkenazi refugees from Poland, and in 1655 Polish and Lithuanian Jews escaped the war between Poland and Moscow (Russia) and between Poland and Sweden.10 The Sephardim were unhappy with the great number of Ashkenazi migrants, held them in low esteem, and refrained from intimate contact with them. For instance, both Ashkenazi men who married a Sephardic woman and Sephardic men who married an Ashkenazi woman were deprived of the rights of membership of the Sephardic Talmud Torah congregation.11 Nevertheless, the Sephardim felt responsible for their co-religionists and raised large sums of money for the refugees. From 1658 onward they once more encouraged them to return to Eastern Europe, even with financial incentives.12 Despite the attempts of the Sephardim to send the Ashkenazim back to where they came from, in the second half of the seventeenth century it became clear that the Ashkenazi Jews were here to stay. Some were employed by Sephardim, mainly in the tobacco and diamond trade, and as servants in the households of rich Sephardim.13 In an attempt to fight poverty and vagrancy among the Ashkenazim, the Sephardim even established an institution for their vocational and moral education.14

7 Israel, ‘De republiek’, 100. 8 Israel, ‘De republiek’, 101. 9 Israel, ‘De republiek’, 102. 10 Israel, ‘De republiek’, 103. 11 Kaplan, ‘Amsterdam and Ashkenazic Migration’, 40, 44. 12 Kaplan, ‘Amsterdam and Ashkenazic Migration’, 35-39; Levie Bernfeld, Poverty and Welfare, 17. 13 Israel, ‘De republiek’ , 99; Kaplan, ‘Amsterdam and Ashkenazic Migration’, 34. 14 Kaplan, ‘De joden in de Republiek’, 138; Levie Bernfeld, Poverty and Welfare, 117-121.

4. The readers

The Ashkenazim spoke and read Yiddish, and some were able to read Hebrew.15 They did not have to create a new Jewish tradition, like the Sephardim, because they brought their own Ashkenazi tradition with them. They did not have an intellectual elite, though. This changed somewhat after the arrival of the better educated Lithuanian Jews in 1655.16 According to Fuks-Mansfeld, the new Ashkenazi immigrants soon spoke Dutch fluently, albeit with an unmistakable accent, and many educated Jews were also able to read it. In her view this explains the large number of translations from Dutch into Yiddish.17 As I will show below, however, the number of translations from Dutch into Yiddish was still very limited in the seventeenth century, and in any case it is unclear how Fuks-Mansfeld reached the conclusion that Dutch Jews could speak and read Dutch. Aptroot is correct that the very need for these translations indicates that many Jews could read only Yiddish.18 In Amsterdam, Jews had limited access to only three of the fifty guilds. The Guild of Booksellers, Bookprinters and Bookbinders was the only one where Jews were fully accepted.19 Until their emancipation in 1796 Jews were considered a special minority group, referred to as ‘de Joodse natie’ – ‘the Jewish nation’. The municipal authorities placed them under the jurisdiction of their own leaders, except for criminal affairs.20 Yet, slowly but surely the Jews began to feel at home in Amsterdam and a few other cities.21 They were accepted by their non-Jewish neighbors and could openly practice their religion, as was shown, for instance, by the building of the impressive Great Synagogue, inaugurated in 1671, four years prior to the even more magnificent Portuguese Synagogue of the Sephardim. The number of Ashkenazi Jews in the Netherlands at the end of the seventeenth century has long been overestimated.22 Around 1690 an estimated eight thousand Jews lived in the

15 Kaplan, ‘De joden in de Republiek’, 162. 16 Kaplan, ‘De joden in de Republiek’, 149. 17 Fuks-Mansfeld, ‘Yiddish Historiography’, 9. 18 Aptroot, Bible Translation, 80. 19 Van Eeghen, Gilden 31, 111. The other two guilds were those of the chirurgeons and the brokers. 20 Lucassen & Lucassen, Winnaars en verliezers, 214-215. 21 In the beginning of the seventeenth century Jewish communities existed in the eastern part of Groningen and Gelderland, later also in Nijmegen, Zaltbommel and Friesland (horse trading): Israel, ‘De republiek’, 108- 109. 22 E.g. by Bloom, The Economic Activities.

4. The readers

Netherlands, about six thousand of them in Amsterdam, three thousand of whom were Ashkenazim.23 The Sephardim were still more prosperous than the Ashkenazim, but there were some reasonably wealthy merchants among the Ashkenazim as well. The Amsterdam tax register, established in 1674, mentions 246 Portuguese Jews with fortunes of over a thousand guilders, and a dozen Ashkenazi Jews. The Ashkenazi Gomperts family played an important role. They traded in jewels and army supplies, and had ties with German Court Jews and the Elector of Brandenburg.24 Both the Elector of Brandenburg and the Court Jews were influential in the war between the Habsburgs and the Turks described in the Kurant.25 So it was among the three to four thousand Ashkenazim who lived in the Netherlands that the readers of the Kurant were to be found. Possibly the Kurant was also read by Jews from outside the Dutch Republic. The Dutch Ashkenazi communities maintained relations with communities in Germany and Poland. They exchanged rabbis and arranged marriages. Jewish boys from Amsterdam often went to yeshivot (Talmud schools) in Germany.26

4.2. What did the Ashkenazi Jews read? Seventeenth-century Amsterdam was the center of Yiddish (and Hebrew) book printing.27 But what the Ashkenazi community in Amsterdam read we cannot know with certainty. It was long thought that Amsterdam printers mainly produced new editions of older books and worked mainly for the export. However, although it is true that many books were printed for the international market, epilogues in several books testify that they were also meant to be sold in Amsterdam.28 The majority of Jewish publications in the seventeenth century were in Hebrew. Among them were religious and ethical works, history and grammar books, meant for the elite – inside and outside the Dutch Republic – that could read Hebrew. Most Ashkenazi Jews, though, were probably unable to read Hebrew, except for the daily prayers. They read Yiddish books.

23 Israel, ‘De republiek’, 111; Nusteling, ‘The Jews in the Republic’, 53. 24 Israel, ‘De republiek’ , 112’; Bloom, The Economic Activities, 210. 25 See 9.3.2.2. 26 Wallet, Nieuwe Nederlanders, 17. 27 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography. 28 Berger, ‘Yiddish Book Production’, 211.

4. The readers

The Inventory of Yiddish Publications from the Netherlands c. 1650-c. 195029 shows that the Dutch Yiddish book production from the second half of the seventeenth century consists mainly of prayer books, ethical and didactical literature. Among them are also two Bible translations, one by Yekusiel Blitz, printed by Uri Faybesh Halevi (1678), and one by Joseph Witzenhausen, printed by Joseph Athias (1679).30 There are also books on history and geography, fiction books and works on popular medicine. In 1696 a pamphlet was published, translated from Dutch by Joseph Maarssen. It is an anonymous account of the ‘Aansprekersoproer’ (‘Undertakers Revolt’) in Amsterdam in 1696, which took place after city authorities tried to impose funeral reforms. Although Jews were not involved in the revolt, it struck the Jewish quarter, as one of the looted houses belonged to the De Pinto family.31 The majority of these books are translations, mainly from Hebrew. Fiction books are mostly reprints of well known Yiddish chivalric literature, like King Arthur legends and the famous sixteenth-century Bovo-Bukh, an epic poem by Elia Levita (1507-1508; first printed edition 1541), based on the Italian chivalric romance Buovo d’Antona, which was, in turn, an adaptation of the English romance Sir Bevis of Hampton (1324).32 History and geography books were often translated from Hebrew: Yeven Metsula, a report of the Chmielnicki massacres in Poland, the tenth-century Sefer Yosipon (Jewish history) or Masaot Binyamin (The Voyages of Benjamin of Tudela). Several authors see this Yiddish book production as a sign that Ashkenazi Jews wished to widen their horizons.33 Jean Baumgarten sees the Yiddish publications of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century as ‘both witnesses and agents of cultural change.’ This reveals itself, according to Baumgarten, in the interest in the history of the Jewish people and in current events. The publication of the first Yiddish newspaper, the Kurant, in his view corresponds with the emergence of a middle-class readership, especially merchants,

29 Gutschow, YidNed. Of course it is possible that Dutch Jews also read books that were published outside of Amsterdam or books that were printed earlier. Yet as Amsterdam was the center of book printing, the inventory probably gives a rather reliable indication. 30 Aptroot, Bible Translation. 31 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, ‘Joodse geschiedschrijving’, 148-149; Wallet, Links in a Chain, 59. 32 Turniansky, ’Yiddish and the Transmission’, 15-16; Sifrut Yidish, 32-43. 33 Fuks and Fuks-Mansfeld were the first to do so. See Fuks-Mansfeld, ‘Yiddish Historiography’, 9-11; Bar-Levav, ‘Amsterdam and the Inception’; Berger, ‘Functioning’.

4. The readers who wanted to stay informed about international news and politics. Baumgarten links this to the publication of didactic literature, for immigrants still trying to find their way and their identity, and of travel literature, which, despite its folkloristic background, testifies to the wish to escape the limited space of the Jewish community and meet people in far-away places.34 Berger and Wallet, following Fuks-Mansfeld, state that the publication of Yiddish history books was not only part of the Hebrew historiographical tradition, but was also influenced by the Dutch occupation with history. Like Dutch historiography, they suggest, Yiddish historiography was used to understand the contemporary world.35 It is true that Yiddish-speaking Jews at the end of the seventeenth century could – and probably did – read many more books than before. And this might well have widened their horizon. However, it was still a definitely Jewish horizon. Even the pamphlet mentioning the Undertakers’ Rebellion was probably published because it took place in the Jewish quarter. In fact the Kurant was the only publication that was not rooted in Jewish tradition. Thus, the Kurant was a Fremdkörper amidst the Yiddish publications in the Netherlands from the second half of the seventeenth century.

4.3. Jewish-Christian contacts As Jews in the Dutch Republic did not live in ghettos, they encountered non-Jews in daily life. They lived in their own quarters, yet were surrounded by non-Jewish neighbors. The most famous neighbor was no doubt the painter Rembrandt, who pictured Jews as human beings without any demonizing characteristics, and used them as models for his Biblical scenes. Jan Luyken portrayed the baker of matzos and the circumciser just as he pictured the potter and the farmer in his collection of trades.36 The magnificent High German (Ashkenazi) and Portuguese synagogues of 1671 and 1675 were tourist attractions for Jewish and non-Jewish travelers from all over Europe.37

34 Baumgarten, Le peuple des livres, 330-332. 35 Berger, ‘Yiddish Book Production’, 209-210; Wallet, Links in a Chain, 58; Fuks-Mansfeld, ‘Yiddish Historiography’, 9-11. 36 Schama, Embarrassment, 587-588. 37 Kaplan, ‘De joden in de Republiek’, 139.

4. The readers

As many Ashkenazi Jews were involved in the trading business, they met non-Jews as customers and business relations. An indication for that can be found in the Yiddish luhot, Jewish almanacs, which started to be published at the end of the seventeenth century and became popular in the eighteenth century. Apart from the Jewish calendar, they offered additional features, like sunrise, sunset, weather reports, scientific and medical knowledge, folk remedies, schedules of mail pickup, coach or ship departure and arrival, etcetera, partly borrowed from non-Jewish calendars, but appropriated for Jewish usage.38 Virtually every European Jewish calendar carried a full Christian calendar in its core section. According to Carlebach the reason for this was that ‘the rhythms of economic activity in European culture were tied to its calendar [...] As a religious minority, Jews conducted business and pledged to honor tacit or explicit agreements on Christian holidays.’39 In order to be at an equal level with their non-Jewish business relations, the Ashkenazi Jews may have felt the need of keeping themselves informed of the latest news, and have welcomed a Yiddish newspaper bringing international news reports borrowed from Dutch newspapers.

4.4. Cultural transfer between Ashkenazim and Sephardim As mentioned above, the Sephardim in Amsterdam did not hold the Ashkenazim in high esteem. The Ashkenazim in turn, were influenced by Sephardic culture in several ways. Aptroot notes that a considerable number of Sephardim had been born Christians, had lived in gentile surroundings and were brought up according to gentile concepts and ideas. This narrowed the gap between Jewish and Christian culture, also for the Ashkenazi Jews.40 Especially in the printing business Sephardim and Ashkenazim met and exchanged ideas. The publication of religious and secular texts in Yiddish translation was probably inspired by Sephardic practice. Aptroot mentions the Sephardic influence on the two Yiddish Bible translations.41

4.5. How many readers? From the data mentioned above we may conclude that a good number of Amsterdam

38 Carlebach, Palaces of Time, 68. 39 Carlebach, Palaces of Time, 116. 40 Aptroot, Bible Translation, 356. 41 See Ch. 6.

4. The readers

Ashkenazim and perhaps others elsewhere probably read the Kurant. As I pointed out in Chapter 3, twenty to forty percent of the adult population of Amsterdam may have read Dutch newspapers, and one issue might have been read by five to ten people. If the same goes for the Ashkenazi Jews and the Kurant, this would mean that the Kurant had between three hundred and eight hundred readers (twenty to forty percent of around 1500 adult Amsterdam Ashkenazim, or 2000 if we include the Ashkenazim from other places in the Dutch Republic), and a circulation of between thirty and one hundred and sixty. We do not know whether they were able to buy the newspaper. Keblusek thinks that Dutch newspapers in the middle of the century were affordable to a fairly large readership.42 However, Ashkenazi Jews were among the poorest inhabitants of Amsterdam.43 They may have read the Kurant in the synagogue, as seems to have been the practice in the eighteenth century.44 In this case, the circulation was probably on the low side and the average number of readers would have been rather ten than five. It is true that the Sephardic community in Amsterdam was the same size as the Ashkenazi community, yet their newspaper, the Gazeta de Amsterdam, existed for at least thirty years. However the Sephardim were wealthier than the Ashkenazim and it is plausible that the Gazeta was distributed outside of the Dutch Republic on a much larger scale than the Kurant,45 so possibly the Ashkenazi readership was indeed too small to turn the publication of the Kurant into a successful enterprise.

42 See Ch. 3. 43 Lucassen & Lucassen, Winnaars en verliezers, 215. 44 According to Shatzky, ‘Di letste shprotsungen’, nays fartseyler (news distributors) were distributed in the synagogue in Amsterdam in 1776: Shatzky, ‘Di letste shprotsungen’, 253-254. While Fuks, Joodse pers, 8, assumes that Shatzky is referring to newspapers, according to Shatzky the nays fartseyler were a kind of advertising leaflets distributed by publishers. 45 See 3.9.

Part 2. The Kurant and its Makers

5. Bibliographical description

The one hundred issues of the Kuranten were bound into a volume when they were bought by David Montezinos in 1902.1 As the Kurant disappeared without a trace, for the description we have to rely on the photos taken of them before the volume was prepared for shipping to Jerusalem.2 As to the appearance and age of the volume itself no information can be found.

5.1. Content The volume contains a hundred newspapers of four pages each, apart from the first issue, of August 9, 1686, of which only pages 3 and 4 are included.3 News reports in the paper are ordered geographically according to country, and within the country, according to place. Almost all reports are dated. A few issues carry advertisements, which are printed like regular reports, just above the colophon. The first 67 newspapers were printed by Uri Faybesh Halevi; the following 33 were printed by David de Castro Tartas. There are a few differences between them, which will be pointed out below.

5.2. Format The size of the pages is 170 by 98 mm.4 The type area is 155 by 90 mm. The text of each page is printed in two columns, divided by a line in the middle. The width of each column is 43 mm (Halevi) or 44 mm (Tartas). A column contains 38 lines. According to Seeligmann, the Kurant was printed on a double octavo sheet.5 From the photos, it is impossible to judge

1 See the Introduction. 2 Photos and photocopies are in the Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana of the Universiteit van Amsterdam; microfilms are kept in the City Archives in Amsterdam and in several libraries, e.g. in the YIVO Library in New York and the National Library of Israel in Jerusalem. 3 See 5.5. 4 This means the Kurant was slightly larger than the Gazeta, which is 149 by 92 mm, apart from the copy of September 5, 1672, which appeared in folio: see Den Boer, ‘Spanish and Portuguese editions’, 122. 5 Seeligmann, ‘Jüdische Ansiedelung’, 7.

5. Bibliographical description whether the format is really octavo.6

5.3. Printing types, lay-out The run-on type is the typical Ashkenazi cursive font that was used for Yiddish printed text between the sixteenth and the nineteenth century. Non-Yiddish words, including toponyms and Hebrew words, appear between round brackets, as was usual.7 The newspapers are not numbered, nor are the pages. At the bottom of almost every page is a catchword. At the top of the first page of each issue is the heading with the title of the newspaper, in large square script. Halevi mentions the name of the newspaper, either Dinstagishe Kuranten or Fraytagishe Kuranten. Curiously, one single issue is entitled Kuranten, although 8 the Dutch word couranten is the plural of courant, ‘newspaper’.247F On the right side of the title the date is mentioned, the Jewish date – for example 23 Menahem – above, and the Christian date – 13 August – below. On the left side is the abbreviated Jewish year, with the lefa”k, lifrat katan, ‘by the abbreviated era’). Both date and year are) לפ"ק Hebrew addition printed in the run-on type. The names of the countries are printed in the same large square type as the name of the paper. Tartas changed the name to Dinstagishe Kurant and Fraytagishe Kurant. He also changed the style of the heading, apparently in an attempt to give the newspaper a more professional appearance. It took him a week to develop the definitive lay-out. In the first issue, of Friday, June 6, which appeared at the regular time, three days after the last issue was published by Halevi, the title headings and country names are in square script of a smaller face than Halevi used. The date is printed in the normal run-on type, but the Jewish

6 The terms ‘folio’, ‘quarto’, ‘octavo’, etc., do neither refer to the size of a book, nor to the number of pages in a gathering. The terms solely refer to the number of times the original sheet of paper has been folded. In a book (or newspaper) in octavo, the sheets have been folded three times. As sheets come and came in different sizes, a small quarto may be of the same size as a large octavo. The only criterion to judge the format with some certainty is the position of the watermark and the direction of the chain lines, both of which are invisible on the photos of the Kurant: McKerrow, Introduction to Bibliography, 164-166. 7 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 7. 8 The printer or the editor may have misunderstood the meaning of the word Kurant; he may have confused it with Tijdingen (Reports), also a common name for newspapers during this period. De Castro Tartas probably realized the peculiarity of the name Kuranten and changed it to Kurant.

5. Bibliographical description year now appears in the same type and face as the heading. This lay-out is also used in the next issue, of Tuesday, June 10, but on Friday, June 13, Tartas presented his final version: the headings, both of the title and of the names of the countries, are the same size of those of Halevi, but between Dinstagishe/Fraytagishe and Kurant the coat of arms of the city of Amsterdam is inserted: two lions carrying a crown and a shield with three crosses. Tartas probably followed the example of the Amsterdamse Courant, and of the Spanish Gazeta de Amsterdam and the Italian Gazzetta d’ Amsterdam, which he published himself. The coat of arms in the Kurant is similar in size and design to that of the Gazeta and the Gazzetta, whereas the Amsterdamse Courant differs, so it may well be that Tartas used the same print form with the coat of arms for all papers. The Jewish year has now become part of the title, and is printed in the same square type, without the addition lefa”k, but followed by a colon; the Jewish date appears under the first word of the title, the Christian date under the second word and the year, both in the run-on type. Although there are differences in the lay-out of Halevi and Tartas, their run-on types are very similar. It is hard to see any differences, except for the slight difference in width of the columns. The text has hardly any punctuation. The end of a sentence is marked with a high full stop, followed by a space of between 5 and 15 mm. In some cases a colon is used instead of a full stop. In some cases the next sentence appears on the next line. Under one place-name, several subjects may be mentioned. A new subject may or may not appear on a new line. A new report, from another city, usually starts on a new, indented line. The last line of a column is sometimes centered, but not always. The colophon is usually centered, as is the line above the colophon.

5.4. Colophon At the end of each issue, the names of the compositor and the printer are mentioned in Hebrew. From August 9, 1686, Halevi has the following colophon text, printed in the run-on type, always starting on a new line immediately after the last report:

על ידי המסדר ה"רר משה בר אבֿרהם אבֿינו זצ"ל : פה ק"ק אמשטרדם בביתֿ המחוקק

5. Bibliographical description

ה"רר אורי פֿײבש בה'רר אהרון הלוי ז"ל

9 Al yedey hamesader h”rr [harav rabi]248F Moshe bar Avraham Avinu zts”l [zekher tsadik livrakha]. Po k”k [kehila kedosha] Amsterdam beveyt hamehokek 10 h”rr Uri Faybesh bh”rr [ben harav rabi] Aharon Halevi z”l249F

By the compositor Mr. Moshe bar Avraham Avinu (son of our Father Abraham), blessed be the memory of the righteous one. Here [in] the holy community of Amsterdam in the house of the printer Mr. Uri Faybesh son of Mr. Aharon Halevi of blessed memory

h”rr) ה"רר משה בר אבֿרהם אבֿינו ,From the Fraytagishe Kuranten of December 27, 1686 kh”rr [kevod harav rabi] (‘His Honour Rav כה"רר Moshe bar Avraham Avinu) is replaced by Rabbi’). On Friday, June 6, 1687, Tartas takes over, and changes the colophon text as follows:

על ידי כה"רר משה בר אבֿרה' אבֿינו זצ"ל · פה אמשטרדם בביתֿ המחוקק דוד תרטס.

Al yedey kh”rr Moshe bar Avrah’ Avinu zts”l. Po Amsterdam beveyt hamehokek David Thartas.

By His Honour Mr. Moshe bar Avrah. Avinu, blessed be the memory of the righteous one. Here [in] Amsterdam in the house of the printer

9 Literally: ‘the rabbi, Rabbi’, a polite form of address for a man, not necessarily a rabbi. 10 For the sake of clarity in the transcription I use the modern Hebrew pronunciation here, although the seventeenth-century Ashkenazi pronunciation was different.

5. Bibliographical description

David Tartas.

So Tartas leaves out the word hamesader and does not use any honorary titles for himself. On Friday, June 13, 1687, the same text is used, but the name David Tartas is printed in a larger bold square type. On June 17, 1687, the text is:

ע"י כה"רר משה בר אבֿ ' אבֿינו · פה אמשטרדם בביתֿ המחוק דוד תרטס

A”y kh”rr Moshe bar Av’ Avinu. Po Amsterdam beveyt hamehok [sic!] DAVID THARTAS

The text starts halfway a line, immediately after the last report. From Friday, June 20, 1687, it is:

ע"י כה"רר משה בר אבֿרהם אבֿינו : באמשטרד' בביתֿ של דוד תרטס

A” y kh”rr Moshe bar Avraham Avinu. Beamsterd’ babayit shel DAVID THARTAS

By His Honour Mr. Moshe bar Avraham Avinu. In Amsterdam in the house of DAVID THARTAS

Two entire lines are used for this colophon text. On Friday, July 25, 1687 the last line is changed into:

באמשטרדם בביתֿ דודטרסת: 69

5. Bibliographical description

Beamsterdam beveyt DAVIDTARSATH [sic!].

On Tuesday, July 29, 1687, it becomes: באמשטרדם בביתֿ דוד טרסת:

Beamsterdam beveyt DAVID TARSATH.

.(TARTHAS) טרתס TARSATH) becomes) טרסת From Friday, August 1, 1687 Azts”l [Avinu zekher) אז"צל Avinu) is changed into) אבֿינו From Friday, August 22, 1687 tsadik livrakha]), and this is how the text stays until the last issue of the Kurant. (Only on 11 (.TARTHAS) has fallen out of line) טרתס Friday, September 5, 1687, 250F the last letter of

5.5. First issue There has been some confusion among scholars about the date of the first issue of the 12 Kurant in the volume.251F The first page of the volume starts in the middle of a sentence and is neither the first nor the last page of an issue. Page 3 of the volume is the first front page, dated Tuesday, August 13, 1686. With the help of the catchwords and the dates of the reports (the latest reports, from the Netherlands, usually date from one or two days before the date of publication or sometimes even from the publication day itself) we can safely conclude that the first page of the volume is page 3 of the issue of August 13, 1686. The following three pages of the volume are respectively page 4, 1 and 2 of the same issue. After the last page of Friday, December 5, 1687, printed by Tartas (page 396 in the 13 volume), two undated pages follow, the recto and verso side of the same sheet.252F Identification is hampered, but by no means made impossible, by the fact that great parts of

11 Incorrectly dated Friday, September 6, 1687. 12 Seeligmann, ‘Jüdische Ansiedelung’, 7: ‘Der Anfang der Nummern des Exemplares ist 13. August : 23 Weinreich, ‘Di bobe‘, 679 states ;’(1687) תמ"ח der Schluss 8. [sic!] December : 1 Tebeth ,(1686) תמ"ו Menachem that the first complete issue appeared on Tuesday, 23 Menachem 5446 / August 13, 1686, and that the two pages that precede this issue probably date from Friday, August 9. 13 Only Toury, ‘Reshit ha’itonut hayehudit’, 314-315 seems to have noticed these pages. He remarks that the last two pages are much older than the issue preceding them (dated December 5, 1687), and that they were not printed by Tartas but by Halevi. So Toury assumes, correctly, that the last two pages must be the second part of the Fraytagishe Kuranten of August 9, 1686.

5. Bibliographical description pages 396 and 397 are illegible. The last page in the volume (page 398) is the last page of a newspaper by Halevi, according to the colophon, and contains reports from The Hague, August 6, and Amsterdam, August 7. So this is most probably page 4 from Friday, August 9, 1686, from which follows that the second last page is page 3 of the same issue. Of this page only the top half is legible. The few places and dates that are mentioned – the Polish field army near the town of Tishmenits (Tyśmienica), July 13, Lemberg, July 15, and London, August 1 – give still more evidence that this is, indeed, the issue from August 9, 1686.14

5.6. Frequency In general, the Kurant appeared twice a week, on Tuesdays and Fridays, but there were important exceptions. Both printers decided to publish the paper on Fridays only for several months. Halevi announced on Friday, December 6, 168615 that until Rosh Hodesh (= the first of) Adar the Kuranten was to appear only on Fridays. And he kept his word: the next issue of the Dinstagishe Kuranten appeared on February 14, 1687, or 5 Adar 5447. Tartas, in turn, announced in the Fraytagishe Kurant of August 8, 168716 that until 1 Nisan he would publish the newspaper on Fridays only, unless there were much news, because the Tuesday edition sold poorly.17 As 1 Nisan is three (Jewish) months later than 1 Tevet (December 5, 1687), when the last known issue appeared, we do not know whether the Kurant was published twice a week again after 1 Nisan, as promised. Or, for that matter, if it appeared at all. In that same month, on Tuesday, August 26, 1687,18 Tartas decided to publish an issue of the Dinstagishe Kurant, probably because he wanted to report the overwhelming victories gained by the Venetian and the Habsburg troops over the Turks on the Peloponnesian coast and in Hungary. After this, he only published Friday issues.

5.7. Missing issues

14 Reports from London are usually dated about a week earlier, or slightly more, than the publication date. 15 Incorrectly dated Friday, December 5, 1686. 16 Incorrectly dated Friday, August 5, 1687. װײל דיא דינשטאגישי קורנט ניט אב גיט זוא װערט מן ביז ר"ח ניסן הבע"ל אלי װאוך נור אײן פֿרײטאגישי קורנט דרוקן . עש 17 זײא דאן עס מעכֿט פֿיל נײאיז פאסירן. 18 Incorrectly dated Tuesday, August 27, 1687.

5. Bibliographical description

Several issues are missing, almost always without notice, but sometimes apparently because the publication dates were Jewish holidays. From Halevi’s period, the following issues are missing: the Fraytagishe Kuranten of September 20, 1686, 2 Tishri 5447: this was the second day of Rosh Hashana; the Fraytagishe Kuranten of October 4, 1686, 16 Tishri 5447: Sukkot; the Fraytagishe Kuranten of October 11 1686, 20 Tishri 5447: Simhat Tora; the Dinstagishe Kuranten of November 5, 1686, 18 Heshvan 5447: no apparent reason; the Fraytagishe Kuranten of November 29, 1686, 13 Kislev 5447 and the Dinstagishe Kuranten of December 3, 1686, 17 Kislev 5447: no apparent reason, but the following issue, December 6, 1686,19 20 Kislev 5447, announces that the newspaper will appear only once a week: perhaps there had been production problems in the preceding weeks that forced the printer to reduce the frequency of publication; after an announcement in the Fraytagishe Kuranten of March 28, 1687, 14 Nisan 5447, that next week only one newspaper will appear, on Thursday (April 3), the Dinstagishe Kuranten of April 1, 1687, 18 Nisan 5447 is – indeed – missing, and the Fraytagishe Kuranten of April 4, 1687, 21 Nisan 5447 (seventh day of Pesach) is replaced by the Donershtagishe Kuranten of April 3, 1687, 20 Nisan 5447; missing is the Dinstagishe Kuranten of April 20, 1687, 8 Sivan 5447: no holiday, but the day after Shavuot. Of the papers printed by Tartas, the only missing issue is the Fraytagishe Kurant of November 28, 1687, 23 Kislev 5448: no apparent reason.

5.8. Incorrect dates Quite often issues are incorrectly dated. Sometimes there is an error in the Christian date, sometimes in the Jewish date, and sometimes in both. In Halevi’s issues this happens in the following issues: the Dinstagishe Kuranten of August 20, 1686, 1 Elul 5446: 1 Elul should be 30 Menahem Av; the Dinstagishe Kuranten of September 3, 1686, 13 Elul 5446: 13 Elul should be 14 Elul; the Dinstagishe Kuranten of September 24, 1686, 5 Tishri 5447: 5 Tishri should be 6 Tishri; the Dinstagishe Kuranten of September 31, 1686, 13 Tishri 5447: September 31 should be October 1; the Fraytagishe Kuranten of November 8, 1686, 20 Heshvan 5447: 20 Heshvan should be 21 Heshvan; the Fraytagishe Kuranten of December 5, 1686, 20 Kislev 5447: December 5 should be December 6; the Dinstagishe Kuranten of April 15, 1687, 3 Iyar 5447: 3 Iyar should be 2 Iyar.

19 Incorrectly dated December 5, 1686.

5. Bibliographical description

In Tartas’s papers there are two issues dated August 5, 1687, 26 Menahem [Av] 5447. The first is called Fraytagishe Kurant, the second Dinstagishe Kurant. The latter gives the correct date. From the date of the latest reports from Amsterdam (August 8) in the Kurant of ‘Friday, August 5’, we can conclude that Friday, August 5 should be Friday, August 8, and Friday 26 Menahem [Av] should be Friday 29 Menahem [Av]. Apparently, the binder of the volume got confused by the similar dates, and incorrectly inserted the issue of what should be Friday, August 8, before the issue of Tuesday, August 5. Tartas has three more, successive, errors: the Dinstagishe Kurant of August 27, 1687, 17 Elul 5447: August 27 should be August 26; the Fraytagishe Kurant of September 6, 1687, 27 Elul 5447: September 6 should be September 5; the Fraytagishe Kurant of September 13, 1687, 5 Tishri 5447: September 13 should be September 12.

5.9. Condition of the volume and the issues No information could be found regarding the volume’s condition. In general the issues seem to be well preserved, although some pages are damaged or have stains. On pages 2 and 3 of the volume (respectively page 4 and page 1 of the Fraytagishe Kuranten of August 13, 1686), there is a white rectangle, probably adhesive tape, of 82 mm by 40 mm in the middle at the bottom, which covers the last nine lines of the left column of the right-hand page and of the right column of the left-hand page, leaving about ten mm on each side. The text shines through, but is barely legible. Similar, but smaller rectangles are visible on pages (of the volume) 21, 22, 24, 30, 42, 78, 83, 150, 151, (Tartas) 370, 393 (page 1 of the Fraytagishe Kurant of December 5, 1687: upper half of right column, and top side, covering the title), 394-395 (pages 2-3 of the Fraytagishe Kurant of December 5, 1687: triangle in right and left lower corner), 396-397 (page 4 of the Fraytagishe Kurant of December 5, 1687, covering the greater part of the upper half left column and part of right column, page 3 of the Fraytagishe Kuranten of August 9, 1686: the lower half of the page). Pages 30-33 (pages 2-4 of the Fraytagishe Kuranten of September 7, 1686 and page 1 of the Dinstagishe Kuranten of September 10, 1686) show stains at the top and the bottom, perhaps caused by moisture. The text is still legible. This damage was clearly caused after the papers were bound into the volume. Some smaller stains are to be found on pages 34-37,

5. Bibliographical description

50-51 (Tartas), big stains on pages 338-339 (pages 2-3 of the Dinstagishe Kurant of August 5, 1687, mirror image), smaller stains on surrounding pages 334-335, 337, 340-341, 342-343. Letters show through on several pages, especially page 344 (page 4 of the Fraytagishe Kurant of August 15, 1687, pages 346-347, pages 2-3 of the Fraytagishe Kurant of August 22, 1687). The last line of the first column of page 345 and the last line of the first column of page 347 (pages 1 and 3 of the Fraytagishe Kurant of August 22, 1687) are slanted. The lower right corner of page 368 (page 4 of the Dinstagishe Kurant of October 3, 1687) is slightly torn.

5.10. Notes and marks in handwriting On what is probably the pastedown of the volume, before the first page of the Kuranten, someone made notes in Dutch handwriting. It is a survey of the dates of publication from ‘one page before August 13, 1686’ until March 28, 1687, which also mentions the missing issues. On the end-leaf of the book are some handwritten remarks as well, probably in the same handwriting as the notes on the first page of the book. The first sentence reads: ‘Waar behoort dit exemplaar?’ (‘Where does this copy belong?’) This question is probably referring to the last, undated, two pages in the book, which almost certainly date from Friday, August 9, 1686. The second sentence is: ‘Zie verder mijn artikel: N.I.W. 12 XI 1935, No. 28 art. v. J.S. d. Silva Rosa’ (‘See also my article: N.I.W. [Nieuw Israelietisch Weekblad] November 12, 1935, Nr 28 art. by J.S. da Silva Rosa’).20 These words must have been written by Da Silva Rosa himself, who was librarian of Ets Haim at the time, and therefore probably the only one who was entitled to write in books that belonged to the library. There is a handwritten cross (X) on the lower right corner of page 172 of the book (page 4 of Fraytagishe Kuranten March, 7, 1687). In the left top corner of page 229 (page 1 of Fraytagishe Kuranten May 2, 1687), there is a handwritten number 1. On page 233, the first page of the next issue (Dinstagishe Kuranten,

20 This refers to Da Silva Rosa, ‘Een Amsterdamsch-Joodsche Courant’, in the NIW of November 18 (not 12), 1935.

5. Bibliographical description

May 6, 1687), there is a 2. On page 237, the first page of the next issue (Fraytagishe Kuranten May 9, 1687), no 3 can be discerned, but this copy has an unusually narrow upper margin: it could be that a small strip with a 3 on it was cut from the top of the paper, to make it fit into the volume. On page 241, the opening page of the next issue (Dinstagishe Kuranten, May 13, 1687), there is a 4. On the first page of the issue that comes right after it, page 245 (Fraytagishe Kuranten May 16, 1687), a small rounded line is discernible that is probably a 5. On the issue after that, on page 249 (page 1 of Fraytagishe Kuranten, May 23, 1687), there is a 6.21 The next issue, on page 253 (page 1 of Dinstagishe Kuranten, May 27, 1687), shows a 7. On the next issue, on page 257 (page 1 of Fraytagishe Kuranten, May 30, 1687), a rounded form may be an 8. And finally, on the first page of the next issue, on page 61 (Dinstagishe Kuranten June 3, 1687), the last issue printed by Halevi, a 9 appears. The style of writing of the numbers looks rather seventeenth-century than nineteenth- or twentieth-century. On the next issue, the first one printed by Tartas, no number can be seen. On some of the papers that follow there may be numbers, but they are too vague to be made out.

5.11. Stamps On the right side of the bottom of page 112 of the volume (page 4 of Fraytagishe Kuranten, 22 December 6, 1686261F ) the upper half – or so it seems – of a stamp can be seen, probably with .(’Midrash Ets Haim‘)'מדרש עץ חײם' the words At the bottom of page 180 (page 1 of Dinstagishe Kuranten March 3, 1687), in the middle, there is a stamp with the words ‘David Montezinos’. The same stamp can be found at the bottom of the left side of page 206 (page 2 of Dinstagishe Kuranten April 11, 1687).

21 If these numbers were written shortly after publication of the newspaper, this might indicate that the missing issue of Tuesday, May 20, 1687, did not get lost, but was never published. 22 Incorrectly dated December 5, 1686. 75

6. The makers

Three persons mentioned by name were involved in publishing the Kurant: Uri Faybesh Halevi, David de Castro Tartas and Moshe bar Avraham Avinu. Who were these men and what was their role in the making of the Kurant?

6.1. Uri Faybesh Halevi (1627-1715) The printer and publisher of the first 67 issues of the Kurant was Uri Faybesh (Phoebus) Halevi, born in Amsterdam in 1627. He was the grandson of the famous Uri Halevi, who had come from Emden to Amsterdam with his son – Uri Faybesh’s father – Aron. Uri Halevi and his son are believed to have been the first Jewish teachers of the so-called New Christians from Spain and Portugal.1 Uri Faybesh Halevi was a member of the High German (Ashkenazi) community, but joined the small Polish congregation in 1666. Three years later he returned to the High German congregation, but apparently he did not feel at home there and went to the Sephardic congregation. Officially this was not permitted to High German Jews, but an exception was made for him because of the reputation of his grandfather and father.2 Uri Faybesh Halevi married his niece, the daughter of his sister and David Pastes, the son of the rich, non-Jewish stocking-maker Hans Pastes. David Pastes, and probably his parents as well, converted to Judaism.3 In 1658 Halevi started his own printing house. He soon became one of the leading Jewish printers in Amsterdam. In 1664 he was accepted as a member of the Amsterdam Guild of Booksellers, Bookprinters and Bookbinders, under the name of Philips Levi, or Philips Levi

1 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 234; Swetschinski, ‘Tussen middeleeuwen en Gouden Eeuw’, 58, 76, 78; this story was based on a short history of the Sephardic Jews in Amsterdam, written by Uri Faybesh Halevi (see below; see also Meijer, ‘Beeldvorming om Baruch’, 38-40) and on a book by the author Daniel Levi de Barrios (1635-1701) (see Pieterse, Daniel Levi de Barrios, 43-46). Vlessing, ‘New Light’, 43-52, however, has not found evidence for the assertion that Uri Halevi was the leader of the community; although he and his son Aron seem to have been respected members of the community, they were mainly known as its kosher butchers. 2 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 236-237. 3 Van Eeghen, ‘De kinderen’, 32-39.

6. The makers van de Velde.4 As far as is known, he published about hundred books in Hebrew and Yiddish, mainly religious works.5 Among them is a beautiful Passover Haggadah from 1662 and a magnificent festival prayer-book in folio with a richly engraved title page, which served as an example for many eighteenth-century calligraphers and gained him his reputation in Eastern Europe.6 He also published some interesting non-religious works, like a Yiddish translation of the tenth-century history book Sefer Yosipon (1661),7 and an edition of the famous Yiddish chivalric romance Bovo-bukh (1661).8 He was interested in exporting his books to other countries, mainly to Poland, but was almost constantly hampered by lack of money. This, however, did not prevent him from undertaking ambitious and risky enterprises. In 1669 he published, together with his son, an edition of the Tsenerene, the popular Yiddish adaptation and paraphrase of the Pentateuch, haftarot, and megilot, first published in 1590.9 Despite the sure financial success of this popular ‘women’s Bible’, which was widely read by men as well, Uri Faybesh Halevi went bankrupt together with his financier in 1672 – a disastrous year for the Netherlands, also economically. A year later the economy brightened up somewhat and he resumed his printing business.10 In 1678 he began his most daring enterprise: the publication of a translation of the entire Hebrew Bible into Yiddish by Yekusiel Blitz. It was a very complicated project, which took three years. Joseph Athias, another leading Amsterdam Jewish printer, joined the venture in 1675, but when it did not work out, he published his own translation, by Joseph Witzenhausen. Witzenhausen’s translation was printed twice, in 1679 and 1687.11 For a long time, both printers fought about the approbations of the Va’ad Arba Aratsot (Council of Four Lands), the central body of Jewish authority in Poland, which gave them the right to

4 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 235; Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 1529; Van Eeghen, De Amsterdamse boekhandel, IV, 212. 5 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld Hebrew Typography, 234. 6 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld Hebrew Typography, 243. 7 Gutschow, YidNed, nr. 43. 8 See 4.2; Gutschow, YidNed, nr. 41. 9 Haftarot are portions from the book of Prophets, read in synagogue each week, megilot are the Five Scrolls: Song of Songs, Ruth, Ecclesiastes, Esther, and Lamentations; Gutschow, YidNed, nr. 55. 10 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 237; Van Eeghen, De Amsterdamse boekhandel, IV, 213. 11 Gutschow, YidNed, nr. 67; Aptroot, Bible Translation, 21 found that the two editions are identical, except for the title pages and the prefaces.

6. The makers distribute their Bible in Poland. In the end Athias received this privilege, yet Halevi received the privilege from the King of Poland.12 Although both printers were ruined by the publication of their Bible translations, they were able to find new financiers and continued printing.13 Uri Faybesh Halevi printed two Hebrew Bibles. In 1686 he was in financial trouble again and he had to pawn four presses, Hebrew types and other printers’ tools. He continued to print small works, mostly financed by others.14 1686 is also the year in which the first known issues of the Kurant were published. It is unknown who decided to publish this newspaper and by whom it was financed. Halevi’s book production includes nothing else similar to the Kurant. No statement of principles can be found in the Kurant; of the first issue in the volume containing the newspaper, dated August 9, 1686, only the last two pages are included, and it is by no means sure that this was the very first issue. Halevi may also have been influenced by Sephardic printers. As mentioned above, Halevi was – despite his Ashkenazi descent – a member of the Sephardic congregation. Moreover, although the Sephardic and the Ashkenazi Jews formed two distinct communities, each with its own language, culture, traditions and customs,15 in the printing business Sephardim and Ashkenazim met and exchanged ideas.16 In several cases the publication of Yiddish books was stimulated by Sephardic practices. In Eastern Europe the translation into Yiddish of the Bible and other religious books was considered improper, but the Amsterdam Sephardim freely published Bible translations and prayer books – and also non-religious literature and poetry – in Portuguese and Spanish. This inspired Jewish printers – both Sephardim like David de Castro Tartas and Joseph Athias and Ashkenazim like Uri Faybesh Halevi – to publish Yiddish translations. In his foreword of Yekusiel Blitz’s Yiddish Bible translation Halevi

12 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld Hebrew Typography, 237-249; Aptroot, Bible Translation, Ch. 1; Aptroot, Bible Translation, 24 thinks that the result of the quarrel may have been that Halevi’s privilege prevented Athias from importing his Bible into Poland, while Athias’s privilege prevented Halevi from selling his Bible in the Polish Jewish community. 13 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 239-240. According to Van Eeghen, ‘Een veiling’, 30, printers generally were unable to finance expensive volumes, so they always needed financiers. 14 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 240. 15 Michman, ‘Beyn Sefaradim Veashkenazim’, 28; see also Ch. 4. 16 Baumgarten, Le peuple des livres, 69-71.

6. The makers states that the example of the Sephardim guided him.17 Possibly another Sephardic enterprise, the Spanish Gazeta de Amsterdam (and the Italian Gazzetta d’Amsterdam), guided him in publishing the first Yiddish newspaper? Because of his non-Jewish in-laws Halevi may also have felt at home in Christian circles. Jewish printing houses were in any case a meeting point for Jews and Christians. Jewish printers often employed non-Jewish compositors for publications in the Latin alphabet, and worked with non-Jewish bookbinders and paper merchants, and Christian printers who published Hebrew books hired Jewish compositors.18 We know that there were lively discussions between Jews and Protestant Christians about religious matters.19 In his foreword of the Yiddish Bible translation – which was inspired by the Dutch Statenvertaling20 – Halevi states that he wants to give the Ashkenazi Jews the possibility to study the literal text of the Bible for discussions with Christians.21 Could it be that Halevi published the Kurant to enable its readers to discuss the world news with Christian neighbors or to be as well-informed as their non-Jewish business relations? It may not be accidental that the first known issue of the Kurant was published in August 1686, just before the re-conquest of Buda, just like the first Dutch newspapers started to appear shortly after the beginning of the Thirty Years’ War.22 In the same year, 1686, Halevi – or, according to the colophon, his son David, who often assisted him – published a Yiddish translation of Yeven Metsula, a report of the Chmielnicki massacres in Poland, originally written in Hebrew by Natan (Nata) Hannover (Venice 1653).23 The translator of this book was Moushe bar Avrom Ovinu, who was the compositor of the Kurant. He is also mentioned as the compositor of a Taytsh Yom Kippur Katan, with Yiddish kabbalistic prayers for the fast-day preceding the New Moon (1687).24

17 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, ‘Yiddish Language and Literature’, 36; Aptroot, Bible Translation, Ch. 10. 18 Baumgarten, Le peuple des livres, 69; Van Eeghen, ‘Casper Pietersen Steen’, 51-65. 19 Van den Bergh & Van der Wall, Jewish-Christian Relations; Van Rooden, Theology. 20 Aptroot, Bible Translation, Ch. 6. 21 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, ‘Yiddish Language and Literature’, 36-37. 22 See Ch. 3. 23 Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., nr. 66374; Gutschow, YidNed, nr. 86. 24 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography nr. 365; Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., nr. 2791; Gutschow, YidNed, nr. 91 (without mentioning the printer); this is probably the publication referred to in the advertisement in the Kurant of December 13, 1686: see 9.3.7.

6. The makers

Halevi stopped publishing the Kurant after Tuesday, June 3, 1687. No explanation is offered either in Halevi’s last issue or in the first issue by his successor David de Castro Tartas. Possibly it did not sell as well as expected and became too expensive for Halevi. An indication of its not being a commercial success may be that between December 6, 1686 and February 14, 1687 the paper was published only on Fridays, as was announced in the Kurant of December 6, 1686.25 Halevi continued printing for another two years. On August 18, 1687 his first publication in non-Hebrew print appeared: Noticias dos Judeos de Cochim by Mosseh Pereyra de Paiva, who had been sent to the Dutch colony of Cochin in India by the governor of the Sephardic congregation of Amsterdam to investigate the situation of the Jews there.26 Ten days after this publication in Portuguese, Halevi published a Yiddish translation, of which only a reprint from 1713 exists, Tsaytung oys India, or: Kenis der yehudim fun Cochin.27 The Dinstagishe Kurant of August 26, 1687,28 then already printed by David de Castro Tartas, probably refers to this publication:

From East India [= India] letters have been received that thousands of black and white Jews have been living there for about fourteen hundred years, and they settled there after the destruction of Jerusalem, and great, wise men are among them, and they have the same books or Torah as here in this country.29

In 1688 Halevi also printed two prayer books for the Jews of Cochin.30

25 Incorrectly dated December 5, 1686. 26 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 241; Segal, Jews of Cochin, 39-44. 27 Segal, Jews of Cochin, 39-44; Pereyra de Paiva, Notisias; Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., c. 1980, nr. 6540; Gutschow, YidNed, nr. 194; according to Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld Hebrew Typography, 241 of the Yiddish translation of 1687 no copy has been left. We know of its existence from a reprint of the text by Samuel b. Judah Shamash, Amsterdam, 1713. On the title page of this reprint the edition of Uri Phoebus with the exact date of publication is stated. 28 Incorrectly dated August 27, 1687. 29 See 9.3.5 for the Yiddish text. 30 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, nr. 366 and 375: Seder Azharot and Yad Eliahu, religious poems for Sukkot by Eliah Adeni.

6. The makers

In 1689 Uri Faybesh Halevi ceased printing in Amsterdam. In 1691 he settled in Żółkiew, in the eastern part of Poland (now the Ukrainan city of Zhovkva), with his family. Żółkiew was the residence of King Jan III Sobieski, and the home of many Polish noblemen and prominent Jews.31 According to Jonathan Israel the king adopted a favorable policy toward Jews, as did Polish noblemen, because they wanted to revive Poland’s eastern territories and could use Jewish businessmen.32 After having received privilege from the King, Halevi started a printing house in Żółkiew. In 1705 he returned to Amsterdam, but his family stayed in the printing business in Poland until the twentieth century.33 Back in Amsterdam, Halevi resumed his membership of the Sephardic congregation. In 1710 he wrote the history of the Sephardic Jews of Amsterdam.34 He died on 17 January 1715 (23 Shevat 5475) and was buried on the Portuguese cemetery in Ouderkerk aan de Amstel.35

6.2. David de Castro Tartas (c. 1625-c. 1700) From Friday, June 6, 1687 the Kurant was published by David de Castro Tartas, who was born in the town of Tartas in the south-west of France around 1625. His parents were ‘New Christians’ who had escaped from Portugal to Tartas and lived there as Roman Catholics. In 1640 they came to Amsterdam, where they started living as Jews again. David’s brother Isaac emigrated to Recife in Dutch Brazil in 1641. In 1644 he went on to Bahia, which was Portuguese. There he was seized as a Judaizer and sent to Lisbon. After a long trial by the Inquisition, during which he refused to renounce his Jewish faith, he was burned alive in an auto-da-fe on December 15, 1647. In the Amsterdam community he was long remembered as a martyr.36 His fate was similar to that of the three Portuguese Jews mentioned in the

31 Balaban, Geschichte Druckereien, 15. 32 Israel, Mercantilism, 125. 33 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 241-242; Balaban, Geschichte Druckereien, 16-17. 34 Ets Haim in Amsterdam keeps a booklet with a facsimile edition of the Portuguese text and a Hebrew translation, published in 1933, with an introduction by J. da Silva Rosa: Narraçaô da Vinda dos Judeos Espanhoes a Amsterdam, Amsterdam 1933. 35 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 242; Da Silva Rosa, ‘Di kurantin’, 9-10. 36 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 339-340.

6. The makers

Fraytagishe Kuranten of August 23, 1686 (then still printed by Uri Faybesh Halevi), who were burnt at the stake in Lisbon after they refused to renounce their faith.37 David de Castro Tartas began his career in the oldest Jewish printing business in Amsterdam, that of Menasseh Ben Israel. In 1662 he founded his own printing house. He became a member of the Amsterdam Guild of Booksellers, Bookprinters and Bookbinders.38 It was not easy for him to find his place between two important printers, Uri Faybesh Halevi and Josef Athias, and in the field of Hebrew and Yiddish religious literature he was less ambitious than his competitors.39 Nonetheless, as far as we know he published more than a hundred books, mainly in Hebrew and Spanish, specializing in small prayer books.40 In 1675 he published homilies for the inauguration of the Portuguese synagogue.41 He also published popular non-religious Yiddish books, like an adaptation of Arthurian legends by Joseph Witzenhausen, from 1671,42 a Yiddish poem about a case of bigamy in Hamburg by Ezekiel ben Zachariah from 1675,43 Masekhet derekh erets by Shabse Bass, a Yiddish handbook for travelers, containing prayers, descriptions of coins, weights and measures and an enumeration of the distances between several West-European cities and the means of transportation to arrive there (1680),44 and Pahad Yitshak by Isaac Vita Cantarini, on the history of the Jews of Padova in the seventeenth century (1685).45 He printed several books in Spanish and Portuguese, and a few prayers in Dutch.46

37 See 9.3.1. 38 Van Eeghen, De Amsterdamse boekhandel, V, 335. It is unknown when he became a member; the first time he was mentioned as such was in 1678. 39 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 340, 342. 40 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 339-382 mention 66 Hebrew and Yiddish books, and 42 in the Roman alphabet, the majority in Spanish, some in Portuguese and two in Dutch. 41 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 342. ;A Fine Tale of King Arthur’s Court, see Frakes, Early YiddishTexts, 692-702 ,אײן שין מעשה פון קיניג ארטיש הוף 42 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography nr. 458; Gutschow, YidNed, nr. 59. 43 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography nr. 461; Gutschow, YidNed, nr. 63. 44 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography nr. 467; Gutschow, YidNed, nr. 78. 45 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography nr. 483. 46 Gebedt door de Joden van de Portugeesche Natie gedaan ... den 27. October 1688; Lof-zangh en gebedt, gedaen door de Joden van de Portugeesche Natie ... den 30. Julii 1690. Uyt het Hebr. door Samuel Teyxera Tartas (Tartas’s son-in-law): Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography nr. 33 and nr. 34.

6. The makers

Tartas found himself a niche market: the publishing of newspapers, and not necessarily Jewish ones. He became known especially as the printer of the Spanish Gazeta de Amsterdam, which appeared certainly from 1672 until 1702 and was probably meant for Sephardic, Spanish-speaking Jews and for non-Jewish readers in Spain; he also published an – apparently non-Jewish – Italian newspaper, the Gazzetta d’Amsterdam.47 So he was the most obvious person to take over the publication of the Kurant in June 1687. He made some changes in the lay-out to give the paper a more professional appearance: the heading became larger, the Amsterdam city arms were added, similar to those of the Gazeta and the Gazzetta, and the name of every single copy was changed from Kuranten to Kurant – but the style of writing stayed the same. This is the main reason for assuming that the compositor was also responsible for the editing. Tartas initially maintained the publication on Tuesdays and Fridays, but on Friday, August 8, 168748 it was announced that the paper would appear only on Fridays until 1 Nisan (March), ‘because the Tuesday edition sells poorly’. As the last known issue dates from December 5, we do not know whether the Kurant was published twice a week again after 1 Nisan, as promised, or if it appeared at all. It seems likely that De Castro Tartas, too, despaired of the commercial possibilities for the Kurant and stopped publishing it in December 1687 or a little later. This may also have to do with the role of the compositor (see 6.3). De Castro Tartas stayed in the printing business until 1697. Then he sold his printing tools and left Amsterdam for an unknown destination.49

6.3. Moushe bar Avrom Ovinu (Moshe bar Avraham Avinu) (?-1733/1734)

47 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld Hebrew Typography, p. 342; two issues of the Italian Gazzetta d'Amsterdam of March 30 and September 14, 1673 were in a Dutch private collection. The owner, J. Anderson in Vlaardingen, sold the copy of March 30 in 1965 to the antiquarian bookseller I. Gans, and in 2010 showed me the copy of September 14. See also NIW November 28, 1975. See also 3.9. 48 Incorrectly dated Friday August 5, 1687. 49 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 344-346; Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 830 gives an inventory of his printing tools, part of the notarial deed in which Tartas sells his printing shop to Moses Mendes Coitinho in 1698. According to Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography 342, most probably Moses Mendes Coitinho continued to print the Gazeta de Amsterdam under Tartas’s name.

6. The makers

The third and maybe the most important person involved in the making of the Kurant was Moshe bar Avraham Avinu, or, as his name probably was pronounced in Amsterdam in those days, Moushe bar Avrom Ovinu. Moushe had come to Amsterdam not long before. He was born in Nikolsburg in Moravia (presently Mikulov in the Czech Republic),50 a mainly German- speaking city, which was the center of the Moravian Jewish community.51 According to Freudenthal and others, his original family name had been Haase, but this seems rather unlikely.52 As his name – bar Avraham Avinu, son of our Father Abraham – indicates,53 he was a ger, a convert to Judaism. In 1680, apparently after he converted, he married a Jewish woman, and probably shortly after that he came to Amsterdam.54

50 He mentions his place of birth in one of the books he published when he was a printer himself: Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., nr. 2623: Birkat Hamazon (Amsterdam 1694). 51 Gold, Die Juden und Judengemeinden, 417-421. 52 A lot of confusion has been created by Steinschneider’s remarks about Moushe’s place of origin. In one of his המדפיס הגר צדק כהרר משה בר אברהם אבינו מקק ניקלשפורג later publications, from 1694, he was referred to as the printer the convert the honorable Mr. Moshe bar Avraham Avinu from the holy community‘ ,מבית הארנבת of Nikolsburg from the house of the hare’. Steinschneider remarks that beit ha’arnevet – ‘the house of the hare’, translated by Steinschneider as domus leporum: ‘house of hares’ – may be identified as the Haselburg monastery in Prague. Steinschneider thinks so because Moushe is referred to elsewhere as Pragensem Amstelodami circumcisum (Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., nr. 2623, 6414). Apart from this, nothing indicates his having been in Prague. Freudenthal, Aus der Heimat, 176, n.1 mentions Steinschneider’s explanation and adds, without additional quotation of sources, that he came from a Christian family, named Haase. Van Eeghen, ‘Moses Abrahamsz’, 58 reproduces the name Haase, and adds that he was also known by the name of ‘Polak’, which might be an indication that he had lived in Poland. Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 384 also give Haase as his original name, and state, like Van Eeghen, that he came from Nikolsburg or Prague. However, the only thing he told about himself is that he came from Nikolsburg, ‘from the house of the hare’. It is far from sure that he is referring to his name here, it seems more likely that he had lived in a house with an image of a hare on a stone tablet or a sign board. Shmeruk & Bartal, ‘Telaot Moshe’, 127 n. 16 give an even more far- בית- fetched explanation. They translate Steinschneider’s domus leporum – ‘house of hares’ – incorrectly as lepers’ house’, by which they refer to the hospital for infectious diseases that was founded in‘ ,מצורעים Nikolsburg in 1680, and they even suggest that there may be a relationship between his conversion and his belonging to the lepers’ house. 53 A ger was supposed to sever his original, non-Jewish, family ties. His name should not be associated with his non-Jewish father, which is why he is referred to as ‘the son of Abraham’. In many cases this also became his actual name. 54 The so-called ‘Desolate Boedelskamer’ of Amsterdam, the inventory of Amsterdam citizens who were unable to pay their debts, mentions on November 28, 1690: ‘Moses Abrahamsz boeckedrucker’ (Moses son of

6. The makers

According to Baumgarten, Jewish compositors and other workers in the European printing business often served as intermediaries between the Jewish and the Christian world because Jewish books often were printed by Christian printers. They dispersed the traditional Jewish culture, but also introduced new developments from the Christian world to the Jewish world. Because of their technical skills, their multilingualism and their knowledge of Jewish culture they occupied a central position in the Jewish cultural world. Several compositors traveled through Europe to offer their services to printing houses.55 Many of them were Jews who had converted to Christianity, writes Baumgarten, but some, especially in Amsterdam, were Christians who converted to Judaism, like Moushe.56 It is unknown whether Moushe had worked in other printing houses before he arrived in Amsterdam or where he learned his skills. In most parts of Europe Jewish compositors, unlike their non-Jewish colleagues, did not start as craftsmen but learned the trade on the job. The main reason was that in most places Jews were not admitted to the guilds. However, both in Nikolsburg and in Amsterdam the printers’ guild was accessible to Jews, so Moushe may have worked as a compositor in his home-town.57 Moushe’s name is mentioned for the first time in 1686, in the Yiddish translation of Yeven 58 Metsula, printed by Uri Faybesh Halevi.319F Moushe is mentioned as the translator of this book, which means he probably had a good command of both Hebrew and Yiddish. In the same year he started to work as the compositor of the Kurant, also for Uri Faybesh Halevi. At ,על ידי המסדר ה"רר משה בר אבֿרהם אבֿינו זצ"ל:the bottom of each issue he is mentioned

Abraham, book printer), ten years married to Freide Israels, bought citizenship of Amsterdam in 1690. As the Amsterdam marriage register does not mention their marriage, Van Eeghen, ‘Moses Abrahamsz’, 58-70 assumes that they had married outside of Amsterdam; this is not sure, though: according to Verdooner & Snel, Trouwen in Mokum, 12-13, 17th-century poor Ashkenazi Jews did not always register their marriages with the civil authorities. Moushe’s daughter Gella mentions her mother’s name in a prayer-book her father published and she composed in 1710: ‘marat Freide bat har”r Israel Kats z”l’, ‘Mrs. Freide, daughter of Mr. Israel Kats of blessed memory’ (Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., nr. 8114). Freide’s father’s name Kats – an abbreviation of kohen tsedek – indicates that he was a kohen, so we may well assume that she was Jewish. And as it is very unlikely that a non-Jew would marry a Jewish woman, Moushe most probably had converted before he came to Amsterdam. 55 Baumgarten, Le peuple des livres, 69-70. 56 Baumgarten, Le peuple des livres, 71; Ya’ari, ‘Gerim bimlekhat hakodesh’, 245-251. 57 Baumgarten, Le peuple des livres, 72-73. 58 See 6.1. 85

6. The makers

‘By the compositor Mr. Moshe bar Avraham Avinu, blessed be the memory of the righteous one,’ but there is some reason to assume that he also served as the translator and editor. As the main sources of the Kurant were contemporary Dutch newspapers, the editor had to select, translate and edit the Dutch news items. This means he had to be able to read Dutch and know the Roman alphabet. Although most Ashkenazi Jews understood Dutch quite well, probably only a few were able to read it. Jewish printers often had non-Jewish compositors who were unable to read Hebrew or Yiddish, and Jewish compositors who did not know the Latin alphabet.59 As Moushe was a former Christian from Nikolsburg, his mother tongue most probably was German, which made it comparatively easy for him to read Dutch. In order to convert to Judaism he had had to learn Hebrew. And he apparently learned the Yiddish language from his contact with Jews, first in Nikolsburg which had a great Jewish community and later in Amsterdam. That he was able to translate into Yiddish at the time the Kurant appeared is shown by his Yiddish translation of Yeven Metsula. When David de Castro Tartas took over the Kurant in June 1687, Moushe was part of the deal. As we do not know of earlier publications by Tartas in which Moushe was involved, we may assume that he joined Tartas especially for the purpose of editing the Kurant. His name is still mentioned at the end of every issue, but without the title hamesader, ‘the compositor’. This might be interpreted as ‘made by Moushe bar Avrom Ovinu, ’ which assumes a greater responsibility than just being the compositor. The fact that the style of writing remains unchanged after the take-over by Tartas,60 makes it even more likely that Moushe was the editor and the translator of the Kurant. The last issue of the Kurant that we know of dates from December 5, 1687. Although there are no indications that this was the very last issue, Moushe probably did not work much longer on the Kurant after the last known issue was published because in 1688 he started working for the Jewish printer and businessman Cosman Gomperts – a member of the Gomperts family, the only really influential Ashkenazi family in Amsterdam,61 and a son- in-law of Glikl Hamel, (1645–1724), who wrote about her life as a Jewish businesswoman in

59 Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 819-821 mentions Jewish and non-Jewish compositors who testified to having worked for Tartas. 60 See Ch. 8. 61 Israel, Mercantilism, 112; Kaufmann & Freudenthal, Die Familie Gomperz.

6. The makers

Germany.62 Under Gomperts’s name he published two books in 1688, a Yiddish prayer book and a Yiddish paraphrase of Pentateuch.63 In 1690 Moushe took over Gomperts’s printing house, where he printed a Tsenerene and a customs book.64 However, he went bankrupt within a year and the printing house was returned to its former owner. It seems that one of the reasons for his bankruptcy was David de Castro Tartas’s action against him in printing a Polish prayer book without privilege. Tartas lost his case, but Moushe had no financial resources to resume printing.65 Apparently Moushe’s relations with his former employer had soured. But Moushe did not give in easily, and in 1694 he gave it a second try. He became a member of the Amsterdam Guild of Booksellers, Bookprinters and Bookbinders. Again he started printing the Polish prayer book, again Tartas tried to prevent him and lost. Moushe printed four cheap books under his own name, but with Gomperts’s types, one of which was the Hebrew and Yiddish prayer book Birkat Hamazon.66 The disputed Polish prayer book was never printed, though. He left for Germany that same year.67 Via Berlin, Frankfurt an der Oder and Dessau he ended up in Halle, where he became the university printer and, with the help of his ten children, set up his own printing house as well.68 While in Berlin he published a Hebrew translation of the New Testament.69 His magnum opus was Telaot Moshe (or Teloes Moushe,

62 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 382; Israel, Mercantilism, 118, Kaufmann, Zikhrones Glikl Hamel, 144 ff; Kaufmann & Freudenthal, Die Familie Gomperz, 330. & by Eliakim b. Jacob Melamed of Komarno: Fuks סליחות של כל השנה בלשון אשכנז כסדר ומנהג ק"ק פראנקפורט 63 by Jacob b. Isaac מליץ יושר Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography nr. 500; Gutschow, YidNed, nr. 95; and Ashkenazi of Janow: Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography nr. 501; Gutschow, YidNed, nr. 94. ;by Zadok b. Asher Wahl: Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., nr. 7405 פקודי ה' ;Tsenerene: Gutschow, YidNed, nr. 96 64 Gutschow, YidNed, nr. 97. 65 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 385-386. 66 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 386; Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., nr. 2623; Gutschow, YidNed, nr. 111. 67 Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 384-388; Van Eeghen, ‘Moses Abrahamsz’, 58-70. 68 Freudenthal, Aus der Heimat, 175-188. Moushe’s daughters Ella and Gella became famous for being two of the very few women in the trade: Ya’ari, ‘Nashim bimlekhat hakodesh’, 262-263; Freudenthal, Aus der Heimat, 176; Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., c. 2893-2894, nr. 8114; even the Yiddish poet Itsik Manger wrote a short story about Gella, apparently unaware of the fact that Moushe was a ger and had lived in Holland: Manger, Gele, 7- 12. 69 Freudenthal, Aus der Heimat, 177.

6. The makers

1711), which is considered the oldest book on geography in Yiddish.70 The text was taken from two sources, the Hebrew Iggeret orhot olam by Avraham Farissol (Venice 1587) and the German translation (1612) of the Latin Tabularum Geographicarum Contractarum (1600) by the Dutch – Christian – geographer Petrus Bertius. He shortened the text, removed striking Christian elements, but maintained the essentially Christian point of view and refrained from adding specifically Jewish elements.71 In 1714 Moushe printed a collection of homilies. As it was said to contain anti-Christian slander he was arrested, but released shortly afterwards. His printing house was confiscated and once more he became a university printer.72 No publications of his are known after 1714, but his name is mentioned now and then in publications of his children on the basis of which it is assumed that he died in 1733 or 1734.73 Moushe’s activities as a printer show that he took original initiatives, often combining Jewish and Christian elements. Although we do not know who came up with the idea of publishing a Yiddish newspaper, it might well be that Moushe himself had a hand in it.

70 Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., nr. 6414. 71 Shmeruk & Bartal, ‘Telaot Moshe’, 121-137. 72 Freudenthal, Aus der Heimat, 186-187; Van Eeghen, ‘Moses Abrahamsz’, 66 assumes that Moushe was arrested because of Telaot Moshe, but that seems unlikely. 73 Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., nr. 8832.

Part 3. The Editor at Work

7. The sources of the Kurant

As was made clear in Chapter 3, the leading Dutch newspapers acquired most of their news from correspondents and foreign newspapers. Less prominent newspapers could not afford the services of correspondents and used other Dutch newspapers as sources. The same goes for the newspapers published by David de Castro Tartas, the Spanish Gazeta de Amsterdam and the Italian Gazzetta d’Amsterdam. They, too, made use of Dutch newspapers. And so, we can assume, did the Kurant. Although newspapers used the same sources and sometimes copied each other’s texts, each retained its own character. They were hardly voicing opinions, yet by selecting certain reports and leaving out others, by stressing certain subjects more than others, they presented their readers with a certain world view and thus – as I pointed out in the Introduction – may have helped creating an imagined community of readers.1 According to Broersma, a newspaper offers a representation of reality, it arranges reality by selection and interpretation. Thus it presents its readers with a certain view of reality. Broersma distinguishes three levels in journalism: the gathering of news, the selection of news, and the presentation of news.2 I will try to distinguish these levels for the Kurant. For the gathering of the news I will look at the sources used by the Kurant; for the selection I will look at the method of selection of reports from the several Dutch sources; and for the presentation I will examine the editing, inclusive of the changes in dating and in the geographical order. My search results in three chapters in which we can see the editor at work, ‘arranging reality’. In this chapter I will examine what sources the editor of the Kurant used. To this aim I carried out a sample survey of two issues of the Kurant (K) a month and compared them to the Dutch newspapers available from that period,3 the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant (HC), the Amsterdamse Courant (AC), the Ordinaire Leydse Courant and the Opregte Leydse Courant (both LC).

1 Broersma, Beschaafde vooruitgang, 15-20; Anderson, Imagined Communities, 35. 2 Broersma, Beschaafde vooruitgang, 17-18. 3 See 3.9.

7. The sources of the Kurant

Dutch newspapers usually appeared three times a week, whereas the Kurant was published twice or once a week. This implies that one issue of the Kurant could borrow from more than one issue of the Dutch newspapers. Theoretically, the Gazeta de Amsterdam (extant between 1672 and 1702), printed by David de Castro Tartas, may have been a source as well. As I pointed out earlier,4 there is no way to know, because no matching copies have been preserved, but it is unlikely that the editor of the Kurant knew Spanish. Yet the Gazeta, and possibly also the Italian-language Gazzetta d’Amsterdam, may well have been sources of inspiration for the first publisher and the editor. Thus I will compare the method of selection and editing of the Kurant also to that of the Gazeta and the Gazzetta.

7.1. What is a source? The Kurant does not mention its sources. Neither do Dutch newspapers. They give the impression that they collect their own news. It is not always easy to determine whether a piece of text in a Dutch newspaper was really a source for the Kurant, or just a report that deals with the same subject. Wording, word and sentence order and grammatical structure can help to determine this, but never with absolute certainty, especially because Dutch papers also frequently copied each other’s reports.5 The Dutch newspapers I studied all have their own distinct style, yet even they use the same wording from time to time. Besides, it is impossible to know whether a report is taken from one of the extant papers or from a paper that is not available anymore. So the percentages discussed below must be understood in this context.

7.2. Tables The percentages listed in the tables below are based on the number of lines in each issue of the Kurant that can be traced back to a certain source.6

4 See 3.9. 5 In 3.3 I showed that the Leeuwarder Courant from 1753 until 1803 copied at least 25 percent of other Dutch newspapers and that the Courante from Delft from 1624 copied almost all its reports. 6 One issue of the Kuranten printed by Uri Faybesh Halevi contains an average of 269 lines (= 100 %) of plain text, exclusive of headings, indications of place and time, and colophon, one issue of the Kurant printed by David de Castro Tartas has an average of 265 lines (= 100 %).

7. The sources of the Kurant

Table 1: All samples September 3, 1686 – December 5, 1687

Date K HC % AC % LC % Unknown %

T Sep 3, 1686 52.1 0.0 0.0 47.9

F Sep 6, 1686 89.4 1.8 8.8 0.0

T Oct 15, 1686 51.9 0.0 26.4 21.7

F Oct 18, 1686 90.5 0.0 0.0 9.5

T Nov 19, 1686 49.6 0.0 38.3 12.0

F Nov 22, 1686 64.0 0.0 26.5 9.5 a F Dec 20, 1686 100.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 a c F Dec 27, 1686 100.0 0.0 0.0 0.0

F Jan 24, 1687 100.0 0.0 – 0.0

F Jan 31, 1687 100.0 0.0 – 0.0

T Feb 18, 1687 31.3 64.8 – 3.9

F Feb 21, 1687 48.3 41.2 – 10.5

T Mar 11, 1687 52.2 29.7 – 18.1

F Mar 14, 1687 30.3 64.6 – 5.2

D Apr 3, 1687 69.8 30.2 – 0.0

T Apr 8, 1687 52.3 42.8 – 4.9

T May 6, 1687 45.5 26.7 – 27.8

F May 9, 1687 49.1 42.4 – 8.6

T Jun 3, 1687 50.2 20.2 – 29.6 b F Jun 6, 1687 33.3 65.9 – 0.7

T Jul 15, 1687 32.5 48.9 – 18.7

F Jul 18, 1687 50.7 46.6 – 2.6

F Aug 22, 1687 37.7 56.6 – 5.7

T Aug 27[26], 1687 42.2 34.1 – 23.6 a d F Sep 13[12], 1687 51.0 46.3 0.0 2.7 a d F Sep 19, 1687 15.4 67.0 0.0 17.6 a F Sep 26, 1687 66.3 26.4 – 7.3 a F Oct 17, 1687 45.7 47.2 – 7.1 a F Nov 21, 1687 54.3 45.7 – 0.0 a F Dec 5, 1687 26.9 71.8 – 1.3

Average 56.1 30.7 3.3 9.9 a Once a week b First issue by David de Castro Tartas c Last known issue of Ordinaire Leydse Courant in the sample survey d Opregte Leydse Courant extant

7. The sources of the Kurant

The first table shows the sources of all samples of the Kuranten, printed between September 3, 1686 and June 3, 1687 by Uri Faybesh Halevi, and of the Kurant, printed between June 6, 1687 and December 5, 1687 by David de Castro Tartas. It seems that the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant is the main source (56.1 %), followed by the Amsterdamse Courant (30.7 %), unknown sources (9.9 %) and the Ordinaire Leydse Courant (3.3%). However, at a single glance it becomes clear that the editor chose different sources in different periods. So let us take a closer look.

Table 2: All samples by Uri Faybesh Halevi in which the Amsterdamse Courant is not used as a source September 3, 1686 – January 31, 1686

Date K HC % AC % LC % Unknown %

T Sep 3, 1686 52.1 0.0 0.0 47.9

F Sep 6, 1686 89.4 1.8 8.8 0.0

T Oct 15, 1686 51.9 0.0 26.4 21.7

F Oct 18, 1686 90.5 0.0 0.0 9.5

T Nov 19, 1686 49.6 0.0 38.3 12.0

F Nov 22, 1686 64.0 0.0 26.5 9.5 a F Dec 20, 1686 100.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 a F Dec 27, 1686 100.0 0.0 0.0 0.0

F Jan 24, 1687 100.0 0.0 – 0.0

F Jan 31, 1687 100.0 0.0 – 0.0

Average 79.8 0.2 10.0 10.1 a Once a week

Table 2 shows the sources of the samples from the Kurant printed by Uri Faybesh Halevi, from September 3, 1686 to January 31, 1687, in which the Amsterdamse Courant, although extant, is not – or perhaps once – used as a source.7 Between September 3, 1686 and December 27, 1686 the Ordinaire Leydse Courant is used as a source several times. However, it is clear that the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant is the main source. Even though the

7 I checked that in the issues between January 31 and February 18, 1687, which are not part of the sample, the Amsterdamse Courant was not used as a source.

7. The sources of the Kurant

Ordinaire Leydse Courant is extant until January 2, 1687, it seems from December 20, 1686 it is not used anymore.8 Probably one or more other unknown sources have been used by the editor, especially in the first months, because not all reports can be traced back to the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, the Amsterdamse Courant or the Ordinaire Leydse Courant.

Table 3: All samples by Uri Faybesh Halevi in which the Amsterdamse Courant is used as a source February 18, 1687 – June 3, 1687

Date K HC % AC % LC % Unknown %

T Feb 18, 1687 31.3 64.8 – 3.9

F Feb 21, 1687 48.3 41.2 – 10.5

T Mar 11, 1687 52.2 29.7 – 18.1

F Mar 14, 1687 30.3 64.6 – 5.2

D Apr 3, 1687 69.8 30.2 – 0.0

T Apr 8, 1687 52.3 42.8 – 4.9

T May 6, 1687 45.5 26.7 – 27.8

F May 9, 1687 49.1 42.4 – 8.6

T Jun 3, 1687 50.2 20.2 – 29.6

Average 47.6 40.3 – 12.1

Table 3 shows the sources of the samples from the Kurant, printed by Uri Faybesh Halevi, from the period in which the Amsterdamse Courant is used on a regular base, between February 18, 1687 and June 3, 1687. Some of the reports mentioned under ‘unknown’ may stem from the Ordinaire Leydse Courant, or its successor the Opregte Leydse Courant (also called LC here), of which no issues are extant from this period. In any case, it is clear that the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant are the main sources.

Table 4: All samples by David de Castro Tartas June 6, 1687 – December 5, 1687

8 The last issue of the Ordinaire Leydse Courant in the volume containing it, from January 2, 1687, not part of the sample, did not serve as a source for the Kurant. Whether the newspaper existed after January 2 is unknown.

7. The sources of the Kurant

Date the Kurant HC % AC % LC % Unknown %

F Jun 6, 1687 33.3 65.9 – 0.7

T Jul 15, 1687 32.5 48.9 – 18.7

F Jul 18, 1687 50.7 46.6 – 2.6

F Aug 22, 1687 37.7 56.6 – 5.7

T Aug 27[26], 1687 42.2 34.1 – 23.6 a b Sep 13[12], 1687 51.0 46.3 0.0 2.7 a b F Sep 19, 1687 15.4 67.0 0.0 17.6 a F Sep 26, 1687 66.3 26.4 – 7.3 a F Oct 17, 1687 45.7 47.2 – 7.1 a F Nov 21, 1687 54.3 45.7 – 0.0 a F Dec 5, 1687 26.9 71.8 – 1.3

Average 41.5 50.6 0.0 7.9 a Once a week b Opregte Leydse Courant extant

Table 4 shows the sources of all samples from the Kurant, printed by David de Castro Tartas, between June 6, 1687 and December 5, 1687. The outcome is similar to that in Table 3. the Amsterdamse Courant becomes an even – slightly – more important source than the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. The Kurant of September 12, 16879 and September 19, 1687 have been compared to the only two issues available from the Opregte Leydse Courant in 1687, September 10 and September 17, but apparently these issues did not serve as a source. As the two issues of the Kurant contain unknown sources, it is clear that the Kurant in this period must have used still other sources than the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, the Amsterdamse Courant and the Opregte Leydse Courant.

7.3. Conclusions It seems that it took the editor of the Kurant some time to find his way in the sources. In the first five months the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant was his primary source, followed by the Ordinaire Leydse Courant and one or more unknown sources. From December 1687 the Ordinaire Leydse Courant disappeared as a source, possibly because it did not exist anymore. Soon afterwards, from February 1687, the Amsterdamse Courant started to fill the gap. From this moment on the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant became equally important sources. From the moment the editor started to use the Amsterdamse

9 Incorrectly dated September 13, 1687.

7. The sources of the Kurant

Courant as a source it seems there is no difference in the use of sources between the newspapers printed by Halevi and those printed by Tartas. The average percentage of reports from unknown sources stayed more or less the same (around ten percent) during the whole period. In neither of the periods can a significant difference between the Tuesday and Friday issues (and one Thursday issue) be discerned.

8. Selection and editing: examination in detail

I will now show the editor’s working method in detail. To this end I will take four issues of the Kurant and compare them to the Dutch newspapers that might be the sources. I will show which report was taken from which source, whether the editor translated the sources faithfully or edited them in some way, whether there is a difference in editing and borrowing between the issues that appeared once a week and those that appeared twice a week, and between the issues printed by Uri Faybesh Halevi and by David de Castro Tartas, whether the editor changed the geographical or chronological order of the reports and whether he understood everything. I will also show which kind of reports from the Dutch newspapers the Kurant did not borrow, and I will compare the use of the sources and the method of editing with that of the Gazeta de Amsterdam and the Gazzeta d’ Amsterdam.

8.1. Language Before comparing these four issues, a few words on the language of the Kurant are necessary. This subject deserves a thorough analysis. Yet as it is not a part of my main research question I will restrict myself here to some general remarks. The Kurant seems to be written in the Old Literary Language, based on Western Yiddish, which was still the norm as a written language for both Western and Eastern Europe at the end of the seventeenth century.1 This language does not contain Slavic words and hardly any Hebrew or Aramaic words. Dutch Yiddish publications from the seventeenth century, and even more so from the eighteenth century, often show traits of dutchisms in syntax, spelling and lexicon.2 Given that the Kurant consists of translations of Dutch texts, it contains remarkably few dutchisms.

8.2. The four issues First I will examine one of the first issues of the Kurant, dated September 3, 1686, from the period during which the Kurant appeared twice a week, the Ordinaire Leydse Courant was extant, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant was the main source and the Amsterdamse Courant

1 Aptroot, Bible Translation, 245; Zwiers, Kroniek van het Jiddisj, 1.3; Beem, ‘Yiddish in Holland’. 2 Aptroot, Bible Translation, Ch. 7; Zwiers, Kroniek van het Jiddisj.

8. Selection and editing: examination in detail probably was not used. I will use this issue of the Kurant to show in great detail which report was taken from which source, whether the editor translated the source faithfully, what was his method of editing, and whether he understood everything. The reports are presented in the original Yiddish and in English translation.3 In discussing the other three issues I will mainly concentrate on other aspects. By taking a close look at the reports in the Kurant of November 22, 1686 that might be taken from the Ordinaire Leydse Courant I will try to find out whether this newspaper was really used as a source for the Kurant in the first period. Subsequently I will look at the Kurant of May 6, 1687, from the period that the Kurant appeared twice a week, no copies of the Ordinaire or Oprechte Leydse Courant are extant and the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant are both important sources. All of these issues of the Kurant were printed by Uri Faybesh Halevi. Finally I will take a closer look at the Kurant dated October 17, 1687, printed by David de Castro Tartas, appearing once a week, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant both being important sources. I will examine whether there are differences in style between the issues published by Halevi and those by Tartas, and what the consequences were publishing once a week for the use of the sources.4

8.3. Selection, translation and editing: Dinstagishe Kuranten September 3, 1686 Between August 1686 and February 1687 the newspaper’s main source is the Haerlemse Courant. The Amsterdamse Courant, although extant, does not seem to have been used as a source in this period. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant could account for several reports that cannot be traced back to the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, but often the similarity between the Kurant and the Ordinaire Leydse Courant is less than the similarity between the Kurant and the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. So in those cases it could be that the source was, in fact, another newspaper of which no issues have been left. This unknown newspaper – or possibly more than one – might also be the source of the few reports in the Kurant that cannot be traced back to any of the Dutch newspapers available.

3 It is not my intention to make a ‘beautiful’ translation. On the contrary, I try to translate as literally as possible, in order to be able to compare the wording of the Kurant to that of its sources. However, as the sources are in Dutch, a Dutch translation can show the similarities and differences clearer than even the most literal English translation. This is why I add the Dutch translation of each fragment in footnotes. 4 In the Appendix are presented facsimiles of the four issues.

8. Selection and editing: examination in detail

Let us take a look at the first report in the Dinstagishe Kuranten5 of September 3, 1686, in fact a series of reports concerning the war between the Habsburg forces and the Turks in Hungary. This is the most important and extensive subject of every single issue of the Kurant.

Dinstagishe Kuranten September 3, 1686 / 14 Elul 54466 Published by Uri Faybesh Halevi, appeared twice a week.

טײטש לנד אױז דען קיסרישן פֿעלד לעגר פֿאר אובֿן דען זיבנצעהנטן אױגוסט · אלהיר װערט װעניג מיט דר בילעגרונג פֿארט גיפֿארן װײל דיא קיסרישן מוזן װארטן ביז דיא (מינה מײנשטר) דיא (מינן) װערדן פֿערטיג האבן · דען דרײא צעהנטן אױגוסט הבן דיא טירקן אױז (אובֿן) אײן אױז פֿאל גטאן דרײא הונדרט מאן שטארק הונדרט טירקן צו פֿוס אונ' צװײא הונדרט טירקן צו פֿערד · אונ' דיא קיסרישן זײן צו פֿלײז צו רוק גיװיכֿן אונ' דיא טירקן זײן דיא קיסרישן נאך · אבר װיא דיא קיסרישן הבן אירן פֿארטײל דר זעהן זוא האבן זיא דיא טירקן װידר צו ריק גשלאגן אונ' דיא טירקן זײן מיט גרוסר אײל צו רוק אין דיא שטאט ארײן גילופֿן אונ' עס זײן עטליכֿי טירקן דר פֿון טױט גיבליבן אונ' עטליכֿי זײן אױך בישעדיגט װארדן ·

Germany 7 8 [1]350F From the Imperial field army in front of Ofen,351F August 17. The siege here is not advancing much, because the Imperials have to wait until the mine-masters have prepared the mines. On August 13, the Turks from Ofen made a sortie, three hundred men strong, a hundred Turks on foot [infantry] and two hundred Turks on horse. And the Imperials retreated immediately and the Turks pursued the Imperials. But when

5 I will use the word Kuranten only when mentioning the title of an issue printed by Halevi; in other cases I will use Kurant, even when referring to issues printed by Halevi. 6 Incorrectly dated 13 Elul 5446. 7 The numbers in square brackets refer to the numbers indicated in the facsimiles of the four issues in the Appendix. 8 Buda.

100

8. Selection and editing: examination in detail

the Imperials saw their advantage, they drove back the Turks and the Turks re-entered the city with great speed and some of these Turks died and some were wounded.9

HC Aug 31, 1686 Uyt het Keyserlijcke Velt-Leger voor Offen den 14 Augusti […] Ondertusschen wiert met de Belegering weynig geavanceert, alsoo alles na de Mineurs wacht. Den 13 deeden de Belegerde omtrent 100 Man te Voet en te Paert een Uytval op de Keyserlijcke Wacht, omtrent 300 Man sterck, welcke in den beginne haer tot op de Hoogte retireerden, en de Vyanden meer en meer lieten avanceren, maer, toe sy haer voordeel sagen, deselve aengetast, en met confusie, met achterlating van eenige Doden en Gequetsten, te rug in de Stadt gedreven hebben.

This is a rather faithful translation of the Dutch report. Yet the Kurant modifies the report in several ways: • Simplification of syntax: The seventeenth-century Dutch newspapers use a complex sentence structure, with long sentences and many adjuncts and subordinate clauses. The Kurant radically simplifies the syntax and uses mainly principal sentences. • Explication/clarification/simplification of concepts or situations: ‘alsoo alles na de Mineurs wacht’ (‘because everything waits for the miners’) becomes ‘vayl di kaysrishn muzn vartn biz di (mine meynshtr) di (minn) verdn fertig habn’10 (‘because the Imperials have to wait until the mine-masters will have prepared the mines’); ‘de Belegerde’ (‘the besieged’) becomes ‘di tirkn oyz (Oven)’ (‘the Turks from Ofen’).

9 ‘Duitsland. Uit het keizerlijke veldleger voor Ofen, 17 augustus. Alhier wordt weinig met de belegering voortgemaakt, omdat de keizerlijken moeten wachten totdat de mijnmeesters de mijnen klaar hebben. Op 13 augustus hebben de Turken uit Ofen een uitval gedaan, driehonderd man sterk, honderd Turken te voet en tweehonderd Turken te paard. En de keizerlijken zijn meteen teruggeweken, en de Turken zijn de keizerlijken na. Maar toen de keizerlijken hun voordeel zagen, hebben ze de Turken teruggeslagen en de Turken zijn met grote spoed weer de stad binnen gelopen en er zijn enkele Turken van hen doodgebleven en enkele zijn ook gewond geraakt.’ 10 The pronunciaton of the Yiddish spoken in seventeenth-century Holland differs substantially from the ‘Standard Yiddish’ transcription developed by the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research. Yet for the Yiddish fragments in transcription I choose to stay close to the Standard Yiddish, in order to make them easier to understand.

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• Nonpartisan perspective: the Dutch newspapers describe the war between the Imperial army (Habsburg and their allies) and the Turks from the perspective of the Imperial troops, or actually, from the perspective of the correspondent. The Imperials are usually referred to as ‘d’onse’ (‘ours, our side’). The Kurant is more non-partisan and consistently changes this into ‘di kaysrishe’ (‘the Imperials’). Conversely, ‘de Vyanden’ (‘the enemies’) becomes ‘di tirkn’ (‘the Turks’). • Mistranslation: in general, the translator and editor of the Kurant is skillful, but he does make mistakes, especially when numbers are involved:11 ‘Den 13 deeden de Belegerde omtrent 100 Man te Voet en te Paert een Uytval op de Keyserlijcke Wacht, omtrent 300 Man sterck’ (‘The thirteenth the besieged, about a hundred man on foot [infantry] and horse, made a sortie at the Imperial guard, about three hundred men strong’) becomes: ‘Den dray tsehntn oygust habn di tirkn oyz (Oven) eyn oyz fal gtan dray hundrt man shtark hundrt tirkn tsu fus un tsvey hundrt tirkn tsu fert’ (‘On August 13 the Turks from Ofen made a sortie, three hundred men strong, a hundred Turks on foot and two hundred Turks on horse’). So according to the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant there are a hundred Turks, infantry and cavalry, and the Imperial guard exists of three hundred men. According to the Kurant, however, there are three hundred Turks, a hundred infantry and two hundred cavalry, whereas no mention is made of the Imperial guard; it is ‘the Imperials’ in general that are attacked. • Place-name: the Kurant takes over the heading in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant: ‘Uyt het Keyserlijcke Velt-Leger voor Offen’ becomes: ‘Oyz den kaysrishn feld legr far Oven’ (‘From the Imperial field army in front of Ofen’). • Postdating: the Kurant postdates by three days.

דיא טירקן אין (אובֿן) װערדן פֿון טאג צוטאג װעניגער אונ' עס זאלן נור נאך פֿיר טױזנט ביהערצטי טירקן דרינן זײן :

11 Shmeruk & Bartal, ‘Telaot Moshe’, 134 notes that Moshe bar Avraham Avinu also made mistakes in numbers in his geography book Telaot Moshe. Numbers may have been his weak side.

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[2] The Turks in Ofen number fewer each day and reportedly there are only four thousand courageous Turks inside.12

No sources can be found for this report. The Kurant inserts this between two connecting passages in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant.

דען זעלביגן אבינט זײן װידר זיבן טירקישי רײטר אױז (אובֿן) ארױז גיריטן אונ' האבן דיא קיסרישי (פאטרײא אונ' פאליסאטן) מיט פֿײאר אן גיצונדן אונ' דר נאך זײן דיא זיבן טירקן װידר אין דיא שטאט ארײן גיריטן :

[3] The same evening again seven Turkish cavalrymen came riding from Ofen and set the Imperial battery and palisades on fire and after that the seven Turks re-entered the 13 city.356F

14 HC Aug 31, 1686 […]357F ’s Avonts quamen wederom 7 Vyantlijcke Ruyters by onse naeste Trenchementen de Stadt om rijden, staken een Reduyt, van Palissaden en 15 Fascijnen gemaeckt, aen brant, en keerden, daer mede vergenoegt, te rug. […]358F

• Simplification/clarification/mistranslation (?): ‘quamen […] by onse naeste Trenchementen de Stadt om rijden’ (‘came riding around the city near our closest entrenchments’) becomes ‘zayn […] oys (Oven) aroys geritn’ (‘came riding from Ofen’), ‘een Reduyt, van Palissaden en Fascijnen gemaeckt’ (‘a redoubt, made of palisades and fascines’) becomes ‘di kayserishe (patrey un palisatn)’ (‘the Imperial battery and palisades’). Possibly the editor of the Kurant did not understand these military terms, or he may have thought that his readers would not understand them.

12 ‘De Turken in Ofen worden van dag tot dag minder en er zouden nog maar vierduizend moedige Turken binnen zijn.’ 13 ‘Dezelfde avond zijn weer zeven Turkse ruiters uit Ofen weggereden en hebben de keizerlijke batterij en palissaden in brand gestoken en daarna zijn de zeven Turken weer de stad binnen gereden.’ 14 Immediately following the report in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant above. 15 More news follows about the Turkish army doing nothing and about a Turkish renegade who said that the Turks wanted to raise the alarm at the Bavarian side.

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• Nonpartisan perspective: ‘Vyantlijcke Ruyters’ (‘enemy cavalrymen’) becomes ‘tirkishe rayter’ (‘Turkish cavalrymen’). • Leaving out redundancies: on the one hand the editor of the Kurant explains unclear concepts, on the other hand he has less room at his disposal, so he has to shorten: ‘daer mede vergenoegt’ (‘satisfied with this’) is left out, because it is not necessary to understand the report.

דיא טירקישן (יאניטסארן) דיא פֿירן איטליכֿר בײא זיך אײן ביקס אודר רור אונ' אײן הנד (גראנאט) אונ' אײן גראב שױפֿל · אױך האט דער (פרימאפֿיזיר) אדר דער טירקישי (יענעראל) איטליכן פֿינף (דוקאטן) אױף דיא הנד גיגעבן דאש זי נור ביהערצט קיגן דיא קיסרישן פֿעכטן זאלן : דיא טירקן האבן אױך דש קיסרישן גישיץ גיװאלט פֿר נאגלן אבר עש איז זיא ניט אן גאנגן :

[4] The Turkish Janissaries each have a rifle or rur with them and a hand-grenade and a shovel. Also the grand vizier or the Turkish general handed each of them five ducats, to make them fight courageously against the Imperials. The Turks also wanted to nail up 16 the Imperial artillery, but they did not succeed.359F

HC Aug 31, 1686 […] Dien avont quam een Overloper, een Fransman van geboorte, uyt de Vyantlijcke Armee, welcke berichte, dat de Turcken, die hy op seer veel Volcks begroote, van voornemen waren ondertusschen aen de Keyserlijcke kant over den Berg een groot getal Janitsaren (van welcke yder met een Roer, Hand-Granaten en Graef-Gaffelen voorsien was en 5 Ducaten op de hant ontfangen hadde) te laten deurbreecken, en dat midlerwijl de Belegerde door een Uytval het Geschut op de Swabische Battery souden trachten te vernagelen, en daer door de weg voor haar 17 Secours te banen. […]360F

16 ‘De Turkse janitsaren hebben elk een buks of roer bij zich en een handgranaat en een graafschoffel. Ook heeft de grootvizier [primofizir] of de Turkse generaal elk vijf dukaten op de hand gegeven, opdat ze maar moedig tegen de keizerlijken zullen vechten. De Turken wilden ook het keizerlijke geschut vernagelen, maar dat is ze niet gelukt.’ 17 Followed by an extensive description of the fight.

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LC Aug 31, 1686 Uyt het Keyserlijke Veldleeger voor Offen den 15 Augusti. […] Soo wel by dooden als by de gevangenen der Vyanden heeft men 2 à 3 Handgranaaten gevonden, en, naar men uyt de Gevangens verstaet, soude den Primo Vesier aen ieder Janitser van dit Corps twee Ducaten tot een vereeringe hebben gegeven, om haer daer door te encourageeren […]

The source is probably the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, although the wording of the last sentence – except for the number of ducats – is closer to Ordinaire Leydse Courant. Editing tools are:

• Change of focus: the Kurant leaves out the main message of the report in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, namely that, according to a defector (‘Overloper’), the Turks intend a break-through by the Janissaries (Turkish elite troops). Instead, he concentrates on the equipment of the Janissaries and the incentive they get, something that the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant mentions in a subordinate clause between brackets. Maybe the editor thought it would take too much space to tell the whole story of the defector who predicts a Turkish attack, and confined himself to some general remarks about the Turkish attack itself in the next passage. See also the last sentence, in which the Kurant reports that the Turks have tried to nail the Swabian battery, but did not succeed. According to the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, though, the defector tells that the Turks intend to do so, but have not done it yet. Apparently the Kurant drew his conclusions from the passage below, in which the break-through really happens. • Explication: the editor elaborates on the information that he takes from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant: ‘Roer’ (‘firelock’, a kind of rifle) becomes ‘biks odr rur’ (‘rifle or rur’, ‘rur’ probably was a word unknown in Yiddish); he adds that the five ducats were handed out ‘das zi nur behertst kign di kaysrishen fekhtn zoln’ (‘to make them fight courageously against the Imperials’), and that this was done by ‘der (primofizir) odr der tirkishe yeneral’ ; interestingly, in all issues the Kurant uses the word ‘primofizir’ followed by ‘odr der tirkishe yeneral’, whereas it never explains ‘yanitsarn’. • Simplification: ‘het Geschut op de Swabische Battery’ (‘the artillery on the Swabian battery’) becomes ‘dos keysrishe geshits’.

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אױז דען בראניבורגישן לעגר װערט גישריבן דאז אין דען טירקישן אן פֿאל בײא פופצעהן הונדרט טירקן װערן טױט גיבליבן · אבר אײן טײל בריבֿ שרײבן זיבן צעהן הונדרט אונ' דרײסג

[5] From the Brandenburg army it is written that in the Turkish attack about fifteen 18 hundred Turks died. But part of the letters write seventeen hundred and thirty361F

HC Aug 31, 1686 […] waer door de Janitsaren, te voet, en in geen staet, om de Ruytery soo spoedig te volgen, genoegsaem in ons gewelt gelaten, voor ’t grootste gedeelte, en tot omtrent de 1730 Man, ter nedergemaeckt, en de resterende soo gewapent, als de Fransman gesegt had, gevangen bekomen, en 8 Stucken Geschut, en 17 Vanen en 19 Standaerden verovert wierden: […]362F

LC Aug 31, 1686 Vyt het Keur-Brandenburgse Leeger voor Offen den 14 Augusti. Van daeg heel vroeg quaemen de Vyanden uyt haer Leeger, daer in sy al haere Tenten en Bagagie in goede ordre lieten staen, met intentie van de Stad te ontsetten; tot dien eynde vier Bassas met 6000 Janitsaren en 4000 Spahis (of Ruyters) van den Primo Vesier gedetascheert wierden, om door onsen regter Vleugel te breeken, ende soo in de Stad te geraecken; daer op wy van gelijken 5 Regimenten Dragonders met vier Regimenten Keyserlijke Ruyters detacheerden, om de hoogte van den Berg op de regter hand in te neemen, het welk ook soo wel lukte, dat den Vyant met agterlaatinge van 1000 of 1500 dooden gerepousseert wiert. […]

It is unclear what source(s) the editor has used. He must have read the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant given that he took other reports from it. The number of fallen Turks, 1730, may stem from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, but the wording of the report does not. The Amsterdamse Courant, apparently not a source, is even less similar and mentions ‘by de 2000’ (‘near 2000’). The heading of the Ordinaire Leydse Courant ‘Vyt het Keur- Brandenburgse Leeger voor Offen’ (‘From the Elector-Brandenburg army in front of Ofen’)

18 ‘Uit het Brandenburgse leger wordt geschreven dat in de Turkse aanval tegen de vijftienhonderd Turken doodgebleven zijn. Maar een deel van de brieven schrijft zeventienhonderd en dertig’ 19 Followed by a report on a new failed attack of the Turks, their retreat and the loot.

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8. Selection and editing: examination in detail may account for the clause ‘Oyz den Braneburgishn legr wert geshribn’ (‘from the Brandenburg army it is written’) and for the number of 1500: ‘met agterlaatinge van 1000 of 1500 dooden’ (‘leaving behind 1000 or 1500 dead’). The ‘briv’ (‘letters’) mentioned by the Kurant are probably the letters of correspondents on which the Dutch newspapers based their reports. It is unlikely that the editor of the Kurant had made use of these letters himself, but perhaps he wanted to create the impression that he had. So he probably used the information from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Ordinaire Leydse Courant (and/or another newspaper) and made a short report out of it, leaving out all the details on the hostilities.

און אײן טײל בריבֿ שרײבן גאר פֿון צװײא אדר דרײא טױזנט : פֿון דיא קיסרישי איז דער לײטינאם (קאלאנעל) פֿון דיא (קראבֿאטן) טױט גיבליבן אונ' אײן (סערשאנט מיאר פֿון קאפרארה) אונ' אױך אײן (קאפיטאן פֿון דיניװאלד) זײן טױט גיבליבן ·

[6] and part of the letters even write two or three thousand. From the Imperials a lieutenant-colonel from the Croats died and a sergeant-major of Caprara and also a 20 21 captain of Dünewald363F have died.364F

HC Aug 31, 1686 […] Van de Vyanden rekent men, dat tussen de 2 en 3000, en van d’onse den Grave van Ladron, Luit. Collonel van de Croaten, de Sergeant Major van Caprara, een Capiteyn van Dunewald en tusschen de 1 en 200 Soldaten doot gebleven zijn.

This report may stem from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. The Kurant suggests that the number of casualties was either 1730 or ‘two or three thousand’. The report in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, though, follows a report on a new unsuccessful Turkish sally, which suggests that the ‘tussen de 2 en 3000’ (‘two to three thousand’) are additional casualties.

20 The Italian field marshal Caprara and the German field marshal Dünewald were both Imperial commanders. 21 ‘en een deel van de brieven schrijft zelfs van twee of drieduizend. Van de keizerlijken is de luitenant-kolonel van de Kroaten doodgebleven en een sergeant-majoor van Caprara en ook een kapitein van Dünewald zijn doodgebleven.’

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• Nonpartisan perspective: ‘van d’onse’ (‘of our party’) becomes ‘fun di kaysrishe’ (‘from the Imperials’).

זעקס טױזנט טירקן אונ' אכֿט טױזנט טאטערן זײן אױז גיגנגן אונ' זאלן אום דר קיסרישן שטאט (גראן) ארום אליז פֿרװיסטן אונ' פֿרדערבן · אױך זאלן דיא זעלביגן טירקן אונ' טאטערן צו זעהן דאש קײן (פראפֿיאנט) נאך דען קיסרישן לעגר זאל קענן גיבראכֿט װערדן :

[7] Six thousand Turks and eight thousand Tatars went out to destroy and ruin everything around the Imperial city of Gran. These Turks and Tatars also must see to it 22 that no provisions can be brought to the Imperial army.365F

HC Aug 31, 1686 Weenen den 18 Augustus. Uyt het Keyserlijcke Velt-Leger voor Offen wert geschreven; dat, na dat den Hertog van Lottharingen uyt een Brief, by een voorname Turck gevonden en aen den Bassa van Offen geadresseert, vernomen had, dat 6000 Man (terwyl 8000 Tartaren gecommandeert waren, om alles tot Gran toe te verwoesten, en den toevoer van onse Vivres te verhinderen) gereet stonden, om hem 23 t’ontsetten, […]366F

• Change of focus: the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant reports on an action by the Duke of Lorraine as a consequence of the contents of a letter found with a prominent Turk. The Kurant only mentions part of the information in the letter, without mentioning the letter itself or its consequences. • Simplification and mistranslation: the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant uses an extremely complex sentence structure, the Kurant takes some elements from the sentence and presents them in simple main clauses. However, it seems the editor partly misunderstood the sentence: according to the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, six thousand men (= Turks) were ready to rescue him (= the pasha of Ofen?) and eight thousand Tatars were under

22 ‘Zesduizend Turken en achtduizend Tataren zijn uitgegaan en moeten om de keizerlijke stad Gran alles verwoesten en verderven. Ook moeten deze Turken en Tataren erop toezien dat er geen proviand naar het keizerlijke leger gebracht kan worden.’ 23 More details follow about the plans of the Turks, mentioned in the letter. 108

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orders to destroy everything until (= between Ofen and?) Gran (= Esztergom, re-conquered by the Imperials in 1683) and to prevent the supply of provisions (to the Imperials). According to the Kurant, both the six thousand Turks and the eight thousand Tatars had to destroy everything around the city of Gran and to prevent the supply of provisions to the Imperial army. It could be, though, that the editor wanted to simplify not only the syntax, but also the message: he left out the story of the rescue of the pasha, but somehow wanted to mention the six thousand Turks and for that reason added them to the Tatars. • Explication: ‘tot Gran toe’ versus ‘um der kaysrishn shtot (Gran) arum’. • Nonpartisan perspective: ‘onse Vivres’ (‘our provisions’) versus ‘(profiant) nach den kaysrishn legr’ (‘provisions to the Imperial army’). • Place-name: the news in the Kurant comes under the heading ‘Oyz den kaysrishn feld legr far Oven’ (‘From the Imperial field army in front of Ofen’) like the first reports in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, whereas the news in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant comes from Vienna.

דער גראבֿ (טעקעלי) האט אין פולן נײן הונדרט זאלדאטן גיװארבן אונ' האט זײן פֿעשטונג דר מיט ביזעצט אונ' דיא זעלביגי פֿעשטונג הײסט (מונגאטס) · דער פֿירסט פֿון (קורלנד) װעלכֿיר פֿאר עטליכֿי טאגן איז גישעדיגט װארדן איז גישטארבן : אײן (ענגילענדישר אפֿיצירר) איז פֿון דיא קיסרישן גיפֿנגן גיזעצט װארדן אונ' מאן האט אים נאך (װין) גיבראכֿט דען מאן האט בײא אים אײן טירקישן בריבֿ גיפֿונדן און מאן זאגט דאש ער מיט דיא טירקן זאל (קורעספאנדירט) האבן : עס שטין אױך אין דען לאנד פֿון (זיבן בירגן) בײא דרײסיג טױזנט זיבן בירגישי פֿעלקר בײא אננדר אונ' װען װעלכֿי פֿון דיא קיסרישן דורך (זיבן בירגן) רײזן און האבן קײן (פאס) אדר (קונפֿױ) בײא זיך זוא גין דיא (זיבן בירגישי) זאלדאטן זער איבל מיט זיא אום :

[8] Count Thököly has recruited nine hundred soldiers in Poland and manned his fortress with them and this fortress is called Munkács. The sovereign of Courland, who was wounded a few days ago, has died. An English officer was imprisoned by the Imperials and was brought to Vienna, because a Turkish letter was found on him and it was said that he must have corresponded with the Turks. Also about thirty thousand

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Siebenbürgen24 troops are standing in the land of Siebenbürgen. And when any of the Imperials travel through Siebenbürgen without a pass or a convoy, the Siebenbürgen soldiers treat them very badly.25

HC Aug 31, 1686 De Gravinne Teckeley heeft, soo men segt, 900 Polen geworven, en by kleyne Partyen in Mongatz laten komen. Gisteren is de Hertog van Courlant aen sijn Quetsuur overleden. By een Persoon, die onder d’Engelsse Volontairen meest geweest en t’Ongarisch Altenbergh gearresteert is, heeft men een brief, in ’t Turckx geschreven, welcke herwaerts gebracht is, gevonden, waer uyt men presumeert, dat hy Correspondentie met de Belegerde gehad heeft. Men segt, dat 30000 Zevenbergers in de Wapenen zijn, en alle, die sonder Pas of Convoy komen, lelijck handelen.

The Amsterdamse Courant and the Ordinaire Leydse Courant of August 31, 1686 mention part of this news, but the wording differs. This report was clearly taken from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant: miscellaneous news from Hungary, in the same order as in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. Yet it seems the Kurant misunderstood some details. • Simplification (or lack of understanding?): ‘een Persoon, die onder d’Engelsse Volontairen meest geweest […] is’ (‘a person who has been mostly under the English volunteers’) becomes ‘eyn (engelendisher ofitsirer)’ (‘an English officer’). • Explication: ‘alle’ (‘all’) becomes ‘velke fun di kaysrishn’ (‘any of the Imperials’). • Mistranslation/misunderstanding: ‘Gravinne Tekely’ (‘Countess Tekely’) in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant becomes ‘der grav’ (‘the count’), the Amsterdamse Courant and the Ordinaire Leydse Courant, which bring the same news but in different wording, also write ‘Gravinne’; in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant the English person was arrested in

24 Transylvania. 25 ‘Graaf Thököly heeft in Polen negenhonderd soldaten geworven en heeft zijn vesting daarmee bezet en deze vesting heet Munkács. De vorst van Koerland, die enkele dagen geleden gewond is geraakt, is gestorven. Een Engelse officier is door de keizerlijken gevangen gezet en men heeft hem naar Wenen gebracht, want men heeft bij hem een Turkse brief gevonden en men zegt dat hij met de Turken gecorrespondeerd moet hebben. Er staan ook in het land van Zevenburgen tegen de dertigduizend Zevenburgse troepen bij elkaar. En als wie dan ook van de keizerlijken door Zevenburgen reist zonder pas of konvooi bij zich, dan gaan de Zevenburgse soldaten zeer slecht met hen om.’

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Altenbergh and the letter was brought ‘herwaerts’ (‘hither’ = to Vienna), in the Kurant the officer himself was brought to Vienna. • Place-names: note that the Kurant renders the Dutch ‘Zevenbergen’ as ‘Zibn birgn’, which is more correct (‘Siebenbürgen’, Dutch ‘Zevenburgen’). This shows that the editor did not copy slavishly, but apparently knew what he was talking about. On the other hand ‘Mongatz’ in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant stays ‘Mongats’ in the Kurant. This place has many names, but all of them have a k in it, not a g.26

So far for the Kurant’s news from the Imperial field army in front of Buda. With a few exceptions the source seems to be the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, both its reports from the field army and those from Vienna. This is even more likely because the reports in the Kurant come in the same order as those in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant.

Now the news under the heading Vienna, August 22. As it seems, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant was not used as a source at all for the reports under this heading, nor was the Amsterdamse Courant. Some reports in the Kurant are similar to reports in the Ordinaire Leydse Courant, but the similarity is not nearly as striking as that between the Kurant and the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant in the reports above. Besides, some of the reports are apparently borrowed from the Ordinaire Leydse Courant of August 31, while others seem to stem from the Ordinaire Leydse Courant of September 3. September 3 is also the date of publication of the Kurant. It is unlikely that the Kurant borrowed from a newspaper that appeared on the same date.

(װין) דען צװײ אונ' צװנציגשטן אױגוסט · אלהיר זײן אן קומן אכֿט אונ' צװנציג (יאניטשארן) אדר טירקן װעלכֿי אױז דען טירקישן לעגר זײן אנט לאפֿן אונ' זײן צו דיא קיסרישן גילאפֿן · אױך האבן דיא קיסרישי פֿעלקר נאך (װין) גישיקט צו זײני קיסרליכֿי (מײסטעט) דרײא (סטאנדארן) אדר פֿאנן װעלכֿי זיא פֿון דיא טירקן האבן גיװאונן :

26 Munkács is the Hungarian name. The present day Ukrainian name is usually spelled as Mukacheve. In Yiddish .(Munkatsh) מונקאַטשit is

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[9] Vienna, August 22. Twenty eight Janissaries or Turks have arrived here who ran away from the Turkish army and defected to the Imperials. The Imperial troops also sent to Vienna to his Imperial Majesty three standards or banners that they won from the Turks.27

HC Sep 3, 1686 Uyt het Keyserlijcke Velt-Leger voor Offen den 18 Augusti […] Meer als 30 Vanen en Standaerden heeft men in ’t geheel bekomen, en alle, uytgesondert alleen weynige oude en by na versletene, na Weenen gesonden:

LC Sep 3, 1686 Weenen den 22 Augusti. Eergisteren quam hier te arriveeren den Heere Graeve Palfi, van sijne Doorl. den Hertog van Lotharingen aen sijne Keyserlijke Majesteyt afgesonden, met de confirmatie ende heele verhael van het laetst voorgevallene treffen, op den 14 deser, tussen de onse en de Turken; en heeft meede gebragt 28 gevangene Janitsaren en drie Vaendels in voorn. gevegt verovert; […]

The reports in the Amsterdamse Courant of August 31, 1686 are even less similar to the Kurant than those in the Ordinaire Leydse Courant and the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. It reports on two hundred Janissaries taken prisoner, eight cannons and seventeen banners and standards captured; the Amsterdamse Courant of September 3, 1686 reports on eleven cannons and thirty standards and banners placed on the breaches and then sent to Vienna. All three newspapers report on captured Janissaries, cannons and standards and/or banners. Yet none of them seems to be the real source. The shows some similarity: a high Habsburg officer, Count Palfi, was sent to the Emperor (in Vienna) and brought 28 captured Janissaries and three banners, conquered in the fight with the Turks. However, the wording is different, and in the Kurant the Janissaries were defectors, not prisoners. The Kurant uses the word ‘standarn’, a non-Yiddish word, that is mentioned by the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant, but not by the Ordinaire Leydse Courant. Besides, it is unlikely that the Kurant took a report from a newspaper from the same date. So it is likely that the Kurant took this report from another newspaper, unknown to us.

27 ‘Wenen, 22 augustus. Alhier zijn achtentwintig janitsaren of Turken aangekomen die uit het Turkse leger zijn ontsnapt en zijn naar de keizerlijken overgelopen. Ook hebben de keizerlijke troepen naar Wenen gestuurd naar zijne keizerlijke majesteit drie standaards of vanen die zij van de Turken hebben gewonnen.’

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דיא קיסרישן האבן אל דיא טױטי טירקן דיא קעפף אב גיהאקט אונ' האבן זיא רונד אום דיא שטאט (אובֿן) אױף גישטעקט דאש עש דיא טירקן אין (אובֿן) זאלן זעהן אונ' זאלן אײן פֿארכֿט ביקומן ·

[10] The Imperials have chopped off the heads of all dead Turks and put them up 28 around the city of Ofen so that the Turks in Ofen would see and become afraid.371F

LC Aug 31, 1686 Uyt het Keyserlijke Veldleeger voor Offen den 15 Augusti. […] Over deese Victorie heeft men in ons Leeger al het kleyne Geschut tot drie mael toe gelost, ende der Vyanden Vaendels met haere afgehouwene Hoofden op de Bressen opgesteecken, om daer door onse victorie aen die van binnen bekent te maaken.

LC Aug 31, 1686 Weenen den 18 Augusti. […] De voornoemde Vaendels met de Hoofden der Vyanden wierden in onse bressen opgesteecken; het welk ongetwijffelt geen aengenaem spectacul voor die in de Stad sal geweest hebben, alsoo sy haer heel stil hielden.

LC Sep 3, 1686 Uyt het Keyserlijke Veltleeger voor Offen den 19 Augusti. […] Sijn Doorl. den Hertog van Lotharingen dede de veroverde Vaendels met een groot getal Turkse Hoofden op lange Staaken in de Bresse op het groote Rondeel opsteeken, om daer door aen de Belegerde het slaen van haer Secours te versaen te geven, het welk ook, soo wy konden bemerken eene groote stilte in de Stad veroorsaakte, […]

In the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant no reports on this subject can be found. The Kurant might have taken the information from the Ordinaire Leydse Courant of August 31, 1686 and interpreted it in his own way, but the source might as well have been another newspaper.

28 ‘De keizerlijken hebben alle dode Turken de kop afgehakt en hebben ze rond de stad Ofen opgestoken opdat de Turken in Ofen het zullen zien en bang zullen worden.’

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דער טירקישי (יענראל) האט איטליכֿם טירקן פֿופֿצעהן (דוקאטן) פֿר שפראכֿן װעלכֿר װערט אין (אובֿן) ארײן קומן ·

29 [11] The Turkish general has promised every Turk fifteen ducats who will enter Ofen.372F

In neither of the Dutch newspapers reports on this subject can be found

דער טירקישי (יענראל) האט זײן לעגר אין בראנד גישטאקן אונ' עש פֿיר מײל פֿון (אובֿן) אװעק גיצוגן אונ' האט זײן לעגר אױף גישלאגן בײא דער (טוני) ·

[12] The Turkish general set his army camp on fire and moved away four miles from 30 Ofen and pitched his camp near the Danube.373F

HC Sep 3, 1686 Uyt het Keyserlijcke Velt-Leger voor Offen den 18 Augusti […] Heden is een Overloper tot ons gekomen, meldende, dat de Primo Vizir, uyt oorsaeck, dat sijn Leger continueel door ’t onse geinfesteert wiert, gisteren met hetselve na Ertschin, 4 mijlen van hier, opgebroken is.

AC Sep 3, 1686 Uyt het Keyserlijke Velt-Leger voor Offen den 20 Augustus [...] Ondertusschen verstaet men dat de Turcken haer Leger hebben in brandt gestoocken, en sich 3 mylen te rugge langs den Donau geretireert. Onse Esterhasse Hussaren, die haer najaegden, hebben ’t Leger noch in volle vlam gevonden, en oock eenige buyt ghemaeckt.

31 LC Sep 3, 1686 Uyt het Keyserlijke Veltleeger voor Offen den 19 Augusti. […]374F teegens den morgen bevonden wy dat het vyandlijke Leeger aen het beweegen was, ende de Turken haer Leeger in brant gesteeken hebbende, haer te rugge begaven, daer uyt het gerugt quam te loopen, dat den Primo Vesier weder nae de Esseker Brugge trok; maer

29 ‘De Turkse generaal heeft elke Turk vijftien dukaten beloofd die in Ofen zal binnenkomen.’ 30 ‘De Turkse generaal heeft zijn leger in brand gestoken en is vier mijl van Ofen weggetrokken en heeft zijn leger opgeslagen bij de Donau.’ 31 One of the first reports, preceding the report on the heads above.

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door eenige Renegaten die ontrent de middag tot ons waren overgeloopen, verstont men, dat den Primo Vesier met de Turckse Armée ontrent 4 mijlen beneden Offen was geweecken, ende sig ontrent Eschin digt aen den Donauw weder geset.32

The content of all three newspapers is more or less the same, the Ordinaire Leydse Courant is the most similar to the Kurant in wording. The similarity is not that striking, though, and, as said before, as the Ordinaire Leydse Courant dates from September 3, 1686, it is unlikely that it is the source.

דיא טירקן פֿר ברענן אליז װאס זיא אױף דען לאנד גיפֿינן אונ' טון שטארק אױף זעהן דאש קײן (פראפֿיאנט) זאל אין דאש קיסרישי לעגר אן קומן · אבר דער הערצוג פֿון (לוטרינגן) האט דר קיגן עטליכֿי טױזנט רײטר אױז גישיקט דיא קיסרישן (הײדוקן אונ' הוסארן) װעלכֿי יען זײט דער (טוני) בײא דער שטאט (פעסט) זײן גישטאנדן דיא זעלביגי זײן איבר דיא (טוני) אריבר אונ' זיא זײן אין דאש קיסרישי לעגר גיקומן · דר קיגן האט דער טירקישי (יענראל) דען גראבֿ (טעקעלי) מיט עטליך טױזנט טירקן איבר דיא (טוני) גישיקט אונ' דער גראבֿ (טעקעלי) האט פֿון יען זײט דער (טוני) אײן (סוקורש) אין (אובֿן) ארײן גיבראכֿט מאן קען אבר ניט אײגינטליך װישן װיא פֿיל טירקן אין (אובֿן) זײן ארײן גיקומן : אבר דיא טירקן אין (אובֿן) זײן זער ביהערצט גיװארן װײל זיא האבן דען (סוקורש) ביקומן :

[13] The Turks burn everything they find on the land and see to it strictly that no provisions will enter the Imperial army camp. But the Duke of Lorraine sent out several thousand horsemen. The Imperial hajduks and hussars who stood at the other side of the Danube near the city of Pest have crossed the Danube and have entered the Imperial army camp. On the other hand, the Turkish general sent Count Thököly with a few thousand Turks across the Danube and Count Thököly brought reinforcements from the other side of the Danube into Ofen. It is in fact impossible though to know how many Turks have entered Ofen. But the Turks in Ofen have become very much 33 encouraged because they received reinforcements.376F

32 The Ordinaire Leydse Courant repeats this report a few times, see below. 33 ‘De Turken verbranden alles wat ze op het land vinden en zien er streng op toe dat er geen proviand in het keizerlijke leger [= legerkamp] aankomt. Maar de hertog van Lotharingen heeft daarentegen enkele duizenden

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LC Aug 31, 1686 Uyt het Keyserlijke Veldleeger voor Offen den 15 Augusti. […] Den 13 deeser ontbooden wy de Ongerse Heydukken ende Hussaren, die onder den Pethnehasi aen de sijde van Pest stonden, om met de onse aen deese sijde te koomen conjungeeren.

LC Sep 3, 1686 Weenen den 22 Augusti. […] Met naedere tijdingen uyt het Leeger verstaet men, dat den Primo Vesier siende dat de onse sijn Leeger geduurig met sterke partyen incommodeerden, het selve op den 17 deser had doen in brand steeken, ende daer op met sijne Armée weder vier mijlen beneden Offen geweeken was,34 laetende niet als 8000 Tartaren ontrent de oude Leegerplaetse, met ordre om het heele Land daer ontrent te doorstroopen ende de onse met haere strooperyen te fatigeeren: maer syne Doorl. van Lotharingen hadde eenige Regimenten ligte Ruytery gecommandeert, om geduurig een waakent Oog op deselve te houden. Men heeft hier door secreete correspondentie seekere naerigt, dat het Turkse Leeger niet booven de 40000 Man sterk is, en dat daer onder geen 20000 welgeoeffende Soldaten sijn: en dat dan het eenige oogwit van den Primo Vesier maer alleen daer heen strekte om secours in de Stad te brengen, ende gants niet geneegen is, sig met de onse in eene hooft Bataille in te laeten. Men verstaet ook dat den Tekkely door last van den Primo Vesier met ettelijke duysent Man aen geen syde der Essecker Brugge tussen de Rivieren de Sauw ende de Trauw sig bevint, ende onlangs geleeden ook den jongen Vorst Ragoutzky met ettelijke hondert Ongaren by hem was gekomen. Soo aenstonts komt hier een Courier met Brieven uyt het Leeger, van inhout; dat op 19 dito 2000 Turken, half te paert ende half te voet haer hadden onderstaen om door ons Leeger te breeken, ende Secours in de Stad te brengen; het welk haer ook soo verre gelukte, dat

ruiters uitgestuurd. De keizerlijke heidukken en huzaren die aan de andere kant van de Donau bij de stad Pest stonden, zijn over de Donau en ze zijn in het keizerlijke leger gekomen. Daarentegen heeft de Turkse generaal graaf Thököly met enkele duizenden Turken over de Donau gestuurd en graaf Thököly heeft van de andere kant van de Donau hulptroepen [ayn sukurs] in Ofen binnengebracht. Men kan echter eigenlijk niet weten hoeveel Turken in Ofen zijn binnengekomen. Maar de Turken in Ofen zijn zeer bemoedigd geworden omdat ze de hulptroepen hebben gekregen.’ 34 More or less the same report as above, but now from Vienna.

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1000 Man daer van binnen raakten; sommige Brieven melden van 400: soo dat het verwinnen van de Plaets de onse nu weder soo veel te swaerder sal vallen.

In the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant no reports on this subject can be found. The information in the Kurant can be found in the several reports in the Ordinaire Leydse Courant of August 31, 1686 and September 3, 1686, yet it is unclear whether the Ordinaire Leydse Courant is really the source.

דיא קיסרישן האבן דרײסיג גיפֿנגיני טירקן גישיקט אן דיא שטאט מױאר פֿון (אובֿן) צו דען גרושן טירקישן (רונדעל) · אונ' דיאזעלביגי דרײסיג גיפֿנגיני טירקן האבן גימוזט רידן מיט דיא טירקן פֿון (אופֿן) אונ' הבן אינן גימוזט פֿר צעלן װיא דער טירקישי (סוקורש) װער גישלאגן װארדן אונ' זיא זאלן דיא שטאט ליברשט מיט גוטן װילן איבר געבן · אבר דיא טירקן אױז (אובֿן) האבן ניט גיװאלט צו הירן צו דיא דרײסיג גיפֿנגיני טירקן זונדרן האבן שטארק פֿײאר ארױז געבן : דיא קיסרישי שטעלן זער פֿיל שטיק אױף דיא (פאטרײען) ארױף אונ' זיא װעלן אל דיא טירקישי (רונדעלן) פֿון דער שטאט מױאר איבר אײן הױפֿן שישן דען דיא טירקן טון פֿון דיא זעלביגי (רונדעלן) גרושן שאדן אין דען קיסרישן לעגר · דען זעכֿצעהנטן אױגוסט האט דער קור פֿירשט פֿון (פײערן) פֿיר מושקטיר' אױז גישיקט דאש זיא זאלן ביזעהן אוב דיא לעכֿר אױף דער שטאט מױאר גרוש גינוג זײן אום שטורם צו לױפֿן · אונ' דיא זעלביגי פֿיר (מושקיטירר) האבן פֿר שפראכֿן אנטװעדר זיא װעלן איר לעבן לאזן אדר זיא װעלן עש רעכֿט גיװאר װערדן · אונ' זיא זײן אױז גנגן אונ' זיא זײן אלי פֿיר װידר גיקומן אונ' זיא הבן גיזאגט דיא לעכֿר אין דער שטאט מױאר זײן זוא גרוש דז מאן גאר גרינג קען שטורם לױפֿן : דיא טירקן האבן אױך אײן (מין) גלאזט שפרינגן בײא דער ברניבורגישן לעגר אבר עש זײן מער טירקן טױט גיבליבן אז קיסרישי זאלדאטן דאך זײן פֿיל ברניבורגישי זאלדאטן גישעדיגט װארדן ·

[14] The Imperials sent thirty captured Turks to the city wall of Ofen to the big Turkish roundel. And these thirty captured Turks had to talk to the Turks of Ofen and had to tell them how the Turkish reinforcements had been defeated and they had better leave the city of their own free will. But the Turks of Ofen did not want to listen to the thirty captured Turks, but fired heavily outwards. The Imperials place very many pieces on the batteries and they want to shoot up all Turkish roundels of the city wall,

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because the Turks cause great damage in the Imperial army camp from these roundels. On August 16 the Elector of Bavaria sent four musketeers to view whether the holes on the city wall were large enough to storm. And these four musketeers promised that they would either lay down their lives or would really find out. And they went out and returned all four and they said that the holes in the wall are so great that one can storm very easily. The Turks also have sprung a mine near the Brandenburg army camp, but more Turks have died than Imperial soldiers, but many Brandenburg soldiers were wounded.35

LC Sep 3, 1686 Uyt het Keyserlijke Veltleeger voor Offen den 19 Augusti. […]36 wy souden geern een gesprek met haer hebben gehouden, indien sy het hadden willen verstaen, maer sy gaeven seer heevig vuur op ons, soo dat daer op de Beleegeringe weder met ernst voort geset wiert. Men voerde soo veel Stukken op de Cortijne als het moogelijk was, en in tegendeel begon men de Batterye van op het groote Rondeel af te breeken, op dat wy daer by den genereelen [sic!] Storm te meer ruymte mogten hebben. Den 16 dito commandeerde sijne Doorl. de Duytse Meester weder voor de eerste reys in de Trencheen, seedert de herstellinge van sijne Siekte. Den 17 dito sont sijne Keurvorstelijke Doorl. van Beyeren vier Musquetiers, die het leeven verbeurt hadden, om de Bresse vanhet Casteel te recognosceeren, dewelke rapporteerden, dat niet twijffelden of wy souden meester daer van worden, indien daer met goede ordre

35 ‘De keizerlijken hebben dertig gevangen Turken naar de stadsmuur van Ofen gestuurd naar het grote Turkse rondeel. En deze dertig gevangen Turken moesten praten met de Turken van Ofen en moesten hun vertellen hoe de Turkse hulptroepen geslagen waren en ze moesten de stad maar liever uit vrije wil verlaten. Maar de Turken van Ofen wilden niet luisteren naar de dertig gevangen Turken, maar hebben hevig vuur naar buiten gegeven. De keizerlijken stellen zeer veel stukken op de batterijen en ze willen alle Turkse rondelen van de stadsmuur overhoop schieten, want de Turken doen van deze rondelen grote schade in het keizerlijke leger. Op 16 augustus heeft de keurvorst van Beieren vier musketiers uitgestuurd die moeten bezien of de gaten op de stadsmuur groot genoeg zijn om storm te lopen. En deze vier musketiers hebben beloofd dat ze ofwel het leven zullen laten ofwel het echt gewaar zullen worden. En ze zijn uitgegaan en ze zijn alle vier teruggekomen en ze hebben gezegd dat de gaten in de stadsmuur zo groot zijn dat men heel makkelijk kan storm lopen. De Turken hebben ook een mijn laten springen bij het Brandenburgse leger, maar er zijn meer Turken doodgebleven dan keizerlijke soldaten, doch er zijn veel Brandenburgse soldaten gewond geraakt.’ 36 Immediately following the report on the heads, mentioned under [10].

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op gestormt wiert; op denselven dag lieten die van binnen weder een Mijne aen de Brandenburgse Post springen, dog meer tot haer eygen als der Brandenburgers naedeel.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant carries similar news, but the wording is different; the report is not in the Amsterdamse Courant. The Kurant is similar to the Ordinaire Leydse Courant, but while there ‘we’ (the Imperials) wanted to talk to the Turks in Buda, in the Kurant the thirty captured Turks had to talk to them. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant does not mention the captured Turks at all. It is more likely that the Kurant took the report from another newspaper, which has used the same source as the Ordinaire Leydse Courant.

עש איז אױך אײן (פֿרנצישקנר) מינך אין דען קיסרישן לעגר דער זעלביגי מינך איז אײן קונשטליכֿר פֿײאר װערקר אונ' ער האט צו זיך גינומן פֿיר אונ' צװנציג זאלדאטן אונ' איטליכֿן זאלדאט האט מאן זעקס (דוקאטן) צו לון געבן · אונ' דער מינך האט מיט דיא זעלביגי זאלדאטן זײן פֿײאר װערק אױף דיא טירקישי (פאליסאדן) גיװארפֿן אבר עש זײן גאר װעניג דר פֿון פֿר ברענט װארדן דר צו האבן דיא טירקן אן שטאט איטליכֿר פֿר ברענטר (פאליסאט) צװיא נײא גימאכֿט : דר נאך האט עש דער מינך מיט זײני זאלדאטן אן דיא אנדר זײט פֿון דר שטאט מױאר אױך װעלן פראבירן אבר עש האט ניט גיװאלט ביגליקן דען עש זײן פֿין פֿון זיא טױט גיבליבן אונ' דיא אנדרן זײן אל גישעדיגט װארן

[15] There is also a Franciscan monk in the Imperial army camp. This monk is a skillful firework maker and he took twenty-four soldiers with him and each soldier was given six ducats pay. And the monk with these soldiers has thrown his firework on the Turkish palisades, but only a few of them were burned down, moreover, for each burnt palisade the Turks made two new ones. After that the monk with his soldiers wanted to try it at the other side of the city wall as well, but they were unlucky, because five of 37 them died and all the others were wounded.380F

37 ‘Er is ook een Franciscaner monnik in het keizerlijke leger. Deze monnik is een kunstige vuurwerker en hij heeft vierentwintig soldaten bij zich genomen en elke soldaat heeft men zes dukaten loon gegeven. En de monnik heeft met deze soldaten zijn vuurwerk op de Turkse palissaden geworpen, maar er zijn er heel weinig verbrand, bovendien hebben de Turken in plaats van elke verbrande palissade twee nieuwe gemaakt. Daarna

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HC Sep 3, 168638 Uyt het Keyserlijcke Velt-Leger voor Offen den 18 Augusti […] Den 17 was men geresolveert, wederom te stormen, ten welcken eynde 12 Man, waer van yder 12 Rijxdaelders ontfing, aennamen, met de Vuur-wercken van de Franciscaner de Vyantlijcke Pallissaden aen brant te steecken, ’t welck sy geluckelijck volbrachten, maer niet, sonder dat een van haer doot bleef, en een gequetst wiert; doch men vont sig genootsaeckt, onaengesien dit geluckig en gewenscht succes, de Storm voor alsdoen uyt te stellen, ter oorsaeck, dat men bespeurde, dat de Belegerde achter de afgebrande Pallissaden noch andere dubbelt geplant hadden: Sy versagen oock, sonder tijtversuym, de Plaets, daer d’eerste gestaen hadden, op nieu met andere, en quamen in groot getal derwaerts, soo ’t scheen, voor een Storm bevreest.

AC Sep 3, 1686 Uyt het Keyserlijke Velt-Leger voor Offen den 20 Augustus [...] Den Franciscaner Munnik heeft sijn onlesselyk vuur aen des vyants Palissaden gehecht, daer van oock eenige verbrandt zyn, maer aenstonts door die van binnen met een dubbelde reye Palissaden weder ghevult. Den Spaenssen Vuurwercker is afgeschaft, als sijnde sijn Wercken sonder Effect. […] Den 17 dito. Dese nacht om 11 uuren is door 30 vrywillighe Musquettiers, yder 6 Ducaten belooft, het Franciscaner vuur aen de Palissaden geheacht [sic!], dat seer groot effect dede, doch wiert eyndelyk door den Vyant gelescht, en ’t gat met andere Palissaden gevult. Van dese Waeghalsen sijnder veele door de Turckse kruyt-sacken verbrant, en ook eenige dootgeschoten. Had dit vuur ’t gewenst succes gehad, soude men de post bestormt hebben, dog nu sonder effect zynde, is ’t volk weder afgevoert.

LC Sep 3, 1686 Uyt het Keyserlijke Veltleeger voor Offen den 19 Augusti.39 S’nagts tussen 10 en 11 uuren deed den Franciscaner met 20 vrywillige Musquetiers die men elk 6 Ducaten vereerde, sijne Vuurwerken aen der Beleegerde Palisaeden hegten, wilde de monnik met zijn soldaten aan de andere kant van de stadsmuur ook proberen, maar het wilde niet lukken, want er zijn er vijf doodgebleven en de andere zijn allemaal gewond geraakt.’ 38 Among reports borrowed by the Kurant of September 6, 1686, the issue following the Kurant of September 3, 1686. 39 Immediately following the report mentioned under [14].

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dewelke daer door wel eenigsins begonnen te branden, maer niet van beduyen, het welk de Vyanden soo ras niet gesien, of begonnen daer weder andere agter te planten; niet tegen staende 30 van onse Soldaten geduurig vuur op haer gaeven. […] Op den 18 deser wierden weder twee van onse Mijnen aengesteeken, die meede al onder het getal der voorgaende moogen gerekent worden, alsoo geen effect deeden, daer op men evenwel weder voor de tweede reys vuur aen de Palisaeden begon te hegten, het welk die van binnen ook daedelijk weder blusten.

The Ordinaire Leydse Courant is more similar to the Kurant than the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant, yet the Kurant has ‘twenty-four soldiers’, who receive six ducats each, whereas the Ordinaire Leydse Courant has ‘twenty musketeers’, who receive six ducats (the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant has ‘twelve men’, twelve rijksdaalders, the Amsterdamse Courant ‘thirty volunteering musketeers’, ‘six ducats’). So, also in this case it is more likely that the Kurant took the report from another newspaper, which had used the same source as the Ordinaire Leydse Courant.

The news that follows is from the Netherlands, including the ‘Spanish Netherlands’. Most reports can be found in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, some in the Amsterdamse Courant and/or the Ordinaire Leydse Courant as well. In general, the reports in the Kurant bear the greatest resemblance to the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and they appear in the same order as the reports in it.

נידר לנדן (ברוסל) · דען לעצטן אױגוסט : דער קיניג פֿון (ספניען) האט דען קיסר גישיקט צװיא הונדרט טױזנט אונ' פֿופֿציג טױזנט (עקיס) װעלכיז זיך אױף פֿיל (טוני) גאלד בילױפֿט :

Netherlands

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[16] Brussels, August 31. The King of Spain sent the Emperor two hundred thousand and fifty thousand écus, which amounts to many tons of gold.40

HC Aug 31, 1686 Brussel den 28 Augustus. Eergisteren is een extraordinaris Courier uyt Spangie gearriveert, met 250000 Ecus voor den Keyser, en, soo men wil, met de Ratificatie van ’t geslotene te Augsburg, voor soo veel het Contingent van de Bourgondische Kreytz aengaet. De Princesse van Lillebonne doet haer Pretentien tegen sijn Majesteyt herleven.

This report cannot be found in the Amsterdamse Courant or the Ordinaire Leydse Courant and seems to be borrowed from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. The Kurant edits it in the following way: • Simplification: ‘extraordinaris Courier uyt Spangie’ (‘extraordinary courier from Spain’) becomes ‘der kinig fun Spanyen’ (‘the King of Spain’). • Explication: the Kurant translates ‘250000 Ecus’, but adds 'welchez zich oyf fil tone gold beloyft’ (‘which amounts to many tons of gold’). • Postdating: the Kurant postdates by three days. • Omitting: the Kurant leaves out the news telling that the courier also brings, it is said, the ratification of something (a treaty?) that was concluded in Augsburg, concerning the contingent of the Burgundian Circle (the territory of the Low Countries belonging to the Habsburg Empire, the Southern Netherlands). The report on the Princess of Lillebonne who revives her pretentions against His Majesty is left out as well. This kind of political and royal news is usually overlooked by the Kurant. Only when it relates to the war against the Turks, as is probably the case in the first report (the money will be used for the war) the Kurant seems to be interested in it.

(שגראבֿן האגן) · דען לעצטן אױגוסט · אלהיר איז צײטונג אן קומן דאש ניט װײט פֿון (דעלפֿזיל) זײן אן גיקומן פֿירציג שיפֿן אײן טײל האבן גיפֿירט פֿרנצי פֿלאגן אײן טײל ענגילענדישי אײן טײל דענישי אונ' אײן טײל הבן ברניבורגישי פֿלאגן גיפֿירט ·

40 ‘Nederlanden. Brussel, 31 augustus. De koning van Spanje heeft de keizer tweehonderdduizend en vijftigduizend ecu’s gestuurd, dat veel tonnen goud beloopt.’

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מאן האט אױך צװײא קלײני שיף אהין גישיקט דיא האבן זאלן גיװאר װערדן · אבר דיא זעלביגי צװײא שיף זײן ניט װידר צו ריק קומן · אבר זײני פֿירשטליכֿי דורך לײכֿט פֿון (נאסױא) האט עש פֿר נומן אונ' איז מיט עטליכֿי פֿעלקר אהין גימארשירט אונ' װיל דאז לנד פֿאר אלי פֿײנדן שיצן ·

[17] The Hague, August 31. News arrived here that not far from Delfzijl forty ships had arrived, part sailed under French flags, part English, part Danish and part sailed under Brandenburg flags. Also two small ships were sent out that should have noticed them. But these two ships did not return. But His Royal Highness of Nassau learned of it and 41 marched away with a few troops wantsto protect the country against all enemies.384F

HC Aug 31, 1686 ’s Gravenhage den 29 Augusti. […] Dese morgen quam alhier tyding, dat 40 Seylen, dan Fransse en Engelsse, en dan Deensse en Brandenburgse Vlaggen voerende, haer omtrent Delfzijl vertoont, en 2 Sloepen, door den Commandeur van die Plaets uytgesonden, om haer te recognosceren, aengehouden hebben, en dat sijne Vorstel. Doorl. Van Nassau, Erf-Stadhouder van Vrieslant en Stadt en Lande, daer van advys ontfangen hebbende, ten spoedigste na Groeningen en vervolgens van daer met eenige Troupen derwaerts gemarcheert is, om haer, in cas sy iets op Embden ofte Delfzijl wilden tenteren, in haer voornemen te stutten. […]

AC Aug 31, 1686 ’s Gravenhage den 29 Augusti. [...] De brieven van Groeningen seggen dat ’er in de 30 schepen, so groot als kleyn, met diversse vlaggen voor Delfzil haer vertoonden, en de luyden aenhouden, dat daer op eenige Troupen na toegesonden waren, en selfs ook den Vorst van Nassau, Stadhouder van Vrieslant, daer henen vertrocken was, ingeval sy aldaer op eenige plaetsen yets wilden ondernemen, om het selve te beletten. [...]

41 ’s Gravenhage, 31 augustus. Alhier is bericht aangekomen dat niet ver van Delfzijl veertig schepen zijn aangekomen, een deel voerde Franse vlaggen, een deel Engelse, een deel Deense en een deel voerde Brandenburgse vlaggen. Men heeft ook twee kleine schepen uitgestuurd die het gewaar hadden moeten worden, maar deze twee schepen zijn niet meer teruggekomen. Maar zijne vorstelijke doorluchtigheid van Nassau heeft het vernomen en is met enkele troepen weg gemarcheerd en wil het land tegen alle vijanden beschermen.

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Groeningen den 27 Augusti. Gisteren is sijne Vorst. Doorl. van Nassau, onsen Stadthouder, van Leeuwaerden alhier gearriveert, en op de tydinge datter veel schepen haer voor Delfzyl vertonen, de luyden aenhouden, en oock die den Commandeur Schuy daer na toegesonden heeft, om te sien wat voor volck het was, is hoogged. sijn Vorstel. Doorl. op heden met eenige troupen daer na toe gegaen, om te beletten datse op Embden, of op de voorsz plaets niets mochten ondernemen, sy voeren Engelsse, Fransse, Deense en Brandenburgse Vlaggen.

Amsterdam, den 28 Augusti. [...] De tydinge heden met passagiers uyt Groeningen ghekomen, meldt dat de Deensse schepen voor Delfziel gekomen zyn, een aenslag op Grietziel in Oost-Vrieslant hebben voor gehad, maer haer door ’t harde weer was mislukt, hoewel de brieven van Embden seggen als of het op haer stadt was aengesien geweest, dan van alles verwacht men nader bescheyt.

LC Aug 31, 1686 Groeningen den 27 Augusti. Voorleeden Sondag, sijnde den 27 [sic!] deeser, vertoonde haer op de Eems tussen Delfziel ende Embden eene Vloot, dewelke eerst Fransse, daer nae Engelsse, ten derden Deensse, en ten vierden ende laetsten Brandenburgse Vlaggens lieten waayen; maer dat men het Deenen geloofde te sijn, en dat die apparent een dessein op Embden mogten hebben: ondertussen sond den Commandant Schouw uyt Delfziel eenig volk daer nae toe, om te verneemen wat voor Scheepen deselver waeren, maer die quamen niet weeder, daer uyt men presumeert dat, gelijk alle Scheepen en Passagiers op de Eems, sullen aengehouden zijn. Voorleeden Maendag wiert het Regiment van den Oversten Loosekoet van hier derwaerts gesonden; daer teegens quam sijn Hoogheyt den Prince van Nassauw met sijne Regimenten soo te Paert als te Voet weeder binnen deese Stad: en verwagte men ook eenig Volk uyt Swol, Kampen, Deventer ende andere Plaetsen.

All three newspapers have something to say on this subject, the Amsterdamse Courant even in three reports. the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant is the closest to the Kurant, in wording and in the number of ships. Yet the Kurant did some editing:

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• Simplification: the syntax of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant is, again, quite complicated, the Kurant renders it simple and readable; ‘Seylen’ (‘sails’, meaning ‘sailing ships’) becomes ‘shifn’ (‘ships’) and ‘Sloepen’ (‘sloops’) becomes ‘kleyne shif’ (‘small ships’). • Own interpretation of the Kurant or influence from the Ordinaire Leydse Courant? According to the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant the sailing ships stopped the two sloops, according to the Kurant the sloops did not return. According to the Ordinaire Leydse Courant the commander from Delfzijl sent out ‘eenig volk’ (‘some troops’), ‘maer die quamen niet weeder’ (‘but they did not return’). • Postdating: the Kurant postdates by two days.

אין דיא שטאט (דעלפֿזיל) האט מאן טױזנט זאלדאטן ארײן גילײגט אונ' צו (עמדן) האט מאן דיא װאכֿטן פֿר דופלט ·

[18] In the city of Delfzijl a thousand soldiers were quartered and in Emden the guards 42 were doubled.385F

HC Aug 31, 1686 Amsterdam den 30 Augustus. […] Tot Delfzijl was 1000 Man tot Guarnisoen ingekomen en t’Embden de Wachten verdubbelt, en een Uytlegger, soo men segt, op Stroom gelegt: Men verstaet nu, dat de Vloot, die sig daer omtrent vertoont, soo sterck niet is, als men eergisteren wel voorgegeven heeft.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant seems to be the source of this report. The Amsterdamse Courant and the Ordinaire Leydse Courant do not mention it. This report logically follows the report above. In the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant it is part of the news from Amsterdam, whereas the report above comes from The Hague. The Kurant apparently intended to present a logical story and so composed this report from two separate reports in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. These are the editing tools: • Simplification: ‘Tot Delfzijl was 1000 Man tot Guarnisoen ingekomen’ (‘In Delfzijl a thousand men reported to garrison’) becomes: ‘In di shtot Delfzil hot man 1000 zoldatn arayn gelegt’ (‘In the city of Delfzijl a thousand soldiers were quartered’).

42 ‘In de stad Delfzijl heeft men duizend soldaten gelegerd en in Emden heeft men de wachten verdubbeld.’

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• Shortening, lack of understanding (?): the Kurant leaves out the last part in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, ‘en een Uytlegger, soo men segt, op Stroom gelegt: Men verstaet nu, dat de Vloot, die sig daer omtrent vertoont, soo sterck niet is, als men eergisteren wel voorgegeven heeft’ (‘and laid a war ship, as it is said, in the mouth of the river. It is understood that the fleet that shows itself there is not as strong as it was claimed the day before yesterday’). Possibly the Kurant did not know what an ‘Uytlegger’ was; as for the second part, maybe the editor just shortened because it was too long. • Postdating: the Kurant postdates by one day.

בײא (טגערוט) איז אײן שיף אונטר גנגן · עש זאל אױך אײן (הרלינגר) שיף זײן אונטר גנגן אין פֿר גנגינן שטורם ·

[19] Near Tagerot a ship was wrecked. Reportedly a ship from Harlingen was wrecked 43 in the latest storm.386F

HC Aug 31, 1686 Amsterdam den 30 Augustus. […] Op Tageroort is een Schip gebleven, dat men vreest, ’t Schip van Schipper Pieter Edel, van St. Hubes na Revel willende, te zijn. Men segt oock van ’t verongelucken van een Harlinger Kaeg in ’t laetste harde We’er, doch sonder volkomen sekerheyt.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant seems to be the source. The Amsterdamse Courant and the Ordinaire Leydse Courant do not mention anything of the kind. The Kurant does some editing: • Shortening: the Kurant mentions neither the name of the captain, nor the names of the places it arrived from or was bound. It leaves out the last sentence, ‘doch sonder volkomen sekerheyt’ (‘yet without absolute certainty’). • Simplification: ‘Kaeg’ (a kind of flat-bottomed boat) becomes ‘shif’ (‘ship’).

43 ‘Bij Tagerot is een schip ten onder gegaan. Er zou ook een Harlinger schip ten onder zijn gegaan in de afgelopen storm.’

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The reports from the Netherlands in this issue of the Kurant generally appear in the same order as the reports in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, except from the last part of the report on the foreign ships threatening Delfzijl. This appears at the end of the reports from Amsterdam, after the report on Tageroort. As mentioned above, the editor of the Kurant apparently decided to add this to the earlier report on Delfzijl.

The next report comes from France, although it carries news from Venice.

פרנקרײך (פאריז) · דען אכֿט אונ' צװנציגשטן אױגוסט : אל היר קומן אליר הנד צײטונגן אן · אבר דיא צײטונג איז װארהאפֿטיג דאש דיא (פֿענעציער) האבן עטליכֿי הונדרט (שפאנישי) זאלדאטן גיקראגן אונ' דיא (פֿענעציער) האבן דיא זעלביגי זאלדאטן קיגן דיא טירקן גישיקט אבר דיא שפנישי זאלדאטן האבן װידר שפעניגט אן דען פֿענעדישן (יענראל מאראזיני) אונ' זײן צום טירקן גנגן · אונ' דער (פאפסט פֿון רום) װיא ער האט פֿאר נומן דיא ביזי צײטונג זוא איז ער איבר דריסיג װארדן דען עש זײן אונטר דיא זעלביגי פֿעלקר אכֿט הונדרט ביהערצטי זאלדאטן גיװעזן דיא האבן שון פֿיל יאר אין קריג גידינט און איטליכֿר פֿון זיא איז װערט גיװעזן דאש מאן אים העט גיזאלט צו אײן (אפֿיצירר) מאכֿן אונ' זיא הבן בעשיר זיך פֿר שטאנדן קריג צו פֿירן אז איר אײגיני (אפֿיצירר) ·

France [20] Paris, August 28. All kinds of reports arrive here. But the report is true that the Venetians received a few hundred Spanish soldiers and the Venetians sent these soldiers against the Turks, but the Spanish soldiers have been insubordinate against the Venetian general Morosini and have gone to the Turks. And the pope of Rome, when he heard the bad news, became very sad, because among these troops were about eight hundred courageous soldiers who already had served in the war for many years and each of them would have been worthy to have been made an officer, and 44 they understood better how to wage a war than their own officers.387F

44 ‘Frankrijk. Parijs, 28 augustus. Alhier komen allerhande berichten aan. Maar het bericht is waar dat de Venetianen enkele honderden Spaanse soldaten hebben gekregen en de Venetianen hebben deze soldaten tegen de Turken gestuurd, maar de Spaanse soldaten zijn weerspannig geweest tegen de Venetiaanse generaal

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None of the Dutch papers mention anything of the kind.

Although the Kurant is not fond of royal news, the health of the French King, Louis XIV, could greatly affect the political situation of Europe, which may be the reason that the Kurant notes it here.

דער קיניג אױז פֿרנקרײך האט דיא (חינה חינה) גיטרונקן :

45 [21] The King from France has drunk the khina khina.388F

HC Aug 31, 1686 Parijs den 27 Augustus. Voorleden Woensdag had den Coning wederom een Acces van de Derdendaegse Koorts, welcke ’s namiddags ten 4 uren begon, en lang, maar niet vehement, duurde: Sijn Majesteyt heeft het China Chinae ingenomen, en sal ’t, also ’t het gewenschte effect niet gedaan heeft, nochmaels gebruycken: Dit Acces heeft veroorsaeckt, dat d’Audientie van de Siamsse Ambassadeur, welcke men laetst tyding had, dat voortgegaen was, noch uytgestelt is.

AC Aug 31, 1686 Parijs den 27 Augusti. Op voorlede Woensdag vervroeghde des Konings koorts, en begon ten 4 uren ’s namiddags, als wanneer sijn Maj. na bed ging: de selve duerde lang, dog was niet sterk, soo dat het geen derdendaeghse koorts meer is. Gem. sijn Maj. heeft reets China China genuttigt, en sal daer mede noch continueren, om ged. koorts te verdrijven. Dat was oorsaek dat den Siamssen Amb. geen audientie hadde, gelijk d’orders daer toe reets gegeven waren. Daer is nu geen vasten dag daer toe geseit [?], en wil gem. Amb. niemant sien voor dat gem. audiëntie bekomen heeft.

Morosini en zijn naar de Turken gegaan. En de paus van Rome, toen hij de boze tijding had vernomen, werd hij zeer verdrietig, want er waren onder deze troepen achthonderd moedige soldaten, die al vele jaren in de oorlog gediend hadden, en elk van hen was waard dat men hem tot officier maakte, en ze begrepen beter hoe ze oorlog moesten voeren dan hun eigen officiers.’ 45 ‘De koning uit Frankrijk heeft de china china gedronken.’

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LC Aug 31, 1686 carries news on the King’s illness, but without mentioning the quinquina; an earlier report says: LC Aug 29, 1686 Parijs den 23 Augusti [...] by aldien dit soo blijft continueeren, heeft den Koning geresolveert Quinquina in te neemen.

Any of the three newspapers could be the source, or none of them. However, the Amsterdamse Courant is an unlikely source, as it does not seem to be used by the Kurant in this period, and the Ordinaire Leydse Courant reports that the King has decided to take the medicine, not that he has actually taken it. Besides, the Ordinaire Leydse Courant uses the name ‘Quinquina’ – which is the original name for quinine – whereas the Kurant writes khina khina, which is more similar to China Chinae (Oprechte Haerlemse Courant) and China China (Amsterdamse Courant), so the most likely source is the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. Editing tools are: • Simplification / shortening, or other source. • Postdating: the Kurant postdates by one day.

Subsequently, news from Italy.

איטליען (טורין) · דען דרײא צעהנטן אױגוסט · נאך דען פֿיל רעפֿרמירטי אױז דען לאנד זײן פֿר טריבן װארדן אונ' פֿיל (רעפֿארמירטי) זײן אװעק גיפֿליכֿט אונ' הבן איר הױז אונ' הױף האב און גיטר שטין גילאזט · אבר דיא זעלביגי גיטר זײן פֿר קױפֿט װארדן אונ' עש האט זיך ביטראגן אױף צעהן (טוני) גאלד ·

Italy [22] Turin, August 13. After many Protestants were driven away, and many Protestants fled and left their home and court, goods and chattels. But these goods were sold and 46 it amounted to ten tons of gold.389F

46 ‘Italië. Turijn, 13 augustus. Nadat veel protestanten uit het land zijn verdreven, en veel protestanten zijn weggevlucht en hebben hun huis en hof, have en goederen laten staan. Maar deze goederen zijn verkocht, en het bedroeg tien ton goud.’

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HC Aug 31, 1686 Turin den 10 Augusti. De verkochte geconfisqueerde Goederen bedragen omtrent een Millioen: veele, die men niet quyt konde werden, zijn aen arme Huysgesinnen vereert.

The Amsterdamse Courant has another report on the persecuted Protestants from Turin on August 10. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant does not carry any news on this subject. The Kurant has more information than the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. The editor also uses sympathy- inducing expressions like ‘hoyz un hoyf’ (‘home and court’, ‘hearth and home’), ‘hab un gitr’ ( ‘goods and chattels’), which are not in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. Maybe he wanted to explain the situation for his readers and show more sympathy for the poor persecuted Huguenots than his source did. However, in general the Dutch newspapers are quite sympathetic towards the Huguenots as well, so it is more likely that the Kurant used another source from which he took these expressions. ‘een Millioen’ (‘a million’) is translated as ‘tsehn tone gold’ (‘ten tons of gold’). This can be right: ‘ton’ can mean ‘a hundred thousand’. Editing tools are: • Explication or other source. • Postdating: The Kurant postdates by three days.

(רום) · דען דרײא צעהנטן אױגוסט · דאש גימײני פֿאלק אין (רום) האבן פֿר נומן דאש דיא קיסרישן פֿאר דיז מאל דיא שטאט (אובֿן) ניט װערן אײן קריגן · אונ' דיא װײל זיך דאש גימײני פֿאלק ניט האט גיקענט רעכֿין אן דיא טירקן זוא זײן זיא איבר דיא (יהודים) גילאפֿן · אונ' עש װערן (ח"ו פֿיל יהודים) אום איר לעבן גיקומן · אבר גאט האט גימאכֿט דאש דיא זאלדאטן האבן זיא גישיצט אונ' דיא (יהודים) האבן זיך דר הײם אין אירי הײזר פֿר שלאסן ·

[23] Rome, August 13. The mob has learned that this time the Imperials will not be able to capture the city of Ofen. And because the mob could not revenge itself on the Turks, they have attacked the Jews. And God forbid many Jews would have lost their lives. But God made the soldiers protected them and the Jews have shut themselves at 47 home [in their neighborhood?] in their houses.390F

47 ‘Rome, 13 augustus. Het gemene volk heeft vernomen dat de keizerlijken ditmaal de stad Ofen niet zullen kunnen innemen. En omdat het gemene volk zich niet kon wreken op de Turken, zijn ze over de joden gelopen.

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HC Aug 31, 1686 Roma den 10 Augustus. Op ’t verdwijnen van ’t gerucht van de verovering van Buda is het Volck deser Stadt gaende geworden tegens de Joden, en souden veele om den hals geholpen gehad hebben, soo ’t door de Militie niet gestuyt en de Joden in haer Quartier geweken waren.

AC Aug 31, 1686 Roma den 11 Augusti. De Joden sijn hier in groot ghevaer van ’t gepeupel geweest, over de uytgestroyde tijdinge dat Offen over was, dat daer na on waer bevonden is, en hadde sulx Mr. Astalli en andere militaire Officieren, met haer soldaten niet belet, souden [des...]48 in de Ghetto gemassacreert hebben.

The Ordinaire Leydse Courant does not mention the news. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant might well be the source. But it seems the Kurant modified the report to suit the special interests of his readers: • Simplification of the syntax: while the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant uses only one sentence; the Kurant divides the report into four sentences. • Explication: ‘un di vayl zikh dash gemeyne folk nit hat gekent rekhen an di tirkn’ (‘and because the mob could not revenge itself on the Turks’) • Introduction of God: ‘kh[as] v[esholem]’ (‘God forbid’) and ‘Got hot gemakht’ (‘God made’) • Postdating: the Kurant postdates by three days.

(ליבֿארנא) · דען דרײא צעהנטן אױגוסט · דיא טירקישי רױב שיפֿן פֿון (אלגיר) הבן אײן הולענדיש שיף גירױבט װעלכֿיז איז בילאדן גיװעזן מיט (פעך אונ' טער) · דער טירקישי קיסר האט אן ביפֿולן דאש דער עלצטי פרינץ פֿון דיא צװײא גיברידר זאל (רעגינירן) אין דער טירקישן שטאט (טוניז) · אונ' דען יונגשטן ברודר הט מאן גיװארגן דאז װײטר קײן קריג ניט מער זאל זײן ·

[24] Livorno, August 13. The Turkish pirate ships from Algiers have taken a Dutch ship that was loaded with pitch and tar. The Turkish emperor has ordered that the elder

En er zouden God verhoede veel joden om het leven zijn gekomen. Maar God heeft gemaakt dat de soldaten hen hebben beschermd en de joden hebben zich thuis [in hun buurt?] in hun huis opgesloten.’ 48 Illegible because of a stain.

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prince of the two brothers must reign in the Turkish city of Tunis. And the younger brother was strangled so that there will be no more war.49

HC Aug 31, 1686 Livorno den 12 Augustus. Met twee Scheepjes van Algiers heeft men, dat aldaer noch een Hollands Scheepje met Pick en Teer, dat na Lissabon gedestineert was, opgebracht, hare Roof-Schepen alle in Zee, ’t Algiersse Leger van Thunis te rug gekomen, den oudste Prins van Thunis door ordre van den Grooten Heer in possessie van dat Koningrijck gestelt, en den jongste Prins, om alle Troubelen voor te komen, onthalst is, soodat sy van daer in Vrede mede dapper op de Caep sullen uytgaen.

AC Aug 31, 1686 Amsterdam den 28 Augusti. [...] Van Livorno heeft men dat tot Algiers was opgebracht een Hollants scheepje met Pick en Teer, per Lissabon gedestineert. Van de 2 Gebroeders Bey was de Outste door die van Algiers tot Gouverneur van Tunis gestelt, en de Jongste op ’t bevel van den Groten Heer omgebracht.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant seems to be the source. The Amsterdamse Courant has the same information, but the wording is different. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant does not have the news at all. The Kurant does some editing: • Simplification of the syntax. • Shortening: the Kurant leaves out the source of the report (two ships from Algiers), leaves out the destination of the ship (Lisbon) and the fact that the Algerian army returned from Tunis. • Explication: ‘den Grooten Heer’ (‘the Great Lord’) becomes ‘der tirkishe keysr’ ( ‘the Turkish emperor’) , ‘Thunis’ becomes ‘in der tirkishn shtat (Tuniz)’ (‘the Turkish city of Tunis’). • Misunderstanding?: ‘onthalst’ (‘beheaded’, but the Dutch ‘hals’ means ‘neck) becomes ‘gevorgn’ (‘strangled’); ‘soodat sy van daer in Vrede mede dapper op de Caep sullen uytgaen’ (‘so that they will also bravely go out privateering from there in peace’) becomes ‘daz vaytr keyn krig nit mer zal zayn’ (‘so that there will be no more war’)

49 ‘Livorno, 13 augustus. De Turkse roofschepen uit Algiers hebben een Hollands schip geroofd dat beladen was met pek en teer. De Turkse keizer heeft aanbevolen dat de oudste prins van de twee gebroeders moet regeren in de Turkse stad Tunis. En de jongste broer heeft men gewurgd opdat er voortaan geen oorlog meer zal zijn.’

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• Postdating: the Kurant postdates by one day.

Finally a report from Poland.

פולן (קיניגשברג) · דען אכֿצעהנטן אױגוסט · דאש פולישי לעגר דאש מארשירט גאנץ װײט אין דאש טירקישי לנד ארײן אונ' איז פֿופֿציג טױזנט מאן שטארק אונ' מאן הופֿט גאר באלד אײן ביזונדרי גוטי צײטונג פֿון דיא פאלאקן צו פֿר נעמן :

Poland [25] Königsberg, August 18. The Polish army marches very far into the Turkish land and is fifty thousand men strong particularly good news from the Poles is expected quite 50 soon.393F

HC Aug 31, 1686 Coningsbergen den 16 Augusti. Uyt het Poolsse Leger, dat, van Sniatijn opgebroken, de Marsch na ’t Turcksche Lant ernstig voortset, verwacht men eerlang wat bysonders te hooren.

The Amsterdamse Courant does not bring the news, the Ordinaire Leydse Courant of August 29, 1686 has similar news, but the wording differs. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant might be the source, but the Kurant gives more information, perhaps just to enlighten his readers, without using another source: • More information/explication: according to the Kurant the army ‘iz fuftsig toyznt man shtark’ (‘is fifty thousand men strong’); this number is not mentioned by the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. • Shortening: the Kurant leaves out ‘van Sniatijn opgebroken’ (‘having left Snyatin’). • Postdating: The Kurant postdates by two days.

8.3.1. Selection

50 ‘Polen. Koningsbergen, 18 augustus. Het Poolse leger marcheert heel ver het Turkse land binnen en is vijftigduizend man sterk en men hoopt heel spoedig een bijzonder goede tijding van de Polen te vernemen.’

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The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of August 31, 1686 is the main source of the Kurant of September 3, 1686. It accounts for 52.1 percent of the news. The Amsterdamse Courant and the Ordinaire Leydse Courant are probably not used. However, almost half of the news in the Kurant, 47.9 percent, the news under the heading ‘Vienna, August 22’ and two minor reports from Buda and Paris are probably taken from another, unknown newspaper.51 In addition I also examined which percentage of the news in the sources was not used by the Kurant. In this case the only identifiable source – though not the only source – is the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of August 31, 1686. I found that only 20.2 % of all news in this issue was used as a source for the Kurant.52 Of course it is interesting to investigate what kind of reports the Kurant tends to leave out. This will be discussed in Chapter 9.

8.3.2. Conclusions 8.3.2.1. Sources From the above it Is clear that the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of August 31, 1686 is the main source, and probably the only source of the newspapers still extant. Almost half of the news in the Kurant is probably taken from another, unknown newspaper.

8.3.2.2. Dating The Kurant generally postdates by a few days, probably to give the impression that its news is as up-to-date as in the Dutch papers.

8.3.2.3. Geographical order The geographical order in the Kurant of September 3, 1686 is rather atypical, as we will see later. Usually, the Netherlands come last, and within the Netherlands, Amsterdam comes last. In this issue, Amsterdam is not even mentioned. The Kurant chooses its own order, but within a certain region, it generally keeps the order of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant.

8.3.2.4. Editing

51 See Table 5 in the Appendix for a detailed view. 52 See Table 6 in the Appendix for a detailed view.

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The editor of the Kurant never copies his sources indiscriminately, but uses several editing mechanisms. I mention them quite extensively only in relation to this issue, but the editor makes use of them in all issues. • Simplification of syntax: Seventeenth-century Dutch newspapers use a complex sentence structure, with long sentences and many adjuncts and subordinate clauses. The Kurant radically simplifies the syntax and uses mainly principal sentences. Dutch literature in this period was highly influenced by the classical literature, and traces of this can be found in the newspapers as well. Yiddish, on the other hand, did not have a long literary tradition. It was a rather unsophisticated language for daily use with a simple structure. • Explication/clarification/simplification of concepts or situations: the editor of the Kurant apparently realized that his readers might need some more information. As pointed out in Chapter 4, even the well-educated among them knew less of the non-Jewish outside world than the average Dutch reader. • Mistranslation: in general, the editor of the Kurant is a skillful translator and editor, but he does make mistakes, especially when numbers are involved. Sometimes it is unclear whether he mistranslates, or simplifies on purpose. • Leaving out redundancies: on the one hand the editor of the Kurant explains unclear concepts, on the other hand he has less room at his disposal, so he has to shorten. • Change of focus: the Kurant sometimes leaves out the main message of a report in the source, and concentrates on a minor detail. • Nonpartisan perspective: the Dutch newspapers describe the war between the Imperial army (the Habsburgs and their allies) and the Turks from the perspective of the Imperial troops, or actually, from the perspective of the correspondent. They are usually referred to as ‘d’onse’ (‘ours, our side’). The Kurant has a more nonpartisan pespective and consistently changes this into ‘di kaysrishe’ (‘the Imperials’). Conversely, ‘de Vyanden’ (‘the enemies’) becomes ‘di tirkn’ (‘the Turks’). • Jewish outlook: in a report concerning Jews being attacked, the Kurant adds religious expressions like ‘kh[as] v[esholem]’ (‘God forbid’) and ‘Got hot gemakht’ (‘God made’)

In editing the text, the Kurant significantly differs from the Gazeta de Amsterdam and the Gazzetta d’Amsterdam. They usually – in the few issues I studied – do not simplify, explicate

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8. Selection and editing: examination in detail or neutralize, nor do they add a Jewish outlook. Probably because their readers were better educated and not necessarily Jewish, and because seventeenth-century Spanish and Italian generally used complex sentence structures as well.

8.4. Was the Ordinaire Leydse Courant really a source for the Kurant? Fraytagishe Kuranten November 22, 1686 As for the Kurant of September 3, 1686, it is quite probable that the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of August 31, 1686 served as a source, and the Amsterdamse Courant did not. Several reports are similar to reports in the Ordinaire Leydse Courant September 3, 1686, yet it is probably not the source. Other issues of the Kurant, however, seem to have used the Ordinaire Leydse Courant as a source. However, it is also possible that the Kurant took the news from another newspaper. As it seems, the issue of November 22, 1686 borrowed quite a few reports from the Ordinaire Leydse Courant. Let us take a closer look at those reports.53

Fraytagishe Kuranten November 22, 1686 / 6 Kislev 5447 Published by Uri Faybesh Halevi, appeared twice a week. טײטש לנד [...] (װין) · דען צעהנטן נאװעמבר · אלהיר איז אײן (קוריר) אן גיקומן · אונ' האט צײטונג מיט גיבראכֿט דאש דרײא טױזנט טירקן אױז דער שאנץ (דארדא) זײן ארױז גילופֿן אונ' האבן זיך איבר דיא (עסעקר) בריקן ביגעבן · אונ' דיא טירקן האבן אײן טײל פֿון דער בריקן אב גיברוכֿן · אונ' דער פרינץ (לודװיג פֿון באדן) האט דיא טירקישי שנץ (דארדא) אײן גינומן אונ' מיט פֿאלק ביזעצט · אונ' דיא קיסרישי פֿעלקר האבן אין דער שנץ (דארדא) גיפֿונדן פֿיר אונ' צװנציג טירקישי גישטיק אונ' פֿיל עשן שפײז אונ' אלר הנד קריגש גצײג ·

Germany […]

53 Only the reports that might have the Ordinaire Leydse Courant as a source are mentioned here. The data mentioned in 8.4.1 (Selection) and 8.4.2 (Conclusions) concerning selection, use of sources, geographical order, etcetera, refer to all reports in this issue of the Kurant and its sources.

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[1] Vienna, November 10. A courier arrived here. And brought news with him that three thousand Turks from the sconce of Darda went out and made their way to the bridge of Eszék.54 And the Turks broke down part of the bridge. And prince Ludwig von Baden captured the Turkish sconce of Darda and manned it with troops. And the Imperial troops found in the sconce of Darda twenty-four Turkish cannons and much food and all kinds of armaments.55

HC Nov 19, 1686 ’s Gravenhage den 18 November. […] Heden heeft de Heer Cramprich, Raed en Plenipotentiaris van sijn Keyserl: Majesteyt, alomme genotificeert, dat hy gisteren met de Duytse Brieven tyding bekomen heeft, dat na ’t innemen van Sicklos ’t Guarnisoen van Darda, 3000 Man sterck, over d’Essegger Brug geretireert is, een gedeelte van dien geruineert en 24 Stucken Geschut en veel Vivres en Ammunitie in handen van den Prins Louis van Baden gelaten heeft; […]

LC Nov 19, 1686 Weenen den 7 November. […] Voorleeden Maendag ende ook gisteren sijn hier Couriers van den Prince van Baaden gearriveert, door welke men verstaet […] Daer op den Prince Lodewijk van Baaden, regt op Darda aen marcheerde, daer hem de Vyanden ontrent 3000 Man uytmaakende, egter niet wilden afwagten, maer retireerden, haer met 24 Canons ende ’t beste Goet naer de Esseker Brugge, dewelke sy agter haer af braaken, […]

The Amsterdamse Courant of November 19, 1686 has part of this news, but the wording is different. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant is more similar to the Kurant than the Ordinaire Leydse Courant is, so the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant might be the source, but the place mentioned by the Kurant is Vienna, not The Hague. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant does mention Vienna. The editor of the Kurant could have taken this from the Ordinaire Leydse

54 Osijek. 55 ‘Duitsland […] Wenen, 10 november. Alhier is een koerier aangekomen. En die heeft bericht meegebracht dat drieduizend Turken uit de schans Darda naar buiten zijn gelopen en zich over de Eszéker brug hebben begeven. En de Turken hebben een deel van de brug afgebroken. En prins Ludwig van Baden heeft de Turkse schans Darda ingenomen en met volk bezet. En de keizerlijke troepen hebben in de schans Darda vierentwintig Turkse stuks geschut gevonden en veel voedsel en allerhande krijgstuig.’

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Courant, yet it is also possible that he decided to mention Vienna in order to make the report look more authentic. An indication for this could be the fact that this report in the Kurant follows a report from Regensburg, which follows other war reports from Vienna. This is rather uncommon. Usually the Kurant starts with all reports from Vienna; after that follow reports from other parts of ‘Germany’. In short, there is no convincing evidence that the Kurant used the Ordinaire Leydse Courant as a source for this report.

[…]

(קעלן) · דען פֿופֿצעהנטן נאװעמבר · פֿון (שטראסבורג) קומט צײטונג דאש נאך עטליכֿי טױזנט פֿרנצי (דראגױנר) זאלן אהין קומן : מיט דער ביקערונג פֿארן דיא פֿרנצן נאך עבן שטארק פֿורט · מאן זאגט אױך דאש דורטן אײן (אמפט מאן) װיל זײן גלױבן אב שװערן דער זעלביגי אמפט מאן איז זונשט אײן גוטר מאן ·

[2] Cologne, November 15. From Strasbourg comes news that a few thousand French dragoons will go there. With the conversion the French still proceed as strongly as ever. It is also said that a bailiff there will renounce his faith, this bailiff is otherwise a 56 good man.399F

LC Nov 19, 1686 Straesburg den 10 November. Het werk van de soo genoemde bekeeringe, gaet hier nog al eeven yverig voort, […] Men segt dat een Amman deeser Stadt, wiens naeme gesecreeteert wort, op het point staet, om meede afsweeringe van sijnen Godtsdienst te doen. Het Regiment te paert van Florensaq, quam voor eenige daegen van Brisag in deese Stad, sullende in desselfs plaetse een Regiment Dragonders derwaerts gaen.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, the Amsterdamse Courant and the Ordinaire Leydse Courant all have reports under the heading ‘Keulen/Ceulen den 15 November’, but none of them are related to the report in the Kurant. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant does have a

56 ‘Keulen, 15 november. Uit Straatsburg komt bericht dat nog enkele duizenden Franse dragonders daarheen zullen komen. Met de bekering varen de Fransen nog net zo sterk voort. Men zegt ook dat daar een ambtsman zijn geloof zal afzweren, deze ambtsman is verder een goede man.’

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8. Selection and editing: examination in detail report that might be the source of the Kurant, yet it comes from Strasbourg, November 10, and the two subjects are published in reverse order. Moreover, according to the Kurant, the bailiff is a good man, whereas the Ordinaire Leydse Courant says ‘wiens naeme gesecreeteert wort’ (whose name is kept secret’). So it is more likely that the Kurant took the report from another source, which probably came under the heading ‘Cologne November 15’. Cologne was an important press center, where news from several parts of Europe was collected.57

[…]

(ברין) · דען פֿירטן נאװעמבר · פֿר גנגיני װאוכֿן זײן דיא ברניבורגישי פֿעלקר דיא היזיגי שטאט פֿאר בײא נאך הױז גימארשירט ·

58 [3] Brünn401F , November 4. In recent weeks the Brandenburg troops marched past the 59 city here on their way home.402F

LC Nov 21, 1686 Brun in Moravien den 4 November. […] De Keur-Brandenburgse gaen het selve [= winterkwartier] in haer eygen Land soeken, daer van haer niet lang onder weeg op houden, sijnde voorleeden week agt Regimenten van deselve, te voet voor by dese Stad gepasseert:

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant the Amsterdamse Courant do not report this news. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant could be the source of the Kurant. The Kurant has the same place and date. The Kurant is less specific than the Ordinaire Leydse Courant and has ‘far gangene vokhn’ (‘in recent weeks’), whereas the Ordinaire Leydse Courant has ‘voorleeden week’ (‘last week’).

[…]

57 Schneider & Hemels, De Nederlandse krant, 52. 58 Brno. 59 ‘Brünn, 4 november. Afgelopen weken zijn de Brandenburgse troepen de stad alhier voorbij naar huis gemarcheerd.’

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(ברעסלױא) · דען זיבנטן נאװעמבר · אױז פולן איז צײטונג דאש דיא פולישי פֿעלקר האבן זיך פֿון אננדר גישײדן אונ' מאן זאגט דאש איר צאל זער האט אב גינומן אונ' דיא פולישי פֿעלקר האבן דאש יאר זוא װעניג אױז גיריכֿט אז װיא פֿאר אײן יאר · אונ' מאן זאגט װאול דאש דיא פולאקן האבן דיא טאטערן גשלאגן אבר דאז גשרײא איז גרעסר אז דיא זאך אין זיך זעלברש איז גװעזן · דר צו זײן אין דער (װאלאכֿײא) זוא פֿיל פולישי זאלדאטן אװעק גישטורבן פֿון דיא (װאלאכֿישי) קרענק מער אז פֿון דען פֿײנד זײן טױט גיבליבן ·

[4] Breslau, November 7. From Poland is news that the Polish troops have parted and it is said that their number has greatly decreased and the Polish troops have accomplished this year as little as a year ago. And it is said that the Poles have 60 defeated the Tatars, but the crying is greater than the matter itself was.403F Besides in

Valakhia so many Polish soldiers died of the Valakhian disease, more than were killed 61 by the enemy.404F

LC Nov 21, 1686 Breslauw den 7 November. […] Uyt Poolen verstaet men, dat de Campagne aldaer gedaen is, ende de Armée effectivelijk gedissolveert is, om de geassigneerde Winterquartieren te betrekken, dewelke, soo gesegt wort, seer is gedefatigeert ende gesmolten, hebbende van dit jaer niet meer operatie gedaen, als in ’t voorleeden; dat het gerugt van de laetstgemelde Victorie veel grooter was, als de daet selfs; dat door de ongesontheyt ende schaersheyt van de Wallachise Contreyen meer Soldaten sijn gesneuvelt, als door het Staal der Vyanden.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant do not carry this news. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant seems to be the source of the Kurant. The Kurant has the same place and date. The Kurant uses a less elevated style, but the content is very similar. Possibly

60 It was much ado about nothing. 61 ‘Breslau, 7 november. Uit Polen is bericht dat de Poolse troepen zich van elkaar gescheiden hebben en men zegt dat hun aantal zeer is afgenomen en de Poolse troepen hebben dit jaar net zo weinig uitgericht als een jaar geleden. En men zegt wel dat de Polen de Tataren hebben verslagen, maar het geschreeuw is groter dan de zaak zelf is geweest. Daarbij zijn in Walachije zo veel Poolse soldaten weggestorven aan de Walachische ziekte, meer dan door de vijand zijn doodgebleven.’

140

8. Selection and editing: examination in detail the editor of the Kurant misunderstood ‘Wallachise Contreyen’ (‘Valakhian area’), because he speaks of ‘valakhishe krenk’ (‘Valakhian disease’).

[…]

(הײדלבערג) · דען דרײא צעהנטן נאװעמבר · דער פֿרנצי (יענראל װאובאן) זאל זײן און ביקנטר װײז אין דער קיסרישן פֿעשטונג (פֿיליפסבורג) גיװעזן אבר מן האט דען (קורפאראל) אונ' דען (סרשנט) גיפֿנגן גיזעצט דען זיא האבן דיא װאכֿט גיהאט אונ' מוזן װיסן װיא דער (פֿרנצי יענראל) איז ארײן גיקומן ·

[5] Heidelberg, November 13. The French general Vauban reportedly has been incognito in the fortress of Philipsburg, but the corporal and the sergeant have been imprisoned, because they had stood guard and should have known how the French 62 general had entered.405F

LC Nov 21, 1686 Heydelberg den 13 November. […] De Generaelen Montclar ende Vauban swerven nog al ontrent Germersheym, en met wat intentie, is tot nog toe onbekent; men wil seggen dat den laetsten incognito binnen Philipsburg heeft geweest, daer oover een Corporael en Sergeant, die de Wagt doen hadden, in arrest sijn genoomen.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant do not carry this news. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant could be the source of the Kurant, although there are some differences. The Kurant leaves out the first sentence of the Ordinaire Leydse Courant and explicates why the corporal and the sergeant have been captured. The Kurant has the same place and date.

פולן

62 Heidelberg, 13 november. De Franse generaal Vauban zou incognito in de vesting Philipsburg zijn geweest, maar men heeft de korporaal en de sergeant gevangen gezet, want ze hebben de wacht gehad en moeten weten hoe de Franse generaal is binnengekomen.

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(לעמברג) · דען פֿיר אונ' צװנציגשטן אוקטובר · דער קיניג אױז פולן נאך דעם ער דאש יאר זוא אײן גיפֿערליכן צוג האט גיטאן זוא איז ער גאט לוב װידר פֿריש אונ' גיזונד אױף דער פולישך גרעניץ אן גיקומן · אונ' דער קיניג האט זיך קיגן דיא פולישי פֿעלקר גילאזט בידנקן · דער קיניג זאל שון זײן צו (שטרי) אונ' דיא קיניגין איז פֿון (סמבור) נאך (שטרי) דען קיניג אנט קיגן גיצוגן · Poland [6] Lemberg, October 24. After his dangerous campaign this year the King from Poland has, praise God, returned to the Polish border fresh and healthy. And the King had himself thanked in front of the Polish troops. The King should be in Stryj already and 63 the Queen went from Sambor to Stryj to meet the King.406F

HC Nov 19, 1686 Lemburg den 24 October. De Coningh is, na dat hy voorleden Sondag onder Nieswieszan de Kroons-Volckeren door de Kroons-Hof-Marschal, en de Littauwers door de Littause Marschal laten bedancken en sijn afscheyt genomen had, na Halitz opgebroken, en sal morgen te Stry, werwaerts hare Majesteyt van Sambor vertrocken is, aenkomen.

LC Nov 21, 1686 Lemberg den 24 October. Sijne Majesteyt is (God lof) van de groote ende gevaerlijke togt, die hy van dit jaer heeft gedaen, gelukkig weeder op onse Frontieren gearriveert; en naer dat hooggedagte sijne Majesteyt voorleeden Sondag by Nieswieszan van de Croons Volkeren, door den heer Groot Hof-Marschalk, en van de Littause door den Heer Littausen Marechal sijn afscheyt heeft genoomen, en die, voor haer gedaen devoir, seer bedankt, begaf sig sijne Majesteyt des anderen daags nae Halitz, en meent morgen tot Stry te sijn, alwaer haere Majesteyt den Koning meent te verwelkomen, tot dien eynde reets voorleeden week met haere Hofhoudinge van Sambor was opgebrooken.

63 ‘Polen. Lemberg, 24 oktober. De koning uit Polen is, nadat hij dit jaar zo’n gevaarlijke trek heeft gedaan, godlof weer fris en gezond bij de Poolse grens aangekomen. En de koning heeft zich tegen de Poolse troepen laten bedanken. De koning moet al in Stryj zijn en de koningin is uit Sambor naar Stryj de koning tegemoet getrokken.’

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The Amsterdamse Courant does not have this news. The source seems to be a combination of the Ordinaire Leydse Courant and the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. The Kurant mentions the same place and date as the others. The first sentence is similar to the first part of the Ordinaire Leydse Courant, including the expression ‘God lof’ – ‘Got lob’ (‘Praise God’). The second sentence is more similar to the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant than to the second part of the Ordinaire Leydse Courant, yet it seems the Kurant has misunderstood it. According to the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant (and the Ordinaire Leydse Courant) the King had two marshals thank the Polish and Lithuanian army in his name; according to the Kurant the King had the Polish troops thank himself. The third sentence could have either the Ordinaire Leydse Courant and the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant as its source, although according to both the King will arrive in Stryj tomorrow, whereas the Kurant states that he should be there already.

צװנציג טױזנט טאטערן זײן אױז גנגן אױז דער (קרים) מאן װײז אבר נאך ניט װאו זיא אהין זײן גנגן · אבר דיא טאטערן אונ' דיא (קוזאקן) זײן גוטי פֿרײנד מיט אננדר · דרום װערן דיא טאטערן נור מיט פולן אלײן קריג פֿירן װעלכֿיז ניט גוט איז פֿאר פולן · דען קומן דיא טאטערן אין דיא (װאלאכֿײא) זוא װערדן עש דיא (װאלאכֿר) אונ' (מולדױאר) װידר מיט דיא טאטערן הלטן · אױך האבן דיא טאטערן פֿאר עטליכֿי טאגן אײן גרושן אײן פֿאל גיטאן אין דער (װאולינע) אונ' דיא טאטערן האבן פֿיל שאדן גיטאן · אבר דער פולישי הער (קאשטילאן חלמשקי) איז אױז גנגן מיט עטליכֿי טױזנט פולאקן דיא זעלביגי טאטערן אױף צו זוכֿן · אױך זײן עטליכֿי הונדרט פולאקן אױז גנגן דיא זאלן װאול אױף זעהן אױף דער טירקישן פֿעשטונג (קאמיניץ) · דער (מושקװיטרישי) אב גיזאנטר איז נאך אין דער (לעמברג) אונ' הרט [= װארט?] אױף דען קיניג אונ' מאן מוז דען (מושקװיטרישן) אב גיזנטר אלי װאוך צװײא הונדרט גילדן געבן אױף צערונג ·

[7] Twenty thousand Tatars departed Crimea however it is unknown yet where they went. But the Tatars and the Cossacks are good friends with one another. That is why 64 the Tatars will wage war only with Poland itself, which is not good for Poland.407F Because if the Tatars enter Valakhia, then the Valakhians and the Moldovans will side with the Tatars. The Tatars also invaded massively into Volhynia, and the Tatars caused

64 Meaning: only the Poles will attack the Tatars and the Cossacks will not?

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a lot of damage. But the Polish gentleman Castellan65 Chelmski went out with a few thousand Poles to look for these Tatars. Also a few hundred Poles went out, they have to keep a close watch on the Turkish fortress of Kamieniec. The Muscovite envoy is still in Lemberg and waits for the King and the Muscovite envoy has to be given each week two hunderd guilders maintenance.66

HC Nov 21, 1686 Lemburg den 24 October. De verdeelinge van d’Armee mocht wel op deselve voet, als voorleden Jaer, geschieden. De Vyanden laten haer niet meer sien, en de Tartaren souden, volgens de jongste tydinge, die wy van haer hebben, na huys getrocken wesen. Ondertusschen heeft men bericht, dat nieulijckx een Horde van 2000 Man uyt de Crim opgebroocken is, sonder dat men hoort, werwaerts. Inmiddels is ’t seecker, dat de Han in goede gerustheyt leeft, en van de Dniepersche Cosacken niet te vreesen heeft, also hy met den Velt-heer Samuelowitz gedurig Correspondentie hout: Hy selfs bevint sig oock met de Moldavische en Wallachische Militie, die op d’aenkomst van sijn Majesteyt geweken is, in de Krim. Niet alleen is de Castelan Chelmsky de Tartaren, die van voornemen waren, een Invasie onder Muradijn in Wolijnien te doen, gevolgt, maer oock noch andere Volckeren uytgecommandeert, omme een wakend oogh aen die kant te houden. By d’aenkomst van sijn Majesteyt sal gedelibereert werden, werwaerts men ’t Moscovische Gesantschap, welckers defroyement weeckelijx meer, als 6000 Florijnen, komt te kosten, brengen sal, en met een, waer de Rijcx-dagh desemael gehouden sal werden. Dagelijx arriveren eenige Militaire Officiers uyt het Leger, en onder deselve is bereyts oock aengekomen den Prins van Courlant, welcke in ’t kort na Mittau by sijn Heer Broeder vertrecken sal.

65 A castellan (Polish kasztelan) in the Kingdom of Poland was a governor. 66 Twintigduizend Tataren zijn uitgegaan uit de Krim, men weet echter nog niet waar ze heen zijn gegaan. Maar de Tataren en de Kozakken zijn goede vrienden met elkaar. Daarom zullen de Tataren alleen met Polen zelf oorlog voeren, wat niet goed is voor Polen. Want komen de Tataren in Walachije, dan zullen de Walachijers en de Moldaviërs het weer met de Tataren houden. Ook hebben de Tataren enkele dagen geleden een grote inval gedaan in Wolhynië, en de Tataren hebben veel schade gedaan. Maar de Poolse heer Castellan Chelmski is uitgegaan met enkele duizenden Polen om deze Tataren op te zoeken. Ook zijn enkele honderden Polen uitgegaan, die moeten goed toezien op de Turkse vesting Kamieniec. De Moskovische afgezant is nog in Lemberg en wacht op de koning en men moet de Moskovische afgezant elke week tweehonderd gulden onderhoudskosten geven.

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LC Nov 21, 1686 Lemberg den 24 October. […]67 Inmiddels willen ons eenige Cosakken, van d’over sijde des Dniepers van daen koomende, verseekeren, dat nog onlangs 20000 Hordens uyt de Crim souden sijn getrokken, sonder dat men wiste waer heen deselve haeren cours hadden genoomen, het welk hier eenig geloof heeft, alsoo men verseekert is, dat den Cham in groote gerustheyt leeft, door dien voor de Cosacken, agter de Dnieper, die hem wel het meeste quaet konden doen, niet en hoeft te vreesen, alsoo hy met den Samuelowitz, de Veldheer van de voornoemde Cosakken, in alle goede vriendschap en correspondentie leeft, ende daerom sijne heele magt naer Poolen konde gebruyken, het welk veel quaet aen de onse deed, te meer, om dat de Moldavers ende Wallachers, die al voor twee jaer hadden belooft haere magt met onse Armée te willen conjungeeren, indien deselve in haer Land quam te verschijnen, ’t selve nu niet wilden in ’t werk stellen: die daer d’oorsaake van is, of sulks heeft belet, sal het nog voor God, nog teegens de Christenheyt konnen verantwoorden. Den Heer Castellan Chelmsky is met eenige Regimenten uytgecommandeert, om de Tarters op te soeken, dewelke voor eenige daagen weeder eene groote invasie in de Wollyne hebben weesen doen: een andere partye was meede uytgesonden, om ondertussen een waakend oog op die van Caminiek te houden. Op de aenkomste van sijne Majesteyt sullen de deliberatien, weegens de Moscovise Afgesanten, met allen ijver voorgenoomen werden, om te sien waer heen men die sal ordonneeren te gaen, aen dewelke men hier 200 guldens ter weeke tot haer onderhout moet geeven; wanneer men dan ook sal hooren waer den Rijksdag staet gehouden te werden.

The Amsterdamse Courant does not have this news. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Ordinaire Leydse Courant probably used the same source; the Ordinaire Leydse Courant is more similar to the Kurant, especially because of the numbers: 20,000 Tatars, not 2000, and 200 guilders for the Moscovian delegation, not 6000 florins, because of the phrasing ‘Den Heer Castellan Chelmsky’ as if ‘Castellan’ is a first name instead of a position (the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant probably had a better understanding: ‘de Castelan Chelmsky’,

67 A bit below the report under [6] above.

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8. Selection and editing: examination in detail whereas the Kurant has, like the Ordinaire Leydse Courant, der Polishe her (Kastilan Chelmski)) and also because the Ordinaire Leydse Courant mentions Caminiek (Kamieniec).

(װארשױא) · דען ערשטן נאװעמבר · דער ליטװישי פֿעלד הער איז נאך (גראדנא) גיצוגן · דיא פולישי פֿעלקר טון װאול אכֿט געבן דאש דיא טירקן דיזן װינטר זאלן קײן (פרופֿיאנט) אין דיא פֿעשטונג (קאמיניץ) קענן ארײן ברענגן דען אױף דאש אנדר יאר װיל דער קיניג דיא זעלביגי פֿעשטונג בילעגרן ·

[8] Warsaw, November 1. The Lithuanian general has gone to Grodno. The Polish troops take good notice that the Turks will not be able to bring provisions into the fortress of Kamieniec this winter, because next year the King will besiege this 68 fortress.411F

AC Nov 21, 1686 Warscheu den eersten November. Den Grooten Veltheer is in ghesontheyt herstelt, en is eergisteren na Grodno op de commissie gereyst. Met de naeste post hoopt men den dagh en plaets, waer de Rycxdagh staet gehouden te worden, te hooren. Ondertusschen sijn hare Conincklycke Majest. nu al tot Stry te samen, en werden de winter quartieren voor de soldaten vast vervaerdight.

LC Nov 21, 1686 Warschou den 1 November. Den Littausen Veltheer, nae dat van sijne indispositie weeder volkoomentlijk was herstelt, vertrok gisteren naer Grodno, om de Commissie aldaer by te woonen. […] Sijne Majt. soekt op alle weegen te beletten, dat de Turken geen Proviand, gelijk sy poogen te doen, in Caminiek mogen brengen; indien sulks van de Winter konnen verhinderen, soo verhoopen wy in de toekoomende Compagne meerder progressen te doen, als in dese is geschiet;

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant does not have this news. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant might well be the source. The Kurant has the same place and date. The Kurant leaves out details on the health of the Lithuanian general and the purpose of his visit (‘attending the

68 ‘Warschau, 1 november. De Litouwse veldheer is naar Grodno getrokken. De Poolse troepen geven goed acht dat de Turken deze winter geen proviand in de vesting Kamieniec binnen kunnen brengen, want het volgende jaar wil de koning deze vesting belegeren.’

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8. Selection and editing: examination in detail commission’). The Ordinaire Leydse Courant apparently copies the phrasing of the correspondent: ‘wy’ (‘we’) means, ‘we, the side of the correspondent’, in this case the Poles.69 The Kurant is nonpartisan, as always: ‘Sijne Majt.’ (‘His Maj[es]t[y]’] becomes ‘di polishe felkr’ (‘the Polish troops’) and ‘soo verhoopen wy’ (‘so we hope’) becomes ‘vil der kinig’ (‘the King wants’). The Kurant also simplifies/explicates: ‘soo verhoopen wy in de toekoomende Compagne meerder progressen te doen, als in dese is geschiet’ (‘we hope to progress more in the next campaign than we did before’) becomes ‘den oyf dos ander yar vil der kinig di zelbige feshtung belegern’ (‘for next year the King wants to besiege this fortress’).

ענגילנד (לונדן) · דען פֿופֿצעהנטן נאװעמבר · דיא טירקישי רױב שיפֿן פֿון (אלגיר) הבן אײן הולענדיש שיף גירױבט אונ' דיא טירקן האבן אױז דען זעלביגן שיף ארױז גינומן אליז װאש זיא האט גילושט אונ' דאש פֿאלק דר פֿון האבן זיא גיפֿנגן גינומן אונ' דאש לעדיגי שיף האבן זיא גילאזט אױף דען װאשיר טרײבן · דר נאך איז דאז זעלביגי שיף גיבראכֿט גיװארן נאך (פלײמוט אין ענגילנד) ·

England [9] London, November 15. The Turkish pirate ships from Algiers took a Dutch ship and the Turks took from this ship everything they liked and they took its crew prisoner and left the empty ship drifting on the water. After that the ship was brought to Plymouth 70 in England.413F

HC Nov 19, 1686 Londen den 12 November. Van Pleymuyden is Advys, dat een Scheepje, komende uyt Biscayen, ’t welck nevens een Bordeaux-vaerder op den 24 passato uyt die Haven in Zee seylde, daer omtrent door een Algiersse Rover genomen,

69 I already mentioned this phenomenon in 8.2. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant does this even more explicitly than the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant. 70 ‘Engeland. Londen, 15 november. De Turkse roofschepen van Algiers hebben een Hollands schip geroofd en de Turken hebben uit dat schip alles genomen wat hun aanstond en het volk ervan hebben ze gevangen genomen en het lege schip hebben ze op het water laten drijven. Daarna is dit schip gebracht naar Plymouth in Engeland.’

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en de laetste, wiens Schipper dees tyding herwaerts gechreven heeft, mede in groot gevaer geweest, doch echter weder in Pleymuyden geraeckt is.

HC Nov 21, 1686 Londen den 15 November. […] In Pleymuyden wil men, dat een Hollands Schip, waer van de Algerinen het Volck en de beste Equipagie gelicht souden hebben, gebracht is.

LC Nov 21, 1686 Londen den 15 November. […] Van Pleymouth verstaet men, dat aldaer was opgebragt een Hollands Schip, het welk door die van Algiers genoomen, ende naer alles wat haer aenstont, daer uyt geligt, het selve hebben laeten drijven: Men wil seggen, dat dit het selve schip is, daer van voor desen was mentie gemaakt.71

The Amsterdamse Courant of November 19, 1686 and November 21, 1686 carry news about this ship, but the wording is different. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant could well be the source: its wording is more similar to the Kurant. However, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, unlike the Ordinaire Leydse Courant, mentions in the second report that the Algerians also took the crew, so the Kurant might have taken this detail from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. the Kurant has the same place and date as the Ordinaire Leydse Courant and the second report in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant.

נידר לנדן (ברוסל) · דען זעכֿצעהנטן נאװעמבר · מאן װיל נון פֿאר גיװיש זאגן פֿון דער הײראט פֿון דען קיניג פֿון (פארטוגאל) מיט דער (פרינצעסין) פֿון (נײא בורג) װעלכֿי איז דיא שװעסטר פֿון דער איצטיגן קיסרין ·

Netherlands [10] Brussels, November 16. One speaks for certain now of the marriage of the King of 72 Portugal with the Princess of Neuburg, who is the sister of the present Empress.415F

71 The ship was mentioned earlier in the Ordinaire Leydse Courant of November 19, 1686, both under London and under Amsterdam. 72 ‘Nederlanden. Brussel, 16 november. Men wil nu voor gewis zeggen van het huwelijk van de koning van Portugal met de prinses van Neuburg, die de zuster is van de huidige keizerin.’

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LC Nov 21, 1686 Brussel den 16 November. […] Men wil nu voor seeker seggen, dat den 13 der voorleeden maent tot Lissabon was geslooten, ende gepubliceert het Huwelijk tussen sijne Majesteyt den Koning van Portugal, ende de Princesse van Nieuburg, de Suster van de regeerende Keyserinne, daer oover men in de voornoemde Stad ongemeene vreugde hadde bedreeven, onder het branden van verscheyde raere Vuurwerken.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant do not have this news. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant seems to be the source. The Kurant has the same place and date. This was an important subject in the Dutch press for several weeks, probably partly because the Princess passed Holland on her way to Portugal. Even the Kurant mentions it several times, which is quite unusual as it mostly shuns royal news. The Kurant simplifies somewhat, and leaves out the celebration and the fireworks taking place in Lisbon.

(אמשטרדם) · דען נײנצעהנטן נאװעמבר · אױז (פולן) קומט צײטונג דאש װאש מאן האט גיזאגט פֿון דען גרושן זיג װאש דער קיניג אױז (פולן) זאל האבן ביפֿוכטן דאש מאג װאול ניט װאר זײן · אבר דאש קען זײן דאש דיא מײנשטי גרוסי אױז דער (װאלאכֿײא) זײן ארױז אונ' האבן זיך (גירעטירירט) װידר אין (פולן) ארײן ·

[11] Amsterdam, November 19. From Poland comes news that what was said of the King of Poland’s great victory, that might not be true. On the contrary But it can be 73 that most great persons from Valakhia retreated into Poland.416F

LC Nov 21, 1686 Amsterdam den 19 November. […] Naedere advijsen uyt het Oosten willen de voor dees gemelde victorie der Poolen in dubieusheyt doen vervallen.

74 LC Nov 21, 1686 Warschou den 1 November. […]417F alsoo het onmoogelijk was, in de Wallachie posto te vatten, in een Land dat van natuur woest en onvrugtbaer is […]

73 ‘Amsterdam, 19 november. Uit Polen komt bericht dat wat men heeft gezegd van de grote overwinning die de koning uit Polen zou hebben bevochten, misschien niet waar is. Maar het kan zijn dat de meeste groten uit Walachije eruit zijn en zich weer geretireerd hebben in Polen.’

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The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant do not have this news. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant could be the source of the first part. The Kurant has the same place and date. The second part is probably taken from another source. The report in the Ordinaire Leydse Courant on Valakhia under Warsaw, November 1, can hardly be the source. The use of the ‘newspaperish’ word ‘geretirirt’ (‘retreated’) makes it unlikely that the Kurant added this sentence itself. So the Kurant probably used another source as well.

8.4.1. Selection 64 % of the news in this issue of the Kurant has the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant as a source, 26.5 % has the Ordinaire Leydse Courant as a source and 9.5 % of the news in the Kurant comes from an unknown source.75

29.2 % of the news in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and 19.7 % of the Ordinaire Leydse Courant was probably used as a source for the Kurant.76

8.4.2. Conclusions 8.4.2.1. Sources There is a clear difference between the reports that might have the Ordinaire Leydse Courant of November 19, 1686 as a source, and those that might have the Ordinaire Leydse Courant of November 21, 1686 as a source. The first two reports might have the Ordinaire Leydse Courant of November 19, 1686 as a source, yet closer examination shows no convincing evidence for this. There are too many differences between it and the Kurant. The first report probably has the Oprechte Haerlemse

Courant of November 19, 1686 as the main source, and the second report seems to have neither of the three Dutch newspapers as a source, so it was probably taken from another newspaper. Apparently the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of November 22, 1686 was not used, perhaps with one exception. All other reports mentioned might have the Ordinaire Leydse Courant of November 21, 1686 as a source, and they indeed probably have, in some

74 Immediately following the report under [8]. 75 See Table 7 in the Appendix for a detailed view. 76 See Tables 8 and 9 in the Appendix for a detailed view.

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8. Selection and editing: examination in detail cases in combination with the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. They show more similarity with the Kurant in wording, and the order in which the reports appear in the Kurant is similar to the order in the Ordinaire Leydse Courant. So we can assume that the Ordinaire Leydse Courant was used as a source in several cases, whereas in other cases there probably has been another source. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant was never a major source, though. At most it served as an addition to the main source, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. As it seems, the Kurant starts with reports from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, then mentions several reports from the Ordinaire Leydse Courasnt, in some cases completed by reports from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, and finally, under the heading Netherlands, takes a few reports from both.

8.4.2.2. Dating In this sample the Kurant postdates by a few days in the reports from Vienna and Regensburg (from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant). The other reports (from both the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Ordinaire Leydse Courant) keep the original dates. Possibly the Kurant wanted to look up-to-date concerning important news, whereas this was less relevant for less important news.

8.4.2.3 Geographical order The geographical order is rather typical for the Kurant, starting with Vienna, followed by other German cities, then Poland with Lemberg and Warsaw, England with London, the Neherlands with Amsterdam, Brussels and once more Amsterdam. Atypical is that The Hague is missing. The order is different from that in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant (starting with England) and the Ordinaire Leydse Courant (starting with Italy), but within the regios there are similarities, mostly starting with the places mentioned in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, followed by those in the Ordinaire Leydse Courant.

8.5. The use of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant (twice a week): Dinstagishe Kuranten May 6, 1687

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No issues of the Ordinaire Leydse Courant dated after January 2, 1687 have been preserved. From February 18, 1687 the Amsterdamse Courant is used as a source for the Kurant.77 Interestingly, almost all reports in the Kurant in the issues between January 2, 1687 and February 18, 1687 have the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant as a source, so even if the Ordinaire Leydse Courant existed at the time, the Kurant apparently did not use it as a source. From the moment that the Amsterdamse Courant was used as a source, it was important. Let us take a closer look at the way the Kurant uses the two sources. First in an issue that appeared in a period when the Kurant was published twice a week.

Dinstagishe Kuranten May 6, 1687 / 23 Iyar 5447 Published by Uri Faybesh Halevi, appeared twice a week.

טײטש לנד (װין) · דען פֿיר אונ' צװנטיגשטן אפריל · נאך דעם דאש דער הערצוג פֿון (לוטרינגן) אין (װין) איז אן גיקומן זוא טוט מאן טעגליך ניקס אנדרשט אלז ראט שלאגן װיא מאן דען קריג קיגן דען טירקן צום בעשטן זאל ביגינן · אונ' מאן האט בישלוסן אל דיא קיסרישי פֿעלקר אױז אירי װינטר קװארטירן אין דאש פֿעלד צו ברענגן · אונ' מאן הופֿיט ניט אלײן פֿון דען קור פֿירשט פֿון פײערן זונדערן אױך פֿון דען (רעמישן רײך) עטליכֿי טױזנט מאן פֿריש פֿאלק צו איבר קומן אױך װערדן אױז אליר הנד לענדר פֿיל פֿאר נעמי הערן פֿרײא װיליג אין טירקן קריג ציהן אונ' זיא װערדן אױך פֿיל קריגש קנעכֿט מיט זיך ברענגן · אין דער קיסרישן שטאט (עפעריעז) האט מאן דען גיפֿנגינן (שטאט ריכֿטר) זעקס שטונד לנג זער הרט גיפײניגט · אונ' ער האט ביקענט אױף דרײא צעהן פֿאר נעמי בורגר װעלכֿי אלי מיט אננדר זײן גיפֿנגן גיזעצט גיװארן װײל זיא עש הײמליך מיט דען גראבֿ (טעקעלי) האבן גיהלטן אונ' מאן האט אל איר האב אונ' גוט פֿר זיגלט אונ' מאן האט נאך אױז פֿיל אנדרי קיסרישי שטעט פֿיל דר גלײכֿן פֿאלשי ביטריגר גיפֿנגן גיזעצט · אונ' דער קיסרישי (לײטינאם פֿעלד מארשאל קאראפֿא) האט זיך אין זײן זין ארײן גינומן דאש ער װערט זײן פֿלײז אן װענדן אונ' זוא לנג נאך זוכֿן ביז אל דיא װידר שפעניגי ביז אױף דיא װאורצל װערן אױזגיראט זײן · אונטר דעשן האבן דיא טירקן גיזוכֿט אום דיא מוסקװיטרישי קוזאקן אױף איר זײט צו ברענגן · װעלכֿיז מאן אבר ניט פֿר הופֿן װיל ·

77 The newspapers between January 31 and February 18, 1687 were not included in the sample, but by checking them I found that the Amsterdamse Courant has not been a source for the Kurant in that period.

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צו (אובֿן) זײן װידר עטליכֿי הונדרט קיסרישי פֿוז פֿעלקר אן גיקומן צו פֿר שטערקונג זעלביגר פֿעשטונג ·

Germany [1] Vienna, April 24. After the Duke of Lorraine arrived in Vienna, nothing else is done daily than discussing how the war against the Turks can be best started. And it was decided to bring all Imperial troops from their winter quarters into the field. And it is hoped that one will get a few thousand fresh troops not only from the Elector of Bavaria, but also from the Roman Empire. Also, from several countries many distinguished gentlemen will volunteer for the war against the Turks and they will also 78 bring many war servants. In the Imperial city of Eperjes421F the imprisoned city judge was tortured very harshly for six hours. And he confessed about [betrayed?] thirteen distinguished citizens who were imprisoned all together because they secretly sided with Count Thököly and their possessions have been sealed and from many other Imperial cities as well many of this kind of false deceivers have been imprisoned. And the Imperial Lieutenant Field Marshal Carafa has made up his mind that he will do what he can and search as long as it takes until all rebel will be eradicated to the root. Meanwhile the Turks have tried to win the Muscovite Cossacks over to their side. One hopes without success, however. In Ofen once more a few hundred Imperial troops have arrived to reinforce this 79 fortress.422F

78 Prešov. 79 ‘Duitsland. Wenen, 24 april. Nadat de hertog van Lotharingen in Wenen is aangekomen, doet men dagelijks niets anders dan beraadslagen hoe men de oorlog tegen de Turken het beste kan beginnen. En men heeft besloten alle keizerlijke troepen uit hun winterkwartieren in het veld te brengen. En men hoopt niet alleen van de keurvorst van Beieren, maar ook van het Roomse Rijk enkele duizenden man vers volk te krijgen. Ook zullen uit allerhande landen veel voorname heren vrijwillig in de oorlog tegen de Turken trekken en zij zullen ook veel krijgsknechten meebrengen. In de keizerlijke stad Eperjes heeft men de gevangen stadsrechter zes uur lang zeer hard gepijnigd. En hij heeft bekend op dertien voorname burgers die allemaal met elkaar gevangen zijn gezet omdat ze het heimelijk met graaf Thököly hebben gehouden en men heeft al hun have en goed verzegeld en men heeft nog uit veel andere keizerlijke steden veel dergelijke valse bedriegers gevangen gezet. En de keizerlijke luitenant veldmaarschalk Carafa heeft zich in de zin gezet dat hij zijn vlijt zal aanwenden en zo lang nazoeken tot alle weerspannigen tot op de wortel uitgeroeid zullen zijn. Ondertussen hebben de Turken

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HC May 3, 1687 Weenen den 20 April. Den Hertog van Lotharingen hout sijn verblijf continueel in dese Stadt en dagelijcks eenige Conferentien met sijn Keyserlijcke Majesteyt over de gewichtighste affaires van d’aenstaende Velttocht; ontfangt van tijt tot tijt de Visites van de Generaels en eerste Krijgs-Officiers, en examineert met de voornaemste derselve de Staet van den tegenwoordigen Oorlogh, de sterckte van onse Macht, het postuur, waer in onse Regimenten gevonden werden, en de tijt, wanneer men de Velttocht behoort te beginnen; waer uyt men besluyt, dat men de Militie in het kort uyt hare Winter-quartieren in ’t Velt sal brengen; en men hoopt, dat de Keyserlijcke Armee, behalven het considerabel Secours van den Ceurvorst van Beyeren, met eenige duysent Man uyt het Rijck versterckt sal werden. Ondertusschen heeft men sekere tyding, dat verscheyde groote Heeren van voornemen zijn, in qualiteyt van Volontairen, maer echter een goet getal Krijgsknechten medebrengende, den Somer in Ongaryen te slijten. De Schepen, waer op men Back-Ovens opgerecht heeft en welcke voor dese Stadt leggen, sullen in het kort na Comorra, en vervolgens, met die daer gevonden werden, dieper in Ongaryen tot bediening van onse Armee, na de kant, daer sy hare Operatien beginnen sal, gesonden werden.80 […]81 Uyt Opper- Ongaryen heeft men, dat de gewesene Rechter van Caschau 6 uren te Esperies gepijnigt is, en 13 voorname Burgers van Caschau, als Mede-Adhaerenten van den Teckeley, ontdeckt, en men daer op deselve geëmprisonneert en hare Goederen versegelt heeft; als mede, dat te Caschau, Altsol, Cremniz en veele andere Plaetsen op nieu verscheyde Persoonen, die men aen deselve Misdaet verdacht hout, gevangen ingebracht zijn; en dat de Luyt. Velt-Marschal Caraffa alle mogelijcke vlijt aenwent, om alle de Schuldige op te soecken en dat Onkruyt van Verradery t’eenemael uyt te roeyen. Ondertusschen hebben de Turcken niet alleen aen die kant door bedrog nieuwe Conquesten soecken te maecken, maer oock alle krachten ingespant, tot het trecken van de Muscovische Cosacken aen haer syde: doch de laetste Brieven uyt der geprobeerd om de Moskovische kozakken aan hun kant te brengen. Hetgeen men echter niet wil hopen. In Ofen zijn weer enkele honderden keizerlijk voetvolk aangekomen ter versterking van deze vesting.’ 80 Italics: left out in the Kurant; in the Kurant, the report on the baking ovens is found under [4], probably borrowed from the Amsterdamse Courant. 81 Left out: news on the King who goes hunting herons.

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Muscou melden, dat de Muscoviters, welcke haer met haer considerabele Macht begonnen te bewegen, door hare afgesonde circulaire Brieven, Vermaningen en beloofde Beloningen die Natie en de Calmucker Tartaren in haer Plicht en behoorlijcke Gehoorsaemheyt tegens hare Czaarsse Majesteyten weten te houden, en dat de Boiaren en Muscovische Onderdanen haer genegen toonen, niet alleen tot het contribueren van considerabele Sommen tot het onderhouden van de talrijcke Militie en de Treyn van d’Artillery, maer oock, om selfs te Paert te steygen en de Tartaren te debelleren.82 De Herte-Jacht, die d’Ambassadeurs van hare Czaarsse Majesteyten voorleden Donderdag dicht by Asperen aen de over-syde van den Donau gehouden hebben, is met volkomen vergenoegen afgelopen, en heeft den Heer Szeremer, Primatius Legatus, het eerste Wilt met een Pijl gevelt.83 Van Buda heeft men confirmatie van het executeren van den Luytenant Finck en den Boer, die de Brieven heen en weer gebracht heeft,84 en tyding, dat tot verstercking van ’t Guarnisoen bereyts verscheyde Compagnien Infantery aldaer aengekomen zijn.

The Amsterdamse Courant from May 3, 1687 has part of this news, but not in this order. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant from May 3, 1687 is probably the source of this part of the report. The Kurant translates rather faithfully, sometimes leaving out details. It leaves out a few passages, in most cases probably because the subjects mentioned are dealt with below in reports that are taken from the Amsterdamse Courant. As for the news about the Turks who have tried to win the Mucovite Cossacks over to their side, this is mentioned in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. But while the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant adds that the latest reports tell in great detail that the Muscovites have succeeded in forcing the Cossacks and the Kalmukkan (Mongolian) Tatars into submission and that the boyars (high-ranking noblemen) and Muscovite subjects are willing not only to contribute money to maintain the army, but also to fight the Tatars themselves, the Kurant leaves this out and only adds: ‘Welkhez man aber nit far hofn vil’ (‘One hopes without success, however’).

82 Italics: left out in the Kurant. 83 Italics: left out in the Kurant; the Kurant has a similar report under [5], probably taken from the Amsterdamse Courant. 84 Italics: left out in the Kurant.

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דער (פרימא פֿיזיר) טוט אױך טראכֿטן אום מיט זײן פֿאלק צײטליך אין דאס פֿעלד צו קומן · אבר דיא מײנשטן זײני זאלדאטן האט ער גימוזט אל דיא טירקישי פֿעשטונגן דר מיט ביזעצן אונ' ער האט נור צעהן טױזנט טירקן בײא זיך גהלטן · נור אלײן װיא פֿיל פֿאלק דער טירקישי קיסר װערט מיט זיך ברענגן קען מאן נאך ניט װישן ·

[2] The grand vizier also tries to enter the field in time.. But he had to man all Turkish fortresses with most of his soldiers. And he kept only ten thousand Turks with him. But 85 how many troops the Turkish emperor will bring with him, one cannot know yet.428F

86 HC May 3, 1687 Weenen den 20 April.429F […] Den Primo Vizir tracht oock wel by-tijts te Velt te komen; maer men stelt vast, dat hy, wyl sijn beste Soldatesque in de Guarnisoenen verlegt is en hy alleen een klein Corps by sig heeft, niet voor July daer mede sal konnen reusseren.

AC May 3, 1687 Weenen den 20 April. [...] Tot en ontrent Esseck verstercken haer de Turcken seer, maer tot Belgrado heeft den Primo Vizir zeer weynigh volck by hem, en is men hier verseeckert dat voor Julius niet met 10000 Man in ’t Velt kan compareeren

The first part of the report is probably taken from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. The second part can neither be traced back to the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant nor to the Amsterdamse Courant. The number of 10,000 is mentioned in the Amsterdamse Courant, yet the information is different: according to the Kurant the grand vizier commands 10,000 men, according to the Amsterdamse Courant he will not have 10,000 men at his disposal before July. So either the editor of the Kurant misunderstood this or he may have used another source.

85 ‘De primovizier (grootvizier) probeert ook om met zijn volk tijdig in het veld te komen. Maar met de meesten van zijn soldaten moest hij alle Turkse vestingen bezetten. En hij heeft slechts tienduizend Turken bij zich gehouden. Maar hoeveel volk de Turkse keizer zal meebrengen, kan men nog niet weten.’ 86 Second heading with this date.

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The passage in the Amsterdamse Courant is part of a report that the Kurant has used under [4] below.87 There the Kurant leaves out the passage.

עש בלײבט פֿאשט גישטעלט דאש דען פֿופֿצעהנטן אפריל אל דיא קיסרישי פֿעלקר בײא (אובֿן) זאלן גימונשטרט װערדן ·

88 89 [3] It has been determined that on April431F 15 all Imperial troops shall be reviewed.432F

90 HC May 3, 1687 Weenen den 20 April.433F […] aen d’Officiers, die van de Winter eenige Recruten geworven hebben, belast, deselve sonder uytstel t’samen te trecken, en aen alle de Regimenten de voorheen afgegane ordres, om tegens den 15 Mey op de Rendevous te verschijnen, vernieut.

AC May 3, 1687 Weenen den 20 April. […] De Keyserl. ver afgelegene Volckeren sijn aen ’t marcheren, om op de bestemde tydt tusschen Offen en Gran op de rendezvous 91 te konnen zyn.434F

Both the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant might be the source, but the wording is quite different. The word ‘gemonshtrt’ looks like it is taken from a newspaper, but it does not appear in either of the two Dutch newspapers. The report on this subject in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant is placed immediately above the report that follows it in the Kurant; in the Amsterdamse Courant the report on this subject is part of a report that the Kurant uses as a source below, leaving out this subject. So it might well be that the Kurant has taken this report from another source.

אונ' דיא שיפֿן מיט דיא באק אובֿן טון בײא דער (טוני) פֿערטיג שטין · אונ' מאן האט שון גיװישי לײט דר צו בישטעלט װעלכֿי דאס גנצי קיסרישי לעגר דען גנצן זומר װערן

87 Numbers in square brackets refer to the English translations. 88 Should be ‘May’. 89 ‘Het blijft vastgesteld dat op 15 april [= mei] alle keizerlijke troepen bij Ofen gemonsterd moeten worden.’ 90 Immediately preceding the report above. 91 This is part of the source of the report in the Kurant under [4]; there it is left out.

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פֿר זארגן מיט אליר הנד עשין שפײז פֿאר אײן לײדליכֿן פרײז · דיא פײרישי פֿעלקר זאלן אלי מיט אננדר דען פֿיר אונ' צװנציגשטן אפריל צו שיף גין · בײא דער שטאט (שטרױבינגן) אונ' זיא זאלן אױף דען װאשיר ארונטר נאך (אובֿן) גיפֿירט װערדן : דער טירקישי קיסר קומט זעלברט נאך אונגרן מיט אל דען פֿאלק װאז ער האט גיקענט בײא אננדר ברענגן ·בײא (עסעק) טון זיך דיא טירקן מעכֿטיג שטארק פֿר זמלן אונ' איר גיצאל טוט פֿון טאג צו טאג צו נעמן · אבר צו (װין) טוט מאן זער אײלן אום דיא קיסרישן פֿעלקר נאך אונגרן צו שיקן · דען מאן הױפֿיט נאך אײן גליקליכֿן אן שלאג אױז צו ריכֿטן אי דאש דיא טירקישי פֿעלקר נאך אונגרן װערן ארױז קומן ·

[4] And the ships with the baking ovens are ready at the Danube. And certain men have already been ordered who will provide the entire Imperial army with all kinds of food for a reasonable price all summer. The Bavarian troops will go aboard all together the 24th of April near the city of Straubingen and they are to be transported down the water to Ofen. The Turkish Emperor comes to Hungary himself with all the troops that he has been able to bring together. Near Eszék the Turks are assembling in strength and their number is increasing day by day. But in Vienna one is in a great hurry to send the Imperial troops to Hungary. Because one hopes to carry out a successful plan 92 before the Turkish troops will reach Hungary.435F

93 HC May 3, 1687 Weenen den 20 April:436F De Schepen, waer op men Back-Ovens opgerecht heeft en welcke voor dese Stadt leggen, sullen in het kort na Comorra, en vervolgens, met die daer gevonden werden, dieper in Ongaryen tot bediening van onse Armee, na de kant, daer sy hare Operatien beginnen sal, gesonden werden.

92 ‘En de schepen met de bakovens staan bij de Donau gereed. En men heeft al zekere lieden daarvoor besteld die het hele keizerlijke leger de hele zomer zullen voorzien van allerhande eten voor een schappelijke prijs. De Beierse troepen zouden allemaal met elkaar op 24 april scheep gaan bij de stad Straubingen en ze zouden op het water naar Ofen vervoerd worden. De Turkse keizer komt zelf naar Hongarije met al het volk dat hij bij elkaar heeft kunnen brengen. Bij Eszék zijn de Turken zich machtig sterk aan het verzamelen en hun getal neemt van dag tot dag toe. Maar in Wenen is men zich zeer aan het haasten om de keizerlijke troepen naar Hongarije te sturen. Want men hoopt nog een gelukkig plan uit te voeren eer dat de Turkse troepen naar Hongarije naar buiten zullen komen.’ 93 Between reports that are the sources of reports in the Kurant under [1].

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AC May 3, 1687 Weenen den 20 April. Eergisteren wierdt, in presentie van sijn Keyserl. Majest. en den Heer Hertogh van Lotharingen, extraordinaire conferentie van de Keyserl: geheyme raden gehouden.94 Door de goede voorsorge van den Grave Rabatta is soodanighe ordre gestelt, dat de contracten met verscheyde Bier-brouwers, en de Koopluyden van Victualien, alreets geslooten zyn, waer door de Keyserl. Legers, waers oock mogen marcheren, van alles overvloedigh (voornamentlyck dewyle de Back- ovens geduerigh op den Donau, of op de Theys, de Leghers volghen moeten) en voor een civile prys hebben sullen, dat de militie seer sal animeren. Dagelyx arriveren hier veel Volontairen uyt alle Landen, om deese aenstaende Campagne by te woonen. De Keyserl. ver afgelegene Volckeren sijn aen ’t marcheren, om op de bestemde tydt tusschen Offen en Gran op de rendezvous te konnen zyn.95 De Ceur-Beyersse Kryghs- Volckeren staen gereet om den 24 deser tot Straubingen scheep te gaen, en te water den Donau, tot Gran toe, afgevoert te werden. Men segt noch al dat 8000 Sweden, en gelyk getal volk van andere Vorsten, hier staen te komen, doch in 8 a 12 dagen sal men daer van de waerheyt weten. Van de Vorsten van Lunenburgh, Hessen Cassel en Brandenburg Bareyt, marcheren 8000 man na Venetien.96 Het continueert hier noch ghesegt te worden, dat den Turcksen Sultan self na Ongaryen, met alles wat hy by een heeft konnen brengen, tegens den Keyser staet te komen. Tot en ontrent Esseck verstercken haer de Turcken seer, maer tot Belgrado heeft den Primo Vizir seer weynigh volck by hem, en men is hier verseeckert dat voor Julius niet met 10000 man in ’t velt kan compareeren,97 deswegen hoopt men, eer die tyt daer is, d’onse het een of ander desseyn geluckig volbracht sullen hebben. Met het versenden van de recruyten na Ongaryen wert seer ghehaest. […]98

94 Italics: probably left out by the editor of the Kurant because under [1] he borrowed a similar report from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. 95 Italics: probably left out by the editor of the Kurant because under [3] he borrowed similar reports from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. 96 Italics: left out by the Kurant. 97 Italics: probably left out by the editor of the Kurant because under [2] he borrowed a similar report from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant or another source. 98 Left out by the Kurant: news on a fight between Tatars and Moscovians.

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The Amsterdamse Courant is probably the source of this part. The Kurant leaves out a few passages, in most cases probably because the subjects are already mentioned in the reports above that are taken from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant or from another source.

דיא מושקװיטרישי אב גיזנטן האבן נײליך אױף דר יאכֿט אכֿט הערשן מיט פפֿײלן צו טױט גישוסן אונ' אײן הערש איז מיט אײן פפֿײל דורך אונ' דורך גישוסן גיװארן

[5] While hunting the Muscovite envoys recently shot dead eight deer with arrows and 99 one deer was shot through and through.442F

HC May 3, 1687 Weenen den 20 April. […] De Herte-Jacht, die d’Ambassadeurs van hare Czaarsse Majesteyten voorleden Donderdag dicht by Asperen aen de over-syde van den Donau gehouden hebben, is met volkomen vergenoegen afgelopen, en heeft 100 den Heer Szeremer, Primatius Legatus, het eerste Wilt met een Pijl gevelt.443F

101 AC May 3, 1687 Weenen den 20 April.444F De Moscoviters hebben, laetst op de jacht zynde, 8 Herten met pylen doot geschooten; den Knees Czeremetti heeft een Hart met een pijl door en door geschooten;

The Amsterdamse Courant is probably the source. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant had a report on the same subject (see under [1]), but possibly the Kurant thought the version in the Amsterdamse Courant was clearer or more interesting.

אױז דען (קראבֿאטן לנד) איז צײטונג דאש דיא גרעניץ פֿעלקר האבן עטליכֿי װעגן מיט פרופֿיאנט אװעק גינומן װעלכֿי אײן טירקישר באשי האט אײן גיקױפֿט ·

[6] From the Croats’ land is news that the border troops took away a few wagons with 102 provisions that were bought by a Turkish pasha.445F

99 ‘De Moskovische afgezanten hebben onlangs op de jacht acht herten met pijlen doodgeschoten en één hert is met een pijl door en door geschoten.’ 100 Stands among reports under [1]. 101 Second heading.

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HC May 6, 1687 Weenen den 24 April. […] Men heeft verscheyde advysen, dat de Croatische Militie, welcke op de Grensen van de Turckse Fortres Canischa staet, tyding bekomen hebbende, dat d’Ottomannen die Vesting met eenige Vivres wilden voorsien, in een goet getal en met groote vaerdigheyt te Paert geklommen en [?] de Vyanden achterhaelt, en alle de Levens-middelen, welcke sy met een kleyn Convoy geleyden, ontnomen heeft; ’t welck ongetwijffelt te gemackelijcker uytgevoert is, om dat de Vyanden daer niet op bedacht waren, en derhalven al, ’t geen sy by-een konden brengen, dicht by Carelstad versamelt, en de Boeren genootsaeckt hadden, het selve met hare Karren in die Fortres te voeren.

AC May 6, 1687 Weenen den 24 April. […] Uyt Croatien heeft men, dat de onse Turcken veel proviant hebben ontnomen, en het kleyn Convoy, dat daer by was, doot geslaghen; dit proviant hadden de Turcken ontrent Canischa, den Lantman afgedwongen, en die moesten ’t noch met hare wagens voort brengen.

The reports in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant that deal with this subject are from May 6, the date of publication of the Kurant. The question is whether the Kurant had the opportunity to use newspapers published on the same day as the Kurant. Moreover, the reports in both newspapers are quite different from the Kurant: according to the Amsterdamse Courant the Turks had taken the provisions from farmers, who were forced to transport it to the fortress; the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant also mentions farmers who were forced to transport the food, but does not tell how the Turks acquired it. The Kurant though, writes that the provisions were bought by a Turkish pasha. All in all, it seems likely that the Kurant used another source.103

Following this report are several others under the headings Vienna, Regensburg and Strasbourg that either cannot be traced back to a source or are similar to reports in the

102 ‘Uit het Kroatenland is bericht dat de grenstroepen enkele wagens met proviand hebben weggenomen die een Turkse pasja had ingekocht.’ 103 The editor of the Kurant did probably use the report in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant as a source for the issue of May 9.

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Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and/or the Amsterdamse Courant from May 6, yet not similar enough to have used them as a source. So it could be that the Kurant, after taking reports from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated May 3 and then from the Amsterdamse Courant dated May 3 also used reports from another source. In the Kurant from May 9, 1687 the editor mentions several of the subjects again, then clearly using the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of May 6 as a source. One report from Vienna, though, is very similar to a report in the Amsterdamse Courant of May 6. [...]

אױז טירקײא איז צײטונג דאש דורטן דיא פעסט האט אױף גיהערט אבר דאש אשין שפײז איז נאך מעכֿטיג טײאר · דער טירקישי קיסר האט אױז זײנר שאץ קאמר װידר פֿיר הונדרט טױזנט אונ' פֿופֿציג טױזנט גילדן צום קריג צו שטײאר געבן אױך האבן עטליכֿי פֿאר נעמי טירקישי הערן אױז אירן אײגיני בײטל דרײא מאל הונדרט טױזנט רײקש טאליר געבן ·

[7] From Turkey is news that the plague stopped there, but food is still very expensive. The Turkish Emperor has once again given four hundred thousand and fifty thousand guilders from his treasury as a war contribution. Also some distinguished Turkish gentlemen have given from their own purse three times hundred thousand 104 rijksdaalders.447F

AC May 6, 1687 Weenen den 24 April. [...] Van Constantinopelen heeft men, dat de pest aldaer merckelijck was gecesseert, maer het manquement aen levens-middelen was nog even groot, en dat tot kosten van den Oorlogh maer 4500000 Leeuwendaelders uyt de Spaer-kisten hadden konnen genomen worden, waer toe de voornaemste Ministers 300000 vrywillig hadden gebracht.

104 ‘Uit Turkije is bericht dat daar de pest is opgehouden, maar het eten is nog machtig duur. De Turkse keizer heeft uit zijn schatkamer weer vierhonderdduizend en vijftigduizend gulden als oorlogsbijdrage gegeven. Ook hebben enkele voorname Turkse heren uit hun eigen buidel driemaal honderdduizend rijksdaalders gegeven.’

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The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant does not have this news. In this case either the Amsterdamse Courant from May 6 is the source – which seems somewhat strange, for why should the Kurant take only one report from the Amsterdamse Courant and the other reports from another source? – or the Kurant of May 6 and the Amsterdamse Courant of May 6 both used the same source. Although the report in the Kurant is very similar to the one in the Amsterdamse Courant, the amounts of money do not correspond. The Kurant translates ‘4500000 (= 4.5 million) Leeuwendaelders’ as ‘fir hundert toyznt un fuftsig toyznt gildn’ (‘450,000 guilders’), and ‘300000 (leeuwendaalders)’ as ‘dray mal hundrt toyznt rayks taler’ (‘300,000 rijksdaalders’). In fact, 4.5 million Dutch leeuwendaalders equals around 9 million Dutch guilders and 300,000 leeuwendaalders is about 400,000 Dutch rijksdaalders. Either the editor of the Kurant made mistakes here, as he does frequently when numbers are concerned, or he had another source.

Of the reports that follow, from Germany, Poland, Italy and the Netherlands, the majority have the Amsterdamse Courant from May 3 as their source and a minority the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant from May 3. All subjects except one are mentioned either in the Amsterdamse Courant or in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. In the one case that a subject is mentioned in both newspapers – a report from Venice – the Kurant chose the version in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant.

8.5.1. Selection 45.5 % of the news in the Kurant was taken from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated May 3, 1687, 26.7 % from the Amsterdamse Courant dated May 3, 1687 and 27.8 % from unknown sources.105 23.7 % of the news in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant from May 3, 1687 was used in the Kurant, and 11.1 % of the news in the Amsterdamse Courant from May 3, 1687.106

8.5.2. Conclusions 8.5.2.1. Sources and editing

105 See Table 10 in the Appendix for a detailed view. 106 See Tables 11 and 12 in the Appendix for a detailed view.

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The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant is the main source of this issue. The Kurant starts with reports from Vienna, which are probably, in the same order, taken from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated May 3, 1687. These are followed by a few other reports from Vienna that cannot be traced back so easily. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant write about the subjects mentioned in these reports, but the wording is different and the Kurant mentions details missing in the Dutch newspapers. So the Kurant may have used another source here. Then another series of reports follows, taken from the Amsterdamse Courant of May 3, 1687. The reports in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant partly overlap. The Kurant generally starts with the reports from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and completes the story with reports from the Amsterdamse Courant and sometimes from other sources, leaving out the subjects already mentioned in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. However, in several cases the editor apparently preferred the Amsterdamse Courant; in those cases he left out the subjects as mentioned by the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. Doing so he wove a coherent story without overlap.107 After this series of reports a few reports follow that are similar to reports in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant from May 6, 1687, but are probably taken from one or more other sources. And finally, there are some miscellaneous reports, taken partly from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated May 3, 1687 and partly from the Amsterdamse Courant dated May 3, 1687. This method can be seen in most issues of the Kurant, both printed by Uri Faybesh Halevi and by David de Castro Tartas. In this respect the Kurant is similar to the Gazeta de Amsterdam and the Gazzetta d’Amsterdam which usually start with reports taken from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and complete them with reports taken from La Gazette d’Amsterdam and one or more unknown sources.108 Why the editor chose the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant as his primary source is unclear. Perhaps because it was known as the best Dutch newspaper, as I pointed out in Chapter 3, or perhaps he wanted to follow the example of the Gazeta. The fact that an Amsterdam-based printer used a newspaper from Haarlem is not as strange as it may seem,

107 This is not as obvious as it may seem. The Dutch newspapers, especially the Ordinaire Leydse Courant, quite often mention the same events more than once in the same issue, apparently taken from different sources; see for instance 8.3. 108 See 3.9.

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8. Selection and editing: examination in detail because ninety percent of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant was sold outside of Haarlem, mainly in Amsterdam.109

8.5.2.2. Dating In this sample the Kurant postdates by four days in the reports from Vienna: the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant have April 20, the Kurant has April 24. The other reports from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and from the Amsterdamse Courant keep the original dates.

8.5.2.3. Geographical order The geographical order is rather typical for the Kurant, starting with Vienna, followed by other German cities: Regensburg, Strasbourg, Berlin and Hamburg, then Poland with – atypically – Toruń, Italy with Rome and Venice, and the Netherlands with Amsterdam and The Hague. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant starts with Dalmatia, followed by Italy and the Amsterdamse Courant starts with Moscow, followed by Italy). Within the regions both newspaper are similar to each other, and in general also to the Kurant.

8.6. The use of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant (once a week): Fraytagishe Kurant October 17, 1687 Let us now take a look at an issue from a period in which the Kurant was published once a week.

Fraytagishe Kurant October 17, 1687 / 10 Heshvan 5448 Published by David de Castro Tartas, appeared once a week.

איטליען (פֿענעציען) דען ערשטן אױקט' נאך דעם דאש דיא פֿענעדשי פֿעלקר די טירקישי פֿעשטונג (קאשטעלנאבֿא שון צעהן טאג לנג בילעגרט האבן זוא האט מאן אײן טירקישן בריבֿ טרעגר אױף גפֿנגן אונ' אין דען בריבֿ איז גישטנדן װיא דער טירקישי באשי פֿון (ארציגאבֿינא) האט גישריבן דאש זיך דיא טירקן אין קאשטעלנאבֿא נור זאלן

109 Van Eeghen, ‘De Amsterdamse Courant’, 45.

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פֿריש האלטן אבר זיא זאלן ניט אױפֿט אױז פֿאלן דאש זיא איר פֿאלק ניט זאלן מוט װיליג פֿר לירן אבר דער באשי װיל זיא גאר בלד מיט זער פֿיל פֿאלק צו הילף קומן · אױך האט מאן פֿון אל דיא זײטן צײטונג דאש דיא טירקישי ארמיה טוט אן קומן אבר מן קאן נאך ניט װישן װיא שטארק זיא זײן דען פֿופֿצעהנטן האבן זיך בײא פֿיר טױזנט טירקן גילאזט זעהן אונטר דעשן דאש דיא מאלטעזר גאליהן זײן גינעהט אום אױף דיא טירקן צו לױארן אבר דיא טירקן זײן גנץ שטיל גילעגן ביז דיא מאלטעזר שיפֿן זײן װידר אױף דיא אנדרי זײט פֿון דער שטאט גיפֿארן דר נאך זײן דיא טירקן גקומן אונ' זיא הבן אײן שנץ און פֿר זעהינש איבר פֿאלן אונ' אײן גינומן אונ' דיא טירקן האבן גימײנט דאש שפיל װער שון גנץ גװאונן אבר דר נאך האבן דיא טירקן דיא אנדרי שאנץ אױך איבר פֿאלן אבר מאן האט זיא זוא לנג אױף גיהלטן ביז נאך מער פֿרישי פֿענעדישי פֿעלקר זײן דר צו גיקומן ענטליך נאך אײן לנגן גיפֿעכֿט זוא האט מאן דיא טירקן אױז אל דיא פֿענעדישי שנצן װידר ארױז גיאגט · דרײא הונדרט טירקן זײן טױט גבליבן אונ' זיבנציג זײן גיפֿנגן גיװארדן · דער (באשי פֿון ארציגאבֿינא) האט נאך ניט גיװאלט דאש גיפֿעכֿט זוא פֿרוא ביגינן זונדרן ער האט נאך גיװאלט דרײא טאג װארטן ביז דער (באשי פֿון אלבאניען) מיט נאך מער פֿאלק װער צו אים גיקומן · אבר דר טירקשי (רענעגאט פאסטראװיכֿי) האט ניט גיװאלט זוא לנג װארטן אונ' ער האט גיזאגט עש װערט צו לנג אן שטײן מאן מוז מיט דען זאבל אין דער הנד אײן (זוקורש) אין דיא פֿעשטונג ארײן ברענגן · דר נאך האבן דיא פֿענעדישי פֿעלקר צו דיא טירקן אין דיא פֿעשטונג ארײן גישיקט דאז זיא זיך זאלן איבר געבן אבר דיא טירקן האבן צו מאל דען בריבֿ ניט גיװאלט אן נעמן · אונ' דיא טירקן פֿון דרינן האבן גזאגט עש איז קײן צײט ניט אום צו (אקורדירן) זונדרן אום צו פֿעכֿטן װאר אױף האט מאן דיא טירקישי פֿעשטונג (קאשטעל נאבֿא) זער שטארק בישוסן אונ' פֿיל הונדרט פֿײאריגי (בומן) ארײן גיװארפֿן אונטר דעשן טוט מאן װארטן ביז דיא (בּירײטישי פֿעלקר) מיט אירי שיפֿן װערן אין דען פֿענעדישן לעגר אן קומן אבר דער װידר װערטיגי װינד טוט מאכֿן דאש זיא נאך ניט אן קומן ·

Italy [1] Venice, October 1. After the Venetian troops had besieged the Turkish fortress of Castelnuovo for ten days already, a Turkish letter carrier was intercepted and the letter said how the Turkish Pasha of Hercegovina had written that the Turks in Castelnuovo just had to keep themselves fresh but they should not sortie too often, lest they lose their troops willfully, but the Pasha wanted to come to their rescue soon with very many troops. There is also news from all sides that the Turkish army is on its way, but

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one cannot know yet how strong they are. On the fifteenth about four thousand Turks showed up, while in the meantime the Maltese galleys approached to watch out for the Turks, but the Turks lay very quiet until the Maltese ships had sailed to the other side of the city after which the Turks came, attacked and captured a sconce unexpectedly. The Turks thought they had won the game, but after that the Turks attacked the other sconce as well and were held up long enough for more fresh Venetian troops to arrive, finally after a long fight the Turks were chased away from all Venetian sconces. Three hundred Turks died and seventy were taken prisoner. The Pasha of Hercegovina did not want to start the fight too early, but he wanted to wait three more days for the arrival of the Pasha of Albania with still more troops. But the Turkish renegade Pastrovicchio did not want to wait that long and he said that it would take too long, one had to bring the reinforcements into the fortress with the sabre in the hand. After that the Venetian troops sent to the Turks in the fortress that they should surrender, but the Turks did not even want to accept the letter. And the Turks inside said that it was not the time to agree, but to fight, whereupon the Turkish fortress of Castelnuovo was fired at very strongly and many hundreds of fiery bombs were thrown inside. Meanwhile one is waiting until the Bareit troops will arrive in the Venetian army with their ships, but the head wind prevents them from doing so.110

110 ‘Italië. Venetië, 1 oktober. Nadat de Venetiaanse troepen de Turkse vesting Castelnuovo al tien dagen lang belegerd hebben, heeft men een Turkse briefdrager opgevangen en in de brief stond hoe de Turkse pasja van Herzegovina had geschreven dat de Turken zich in Castelnuovo slechts fris moeten houden, maar ze moeten niet vaak uitvallen, opdat ze hun volk niet moedwillig zouden verliezen, maar de pasja wil hen heel spoedig met zeer veel volk te hulp komen. Ook heeft men van alle kanten bericht dat de Turkse armee eraan komt, maar men kan nog niet weten hoe sterk ze zijn. De vijftiende hebben zich tegen de vierduizend Turken laten zien, terwijl ondertussen de Maltezer galeien zijn genaderd om op de Turken te loeren, maar de Turken lagen heel stil, totdat de Maltezer schepen weer naar de andere kant van de stad waren gevaren, daarna zijn de Turken gekomen en ze hebben een schans onvoorzien overvallen en ingenomen en de Turken meenden dat het spel al helemaal was gewonnen, maar daarna hebben de Turken de andere schans ook overvallen, maar men heeft hen zo lang opgehouden totdat nog meer verse Venetiaanse troepen erbij zijn gekomen, uiteindelijk na een lang gevecht heeft men de Turken weer uit alle Venetiaanse schansen weggejaagd. Driehonderd Turken zijn doodgebleven en zeventig zijn gevangen genomen. De pasja van Herzegovina wilde het gevecht nog niet te vroeg beginnen, maar hij wilde nog drie dagen wachten totdat de pasja van Albanië met nog meer volk bij hem zou zijn gekomen. Maar de Turkse renegaat Pastrovicchio wilde niet zo lang wachten en hij heeft gezegd dat het te lang zou duren, men moest met de sabel in de hand hulptroepen in de vesting binnenbrengen. Daarna

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HC Oct 11, 1687 Uyt ’t Venetiaensse Velt-Leger voor Castelnuovo den 19 Septemb. Na dat wy zedert mijnen laetsten onse Linie van Circumvalatie voltoyt en daer in de twee Huysen, door de Turcken te vooren eenigen tijt gedefendeert, beslooten hadden, hebben wy, terwyl wy besigh waren, met onse Approchien voort te setten en Batteryen op te werpen, geintercipieert een Brief van den Bassa van Arcegovina, aen de Belegerde geschreven en dienende, om haer aan te manen, dat sy haer kloeckmoedigh souden blijven verweeren, maer niet met uytvallen consumeren; met belofte, dat hy in ’t kort de Plaets stont te komen secoureren: Van Ragousa en andere Plaetsen ontfingen wy oock wel tyding van de aennadering der Vyanden; maer met soo varierende omstandigheden, dat wy onmogelijck onse mesures daer na konden nemen, tot dat den Generael Cornaro den 15 in de morgenstont bericht wiert, dat het Secours na by, 4000 Man sterck en geresolveert was, onse Linien t’overrompelen: Sijn Excellentie gaf hier van aenstonts kennis aen den Maltheessen Generael, welcke, de Pausselijcke Galeyen ter rechter hant latende, met 8 van sijn Ordre ter slincker syde ging leggen, om onse Militie in ’t Gevecht met de Turcken uyt sijn Geschut t’ondersteunen; maer keerde, na dat hy tot de middagh aldaer verbleven was, alsoo de Vyanden niet te voorschijn quamen, na sijn oude Post: Een goet getal Ottomannen, dat door heymelijcke en voor ons noch onbekende Wegen achter een Valey geraekt was en sig aldaer verborgen gehouden had, quam soo dra de Galeyen weg geseylt waren, te voorschijn, attacqueerde de uytterst geavanceerde Post, door de Cattarinen en Montenegrinen beset, deed haer deysen, bemachtigde de Post, en besprongh, wanende, nu genoegsaem de Victorie te hebben, met soo groote kloeckmoedigheyt de tweede Borstweer, door de Italianen onder den Coll. Perini bewaert, dat sy dese na het quetsen van den Collonel door een Musquet-schoot aan het wijcken kregen, tot dat d’Albanesen en Slavoniers haer ondersteunden en volgens haer gewoone dapperheyt

hebben de Venetiaanse troepen aan de Turken in de vesting binnen gestuurd dat ze zich moesten overgeven, maar de Turken wilden de brief niet eens aannemen. En de Turken van binnen zeiden dat het geen tijd was om te accorderen, maar om te vechten, waarop men de Turkse vesting Castelnuovo zeer sterk heeft beschoten en vele honderden vurige bommen naar binnen heeft geworpen. Ondertussen wacht men totdat de Bareitse troepen met hun schepen in het Venetiaanse leger zullen aankomen, maar de wederwaardige wind maakt dat ze nog niet aankomen.’

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8. Selection and editing: examination in detail de Turcken soo lang staende hielden, tot dat meerder Secours uyt de nabygelegene Linien kon komen: Den Generael Cornaro sprongh selfs te Paert en reed na de Plaets van ’t Gevecht, welcke de Turcken, ontsnoert en over hals en kop geworpen, genootsaeckt wierden, met een schandelijcke vlucht te verlaten: De Cattarinen en Montenegrinen, hier door aengemoedigt, onderwonden haer, tot uytwissing van de smet van flaeuhertigheyt, in het verlaten van haer aenbetroude Post betoont, de Turcken op de hielen te volgen, en hadden het geluck, van in korten tijt 300 ter neder te maken en derselver Hoofden aen den Generael Cornaro, die haer voor yder een Zecchijn vereert heeft, te brengen: De Slavoniers en een gedeelte van de Montenegrinen hebben het najagen van de Ottomannen noch langer gecontinueert, veele het leven benomen en verscheyde Gevangens (hoedanige wy 70 hebben) bekomen: Den Bassa van Arcegovina, die het Secours gecommandeert heeft, was met 500 Man van sijn vertroutste Soldaten een uur achterwaerts gebleven, om de uytkomst van het Gevecht af te wachten, en keerde, doe hy vernam, die ongeluckig voor hem te zijn, te rug. Den Bassa van Bossina heeft sig met de vlucht, hoewel gequetst, gesalveert: De Gevangens verhalen, dat hy in de gehoudene Turckse Krijgsraed gevoteert heeft gehad, dat men, voor dat men sig het ontsetten van de Plaets onderwont, met den Bassa van Albanien conjungeren most; maer dat den Renegaet Pastrovicchio, een van hare voornaemste Capiteynen, sig daer tegens gestelt en versekert had, dat de benautheyt van de Vesting geen uytstel kon lijden en dat de Christenen, door de woeste en continuële Regen afgemat, de kracht van hare Zabels niet souden konnen wederstaen: het quaet, dat dese Meyneedige door desen raedt op de Christenen meende uyt te storten, mocht nu wel op sijn eygen kop neder dalen. De Broeder van den Bassa van Scutari is door een Slavonier, aen wien hy 1000 Realen voor sijn Leven boven een behoorlijck Rantsoen belooft heeft, gevangen gekregen. Onder de Turckse Hoofden, die men bekomen heeft, seyden de Gevangens, doe syse sagen, dat veel van Conditie gevonden werden. Van onse kant zijn niet boven 20 Soldaten gesneuvelt en gewont; weshalven men ’s avonts de behoorlijcke Dancksegginge aen God den Heere deed en onse vreugde met het lossen van alle onse Artillery betoonde: Ter selver tijt sont den Generael Cornaro den Ridder Boliza na de Plaets, omse op te eysschen; dan de Belegerden wilden niet antwoorden noch de Brief van Opeysschingh ontfangen Den 16 staecken wy de afgehouwe Turckse Hoofden op Piecken, toondense

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met 12 veroverde Vaendels aan de Besetting en vermaenden haer andermael tot overgeven; doch kregen tot antwoort, dat het geen tijt van accorderen, maer van vechten, was en dat sy haer tot den laetsten druppel Bloets meenen te verweeren: Hier op gaf den Generael Cornaro ordre, dat de 3 Batteryen vergroot souden werden en continueel de Stadt beschieten. Dien selven dag vonden wy op het Gebergte en in de Valleyen noch veele Turckse Lijcken; en men heeft naderhant verstaen, dat de Vyanden in het overmonsteren van haer Militie 700 Man gemist hebben. Den 17 wiert ’s nachts een Turck buyten de Stadt gevonden; dese rapporteert, dat hy (hoewel sommige willen, dat de Belegerde hem uyt de Poort gelaten hebben) uyt de stad gevlucht is, en dacht, over te lopen; dat de Belegerde, doe men d’Opeyssching deed, noch niets van ’t volkomen slaen van haer Secours geweten en daerom so fier geantwoort hebben, en dat sy aen veele dingen gebreck beginnen te lijden. Het beschieten en inwerpen van Bomben heeft men dese twee dagen gecontinueert en d’Approches soo ver voortgeset, dat men de Mineurs van avont een begin van haer werck sal laten maken. 300 Florentijnsse Voetknechten zijn heden alhier gearriveert: de Militie van Bareit, die door de contrarie Winden opgehouden wert, verwacht men dagelijcks.

The Amsterdamse Courant from October 11, 1687 has similar news, but the wording is different. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated October 11, 1687 is clearly the source. The Kurant skillfully creates a coherent story without losing the main points by following the outline, but simplifying and leaving out details, partly to create space: names of generals, partly probably also as a matter of principle: presentation and spearing of the heads of the slain Turks, depreciatory remarks about a renegade who betrayed the Christians. The Kurant, by the way, speaks of ‘der tirkishe (renegat Pastrovichi)’; in fact Pastrovicchio was a Christian renegade who became a Muslim and fought for the Turks. For the news from Venice, the Kurant uses only the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated October 11, 1687. The Amsterdamse Courant from October 11, 1687 carries news from Venice, but apparently the Kurant preferred the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant from October 14, 1687 and October 16, 1687 are not used by the Kurant for this subject, because they do not bring news from Venice or Dalmatia.

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טײטש לנד (װין) דען פֿינפֿטן אױקטאבר · מאן האט נאך עטליכֿי קיסרישי רעגימענטר אױז גישיקט נאך (ערלה אום דיא זעלביגי פֿעשטונג נאך מער אײן גישלוסן צו האלטן · עטליכֿי טױזנט קיסרישי אונ' אונגרישי זאלדאטן האט מאן נאך דר טירקישי פֿעשטונג (טעמישװאר) גישיקט ·

Germany 111 [2] Vienna, October 5. A few more Imperial regiments were sent out to Erla454F to keep this fortress even more enclosed [surrounded]. A few thousand Imperial and 112 113 Hungarian soldiers were sent to the Turkish fortress of Temišvar455F .456F

HC Oct 11, 1687 Weenen den 28 September. Uyt het Leger zijn geen jonger Brieven, als van den 19 deser, welcke confirmeren, dat de Regimenten van Commercy, Detuin, Herbeville en Veterani tot het verstercken van de Blockade na Erla gesonden zijn, en melden, dat den Generael Ciacchi met d’Ongarisse soldaten na de kant van Temiswar geschickt is;

114 AC Oct 11, 1687 Weenen den [illegible] September. […] 457F De Regimenten van Commercy, de Twyn, Herbeville en Veterani, die na Erla souden gaen, zyn gecontramandeert, om dat de Swaebse en Franckise Auxiliaire Volkeren geweigert hebben d’Armee na Sevenbergen te volgen. Dese sullen dan in plaetse van de genoemde Regimenten voor Erla gaen. Den Grave Eziaky met 6000 Ongaren, en een half Regiment Dragonders, zyn na de kant van Temeswar gesonden.

111 Erlau, now Eger. 112 Timişoara. 113 ‘Duitsland. Wenen, 5 oktober. Men heeft nog enkele keizerlijke regimenten uitgestuurd naar Erla om deze vesting nog meer ingesloten te houden. Enkele duizenden keizerlijke en Hongaarse soldaten heeft men naar de Turkse vesting Temišvar gestuurd.’ 114 A few lines under [3].

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The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant seems to be the main source. ‘Etlikhe toyznt keysrishe un ungarishe zoldatn hat man nakh der tirkishe feshtung (Temishvar) geshikt’ looks like a combination of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant. Probably to save space the Kurant left out superfluous details like names. Interestingly, the Amsterdamse Courant tells another story about the regiments being sent to Erlau than the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. The Kurant follows the version of the latter.

אױך װערט מאן דיא טירקישי פֿעשטונג (שטולװײזנבורג) זער ענג אין גשלוסן האלטן ·

115 [3] The Turkish fortress of Stuhlweißenburg458F will also be kept enclosed [surrounded] 116 very tightly.459F

AC Oct 11, 1687 Weenen den [illegible] September. […] Stoelweyssenburg sal nauw besloten worden

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant does not carry this news. The Amsterdamse Courant is probably the source.

אױך איז אן ביפֿולן גיװארן דאש דיא פֿרנקישי אונ' שװאבישי רײקס פֿעלקר זאלן נאך (זיבנבירגן) מארשירן אבר זיא האבן ניט גיװאלט זוא האט מאן זיא אױך נאך (ערלה) גישיקט

[4] It was also ordered that the Franconian and Swabian Imperial troops would march 117 to Siebenbürgen, but they did not want to, then they were also sent to Erla.460F

AC Oct 11, 1687 Weenen den [illegible] September. […] De Regimenten van Commercy, de Twyn, Herbeville en Veterani, die na Erla souden gaen, zyn gecontramandeert, om dat de Swaebse en Franckise Auxiliaire Volkeren geweigert

115 Székesfehérvár. 116 ‘Ook zal men de Turkse vesting Stulweissenburg zeer eng ingesloten houden.’ 117 ‘Ook is aanbevolen dat de Frankische en Zwabische rijkstroepen naar Zevenbergen moeten marcheren, maar ze wilden niet, toen heeft men hen ook naar Erla gestuurd.’

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hebben d’Armee na Sevenbergen te volgen. Dese sullen dan in plaetse van de genoemde Regimenten voor Erla gaen.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant does not carry this news. The Amsterdamse Courant is probably the source. Note that this subject was also dealt with in the second report. There the Kurant borrowed the version presented by the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant: the regiments went to Erlau. Here the Kurant borrows the version of the Amsterdamse Courant: the Swabian and Frankish troops refused to follow the army to Siebenbürgen and went to Erlau instead. However, according to the Amsterdamse Courant the regiments did not go to Erlau (but probably to Siebenbürgen (‘Sevenbergen’), whereas according to the Kurant both the regiments and the troops went to Erlau.

אונטר דעשן זאלן זיך דיא טירקן אין (זיבנבירגן) האבן ארײן גילעגט ·

[5] Meanwhile the Turks reportedly have laid themselves [were stationed] in 118 Siebenbürgen.461F

AC Oct 11, 1687 Weenen den [illegible] September. Het staet met de Turcken in Ongaryen, Sevenbergen, Bosnia, Slavonia, Croatien en Servia seer slecht, en derven sy qualijk uyt hare vestingen in ’tvelt kyken.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant does not mention this, the Amsterdamse Courant differs too much to be the source.

דיא קיסרישי זאלדאטן פֿון (פֿינף קירכֿן) הבן הונדרט אונ צװנציג טאטערן אן גיטרופֿן אונ' הבן דרײסיג דר פֿון נידר גישוסן אונ' צעהן גיזונדי אונ' פֿינף גישעדיגטי גיפֿנגן ·

119 [6] The Imperial soldiers of Fünfkirchen462F found a hundred and twenty Tatars and shot 120 down thirty of them and took prisoner ten healthy and five wounded ones.463F

118 Ondertussen zouden de Turken zich in Zevenburgen hebben ingelegd. 119 Pécs.

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AC Oct 11, 1687 Weenen den ... [illegible] September. ’t Guarnisoen van Vyfkerken heeft 120 Tartaren van Sigeth aen getroffen, 30 daer van ter neder geschooten, 10 gesonde en 5 gequetste gevangen, en eenige Paerden bekomen.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant does not carry this news. The Amsterdamse Courant is probably the source.

אױך האבן בײא פֿיר הונדרט טירקן פֿון (סיגעט) האבן [!sic] גיװאלט עטליכֿי הונדרט שטיק פֿיך נאך (גאױלא) ברענגן אבר דיא קיסרישי זאלדאטן האבן בײא זעכֿציג טירקן גיפֿנגן גיקראגן אונ' זיא האבן אױך אײן הױכֿן טירקישן אפֿיצירר גיפֿנגן דער זעלביגי האט זיך בלד װידר אױז גילעזט פֿאר זיבן טױזנט דוקאטן ·

[7] Also about four hundred Turks from Sziget [= Szeged] wanted to bring a few hundred heads of cattle to Gyula, but the Imperial soldiers took about sixty Turks prisoner and they also took prisoner a high Turkish officer who soon ransomed himself 121 for seven thousand ducats.464F

122 HC Oct 11, 1687 Weenen den 28 September. [...] 465F In d’Actie, die 400 Hussaren tegens 400 Man van ’t Guarnisoen van Gyula, doe sy het Vee van daer weghaelden, gehad hebben, hebben sy alle de Vyanden, behalven den Commandant, die sig voor 7000 Ducaten, 700 Ongarische Rocken, 700 gevoerde Mutsen en 700 Paer Czismen gerantsoeneert heeft, en eenige van de voornaemste ter neder gesabelt.

120 ‘De keizerlijke soldaten van Vijfkerken hebben honderdtwintig Tataren aangetroffen en hebben dertig daarvan neergeschoten en tien gezonde en vijf gewonde gevangen.’ 121 ‘Ook wilden tegen de vierhonderd Turken van Sziget [= Szeged] enkele honderden stuks vee naar Gyula brengen, maar de keizerlijke soldaten hebben tegen de zestig Turken gevangen gekregen en ze hebben ook een hoge Turkse officier gevangen, die zich spoedig weer losgekocht heeft voor zevenduizend dukaten.’ 122 Following the report under [9].

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AC Oct 11, 1687 Weenen den 28 September.123 […] 700 Hussaren uyt Segedin,124 en andere daer omtrent leggende plaetsen, zyn in stilte na de Turckse Vesting Giula getrocken: 200 daer van gingen voor aen, en dreven al het Vee voor de Stad te samen, waer op de Commandant self met 400 Ruyters uyt Giula viel, maer dese retireerden na de overige 500, die de Turcken van achteren in vielen, de 200 setteden van vooren toe, drongen in, en kregen de Turcken in ’t midden, die alle op weynig na wierden neder gemaeckt. Den Command. wiert nevens eenige weynige, gevangen, dog hy accordeerde voor 7000 Ducaten in specie, 700 Ongarisse Rocken, 700 Mutsen met bont gevoert, en 700 paer Ongarisse Laerssen voor rantsoen, ’t welck hy door sijn Volck aenstonts liet buyten brengen.

Both the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant write on this subject, yet the Kurant’s account is different from both. The Amsterdamse Courant seems to have the most complete story. According to the Amsterdamse Courant, seven hundred Hussars (Imperial troops) from Szeged went out secretly to the Turkish fortress of Gyula. Two hundred of these Hussars herded cattle (number unspecified) together in front of the town, possibly to lure the Turks outside. Apparently they succeeded, because the Turkish commander, accompanied by four hundred horsemen, made a sortie from Gyula. Meanwhile, the remaining five hundred Hussars invaded the fortress from the back. Together with the two hundred Hussars on the front they enclosed the Turks and killed nearly all of them. The commander and a few others were captured, but the commander ransomed himself for seven thousand ducats, seven hundred cloaks, seven hundred hats and seven hundred boots. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant leaves out the first part of the story and reports that the cattle (number unspecified) were taken from Gyula. It is not clear whether this was done by the Hussars or by the Turkish troops of the Gyula garrison. Considering the story in the Amsterdamse Courant, the latter seems the most logical: the Turks wanted to take the cattle with them after the Hussars had herded them together in front of Gyula. The next part of the report is in accordance with the Amsterdamse Courant. According to the Kurant, the Turks of Szeged brought several hundred head of cattle to Gyula. This does not make sense, because Szeged belonged to the Habsburg Empire.

123 Following the report under [6]. 124 Szeged. 175

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Probably the Kurant misunderstood the report. Even so, the question is which source the Kurant has used, as, unlike the Kurant, neither of the two Dutch newspapers mention the number of cattle, nor the number of the Turks captured. So the Kurant may have used another source, possibly in combination with the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and/or the Amsterdamse Courant.

דער קור פֿירשט פֿון פײערן װערט דיא אנדר װאוך פֿון (װין) װידר נאך (מינכֿן) רײזן ·

125 [8] The Elector of Bavaria will travel from Vienna back to Munich next week.468F

126 HC Oct 14, 1687 Weenen den 2 October. […]469F Den Ceurvorst van Beyeren heeft eergisteren sijn gantsche Stoet, uytgesondert alleen eenige van de nodigste Bedienden, na Munchen gesonden en staet met sijne gemalinne toekomende Weeck te volgen.

AC Oct 11, 1687 Weenen den ... [illegible] September. […] Gemelde Keurvorst staet in weynig dagen na Munchen te gaen.

Both the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant could be the source, but not necessarily so.

דיא קיסרישי (ארמיה) שטיט נאך צװישן (סעגעדין) אונ' (צאלנאק) אבר דיא מינשטי קיסרישי פֿעלקר האבן קײן גרױשן לושט איבר דען באך (טײז) אריבר צו ציהן · דאך האבן זיא זיך פֿר קלערט אױף דאש ביגערן פֿון דען הערצוג פֿון לוטרינגן דאש זיא װעלן פֿאלגן · אבר מאן װערט זיא ערשט װידר עטװאש דר קװיקן · אױך װערט מאן דיא קראנקי קיסרישי זאלדאטן נון װײטר בעשיר פֿר זארגן ·

[9] The Imperial army still stands between Segedin and Szolnok, but most Imperial 127 troops do not have much desire to pass the river Theiß470F . But they declared,

125 ‘De keurvorst van Beieren zal volgende week van Wenen weer naar München reizen.’ 126 Between reports that are sources of the Kurant below, left out there. 127 Tisza.

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answering the request of the Duke of Lorraine, that they would follow. But first they will be refreshed [must rest] a bit. Also from now on ill Imperial soldiers will be taken care of better.128

HC Oct 11, 1687 Weenen den 28 September. […]129 dat d’Armee op den dag van ’t afgaen deser Brieven half wegen tusschen Segedin en Zolnock stont, en dat verscheyde Regimenten wel weynig lust tot het passeren van den Theys getoont, maer echter verklaert hebben, de begeerte van den Hertog van Lottharingen op te sullen volgen: het tegenwoordige We’er, ’t welck sacht en droog is, en de Ververssing, die de Militie volgens afgesonde ordre van sijn Keyserlijcke Majesteyt bij Zolnock staet te bekomen, sullen haer ongetwijffelt seer verquicken: De Siecken staen oock voortaen beter besorgt te werden.

AC Oct 11, 1687 Weenen den [illegible] September. […]130 De Keyserlycke Armée is weder in goede stant: de sieckte daer in, is seer vermindert, en staet by Zolnock de Theys wederom te passeren.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant is probably the source. The Kurant translates rather faithfully, without omitting things, except for the first sentence, leaving out ‘on the day of the sending of these letters’, and the second last sentence: in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant it is ‘the present weather, which is mild and dry, and the refreshment that the militia will receive near Szolnok, according to the order sent by His Imperial Majesty will undoubtedly invigorate them very much.’ The Kurant shortens this as: ‘aber man vert zi ersht vider etvas der kvikn’ (‘but they will be refreshed a bit [will get some rest]’). In the Kurant the ‘refreshing’ is a conscious act, to enable them to cross the river, in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant it is a favorable circumstance, which will make it easier to cross the river.

128 ‘De keizerlijke armee staat nog tussen Segedin en Szolnok, maar de meeste keizerlijke troepen hebben geen grote lust over de rivier de Theiß te trekken. Toch hebben ze verklaard op het begeren van de hertog van Lotharingen dat ze willen volgen. Maar men zal hen eerst weer wat verkwikken. Ook zal men de zieke keizerlijke soldaten nu verder beter verzorgen.’ 129 Right above the report under [7]. 130 Preceding the report under [3].

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דען דרײא אונ' צװנטיגשטן איז דער הערצוג פֿון (לוטרינגן) מיט דער קיסרישן (ארמיה בײא צאלנאק) אן גיקומן · אונ' װײטר איבר דען באך (טײז) אריבר גימארשירט · דער זיבנבירגישי אב גיזנטר איז נאך צו (װין) אונ' ער ביגערט דאש דיא קיסרישי פֿעלקר ניט זאלן אין זײן לנד אין דיא װינטר קװארטיר קומן דר קיגן װיל דער פֿירשט פֿון (זיבנבירגן) אן דיא קיסרישי פֿעלקר ביצאלן הונדרט טױזנט רײקש טאליר · דיא קיסרישי פֿעלקר װעלן ערשטליך ניט װײט פֿון (שטולװײזנבורג) דאש שטארקי טירקישי שלאס (פאלאטא) אײן נעמן אונ' דר נאך װערט מאן אין דען װינטר דיא טירקישי פֿעשטונג (שטולװײזנבורג בומבארדירן) · דיא קרענונג אין (אונגרן) מיט דען קיסרליכֿן פרינץ זאל נאך אױף זעקס אדר זיבן װאוכֿן אױף גישובן װערדן · אונ' עש זאל ניט צו (פרעשבורב) [!sic] זונדרן צו (עדנבורג גישעהן · אונ' דער הערצוג פֿון (לוטרינגן) האט דען (פֿירשטן פֿון זיבנבירגן) אױך צו דער קרענונג בירופֿן ·

[10] On the twenty-third the Duke of Lorraine arrived with the Imperial army in Szolnok. And marched on across the river Theiß. The Siebenbürgen envoy is still in Vienna and he desires that the Imperial troops will not enter his land for winter quarters, on the other hand the prince of Siebenbürgen wants to pay the Imperial troops hundred thousand rijksdaalders. Soon the Imperial troops will capture the strong Turkish fortress of Palota not far from Stuhlweißenburg and after that the Turkish fortress of Stuhlweißenburg will be bombarded in the winter. The coronation in Hungary with the Imperial prince will be postponed another six or seven weeks. And 131 132 it will not happen in Preßburg,474F but in Ödenburg.475F And the Duke of Lorraine also 133 summoned the Prince of Siebenbürgen for the coronation. 476F

131 Bratislava. 132 Sopron. 133 ‘De drieëntwintigste is de hertog van Lotharingen met de keizerlijke armee bij Szolnok aangekomen. En verder over de rivier de Theiß gemarcheerd. De Zevenburgse afgezant is nog in Wenen en hij begeert dat de keizerlijke troepen niet in zijn land in de winterkwartieren zullen komen, daarentegen wil de vorst van Zevenburgen aan de keizerlijke troepen honderdduizend rijksdaalders betalen. De keizerlijke troepen zullen binnenkort niet ver van Stuhlweißenburg het sterke Turkse slot Palota innemen en daarna zal men in de winter de Turkse vesting Stuhlweißenburg bombarderen. De kroning in Hongarije met de keizerlijke prins zou nog zes of zeven weken opgeschoven worden. En het zou niet in Preßburg maar in Ödenburg gebeuren. En de hertog van Lotharingen heeft de vorst van Zevenbergen ook voor de kroning ontboden.’

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HC Oct 14, 1687 Weenen den 2 October. Den Hertogh van Lotharingen is den 23 passato met het Keyserlijcke leger te Zolnock gearriveert en vervolgens den Theys gepasseert: […]134 men spreeckt, dat het Guarnisoen weder eenige Uytvallen, maer met haer schade, hoewel te gelijck met het quetsen van den Generael Cohari, gedaen heeft. […]135 De Zevenbergse Gesant bevint sig noch alhier en poogt, door alle middelen het inquartieren van Militie in ’t Lant van sijn Heer en Meester te depreceren en met een Contributie van 100000 Rijckxdaelders af te kopen. […]136 Den Ceurvorst van Beyeren heeft eergisteren sijn gantsche Stoet, uytgesondert alleen eenige van de nodigste Bedienden, na Munchen gesonden en staet met sijne gemalinne toekomende Weeck te volgen.137 By de Hongarische en Duytse Militie, die by Palota versamelt, sullen ettelijcke Regimenten van d’Armee, en onder anderen de 3 onder den Generael Palffi, die na Presburgh marcheerden, komen en, soo men gelooft, na ’t wegnemen van dat stercke Slot Stoelweyssenburg bombarderen. De Krooningh van den Aerts-Hertog tot Koning van Ongaryen sal eerst, als voor eenigen tijt gemelt hebbe, in November, en apparent den 9 van de Maent, voortgaen en niet te Presburg, maer Edenburg, geschieden: Men wil, dat den Hertogh van Lotharingen den Vorst van Zevenbergen heeft laten aenseggen, dat hy aldaer mede sal hebben te verschijnen.

The Amsterdamse Courant of October 14, 1687 has partly the same news, but in a different order and sometimes more extensive. The source is probably the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated October 14, 1687. The editor of the Kurant leaves out some reports, two of them (in italics) probably because he has borrowed them from the Amsterdamse Courant

134 Left out: the weather has brightened up, which makes it easier for the troops to enter the winter quarters; the Duke of Lorraine will not return before all troops have been billeted; four regiments probably arrived in Erlau. 135 Italics: the Kurant has this news under [11], probably borrowed from the Amsterdamse Courant; left out: news on a rumor that Turks destroyed their bridge near Peter Waradin. 136 Left out: news on a thousand foot-soldiers having left with Baron di Gall, Lieutenant-Colonel of the Starhemberg Regiment, and the announcement that Buda has a mayor. 137 Italics: mentioned by the Kurant under [8], probably from the Amsterdamse Courant of October 11, 1687.

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פֿיל קראנקי קיסריש יענראלן אונ' אפֿיצירר זײן צו (װין) אן גיקומן · דיא קרנקי קיסרישי זאלדאטן זאלן אין דען (אײלנד שוט אירי װינטר קװרטיר הלטן אונ' דיא גיזונדי אין (אונגרן) · דער הערצוג פֿון (לוטרינגן) איז מיט דער קיסרישן (ארמיה אן גקומן זעקס מײל הינטר (צאלנאק) ניט װײט פֿון (זיבנבירגן) בײא (זנט ניקאלא) דיא טירקן פֿון (ערלה) זײן װידר דרײא טאג נאך אננדר אױז גיפֿאלן אבר מאן האט זיא אלי מאל װידר צו רוק גיטריבן אונ' אין דען גיפֿעכֿט איז דער קיסרישי (יענראל קאהארי) גיקװעטשט גיװארן · פֿיל טירקן זײן צו דיא קיסרישי איבר גילופֿן אונ' זאגן דאש דער (פרימא פֿיזיר) װער גיװארגן גיװארן אבר מאן קען עש נאך ניט פֿאר גיװיש אן נעמן · מאן װערט זעקס אונ' צװנציג טױזנט מאן בײא אננדר ברענגן אום אין דען װינטר (שטולװײזנבורג צו בומברדירן) אױז דען (קראבֿאטן לנד) האט מאן צײטונג דאש דר קראבֿאטישר באנוס אדר (יענראל) קראנק ליגט ·דיא טירקן הבן אױף דר קראבֿאטישן גרעניץ דז שלאס ראזין גיראױנירט ·

[11] Many ill Imperial generals and officers have arrived in Vienna. The ill Imperial soldiers should winter in the island Schütt and the healthy ones in Hungary. The Duke of Lorraine has arrived with the Imperial army six miles behind Szolnok, not far from Siebenbürgen near St. Nicola. The Turks of Erla sortied again on three successive days, but all were rolled back and in the fight the Imperial general Koháry was wounded. Many Turks defected to the Imperials and say that the Grand Vizier was strangled, but this cannot be taken for certain yet. Twenty-six thousand men will be brought together to bombard Stuhlweißenburg in the winter. From the Croats’ land comes news that the 138 Croatian banus or general is lying ill. The Turks ruined the castle Rozin481F on the 139 Croatian border.482F

138 Probably Kožino. 139 ‘Veel zieke keizerlijke generaals en officiers zijn in Wenen aangekomen. De zieke keizerlijke soldaten moeten op het eiland Schütt hun winterkwartier houden en de gezonde in Hongarije. De hertog van Lotharingen is met de keizerlijke armee aangekomen zes mijl achter Szolnok, niet ver van Zevenburgen bij St. Nikola. De Turken van Erla zijn weer drie dagen na elkaar uitgevallen, maar men heeft hen allemaal weer teruggedreven en in het gevecht is de keizerlijke generaal Koháry gekwetst geraakt. Veel Turken zijn naar de keizerlijken overgelopen en zeggen dat de primovizier gewurgd zou zijn, maar men kan het nog niet voor gewis aannemen. Men zal

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AC Oct 14, 1687 Weenen den 2 October. Het maeckt hier tegenwoordig goet weer.140 Veel siecke Generaels en Officieren komen uyt Ongeren hier. Den Luytenant Velt- Marschal, den Grave Souches, is van zyn quetsuer voor Butschin bekomen, aen de beter hant, en wort morgen hier verwacht. Den Keurvorst van Beyeren vertreckt niet voor de aenstaende week.141 De sieke en gequetste Soldaten zyn in ’t Eylandt Schut geinquartiert, en de gesonde sullen in d’Ongarise Landtschappen tegen Oostenryk in de Winter-quartieren geleyt worden. […]142 Met nader brieven van den 27 passato heeft men dat den Hartog van Lotharingen met de Armée 6 mylen boven Zolnock, na de kant van Zevenbergen, tot St. Nicola, geavanceert was, en soude by de selve noch blyven: de Erlauwer Turcken hebben weder 3 uytvallen gedaen, doch zyn telkens met verlies weder in gedreven, waer in de Generael Cohary is gequetst geworden. Het wil eenigsins continueren dat den Primo Vizir en Janitzaerse Aga door het muytineerend Volk gestranguleert zyn. […] Aen de Duytsche en Ongarisse Militie in de Vestingen omtrent Stoelweyssenburg leggende, is order gegeven de Vesting Palotta, voor gem: Stoelweyssenburg in een Moeras gelegen, met vuur te attaqueeren,143 en segt men dat binnen weynig dagen 26000 man voor Stoelweyssenburg sullen staen, en dat soo dra Palotta en Cztschockowar geemporteert zyn, het dan ’t selve sal gelden, en dat het gebombardeert sal werden. De 3 Regimenten die Palfy tegens den Lantdag na Presburg sal geleyden, hebben order haer tot de voorgeschreve bombardeeringe gereet te

zesentwintigduizend man bij elkaar brengen om in de winter Stuhlweißenburg te bombarderen. Uit het Kroatenland heeft men bericht dat de Kroatische banus of generaal ziek ligt. De Turken hebben op de Kroatische grens het slot Rozin geruïneerd.’ 140 Left out. 141 Italics: left out in the Kurant. The Kurant has news on the Elector of Bavaria under [8], possibly from the Amsterdamse Courant of October 11, 1687. 142 Left out in the Kurant: October 18 will be the convention in Preßburg; the Emperor will be present; the coronation of the Hungarian King will be shortly afterwards; according to some the coronation will not be in Presburg but in Ödenburg, and other reports; these were probably left out because the Kurant borrowed similar reports from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. 143 Italics: left out in the Kurant; the Kurant borrowed similar reports from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant.

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houden.144 Uyt Croatien is tydinge dat den Bannus Croatiae siek is, en dat hy ’t commando over zyn Volck aen den Generael Mayor, den Grave Johan Drascowits, hadde over gegeven, die met 1000 Ruyters en 800 Musquetiers nieuw volk, in marsch na den Generael Dunewald was, en gem: Generael met d’Armée by Musclavina in Slavonien gevonden hadde. De Turken hebben aen de Croatisse Zee-strant het Casteel Khosin geruineert en verlaten, dat nu van Keyserlyke Onderdaenen ingenomen en beset is.[…]145

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant does not have this news, except for the fragments in italics, mostly mentioned under [10]. The Amsterdamse Courant from October 14, 1687 is probably the source. The editor of the Kurant leaves out details, especially names of generals etc. He also leaves out reports that he borrowed from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant elsewhere.

The general picture concerning the reports from Vienna is as follows: the Kurant starts with reports from the oldest sources available, first from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated October 11, 1687, then from the Amsterdamse Courant dated October 11, 1687 and from an unknown source, for the subjects that cannot be found in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated October 11, 1687. After that it carries reports from more recent sources, again, first from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated October 14, 1687, then from the Amsterdamse Courant dated October 14, 1687. The editor apparently did not use the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant or the Amsterdamse Courant dated October 16, 1687 for these reports, because they do not carry news from Vienna. The Kurant takes care to avoid overlap. So when a subject can be found in both the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant, the editor chooses one version and left the version of the other newspaper out, or, in a few occasions, he combines the two versions. All reports from Vienna in the Kurant are dated October 5; in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant the dating ranges from September 28 to October 2.

144 Italics: left out in the Kurant; the Kurant borrowed a report on this subject from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, and added more information on the 26,000 men from the Amsterdamse Courant. Left out: news that is partly also in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, on the mayor of Buda and the execution of two hussars. 145 More news follows, partly borrowed from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant by the Kurant.

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(המבורג) דען צעהנטן אױקטא מאן איז היר װידר זער ביקימרט װײל דער קיניג פֿון (דענימארק) טוט גינעהן װעלכֿיר פֿיל גישטיק אונ' פֿײאר מערשר בײא זיך האט דר קיגן טוט מאן זיך װידר גיטרעשטן װידר גיטרעשטן [sic] דאש עש ניקס מאג בידײטן װײל מאן זאגט דאש דר קיניג גאר באלד װידר נאך (קאפנהאגן) װערט ציהן ·

[12] Hamburg, October 10. One is very concerned here again, because the King of Denmark is approaching with many cannons and fire mortars with him, on the other hand one consoles oneself consoles oneself [sic!] that it may not mean a thing because 146 it is said that the King will travel to Copenhagen again very soon.489F

HC Oct 14, 1687 Hamburg den 10 October, Den Coningh van Denemarcken is eergisteren tot Gottorf gearriveert. Hamburg den 10 October. Hier is veel geroep van de Deensse preparatien: Tot Haerburgh staen 2000 Lunenburgers te Voet en 1000 te Paert gereet, om, soo haest wy mochten geattacqueert werden, hier te komen: Sweden presenteert ons van gelijcken 3000 Man: Men doet alle voorsorg; de beste Canonniers zijn van Haerburgh ontboden en ’t Geschut op de Wallen gebracht; men arbeyt oock met grooten yver aen de Wallen en anders; en sullen wy in een dag of 2 in volkomen staet van defentie zijn. Morgen wert den Coningh van Denemarcken sekerlijck tot Geluckstadt verwacht. Het gewoel en ’t leven van de Menschen is hier seer playsant, te sien: En, alsoo men beducht is, dat men ons wel te Water mocht bombarderen, heeft men een seer groot getal Sloupen toegetaeckelt, om by noot daer mee uyt te gaen.

AC Oct 14, 1687 Hamburgh den 10 October. Men is hier weder vol bekommernisse wegens de aennaderingh van syn Majesteyt van Deenmarcken, die veel Canon en Mortieren tot Itsehoe by sich heeft, zynde de Stadt gewaerschout op haer hoede te wesen; daer op oock Woensdagh en gister, zynde heylige dagh, den Raed en Commandant vergadert zyn geweest, en hede ’t Canon, Mortieren en Storm-palen, etc.

146 ‘Hamburg, 10 oktober. Men is hier weer zeer bekommerd omdat de koning van Denemarken nadert, welke veel geschut en vuurmortieren bij zich heeft, daarentegen troost men zich weer troost men zich weer [sic!] dat het niets kan betekenen, omdat men zegt dat de koning heel spoedig weer naar Kopenhagen zal trekken.’

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op de Wallen gebracht; en siet men de straten vol gevluchte wagens van de Hamburghse Dorpen met goet, wat daer van sal werden, leert den tyd.147 Maer Passagiers van Itsehoe komende, seggen dat men geen vrees behoeft te hebben, door dien den Konink toekomende Dings- of Woensdagh wederom na Coppenhagen vertreckt.

The Amsterdamse Courant dated October 14, 1687 is clearly the source. Probably the Kurant chose the version of the Amsterdamse Courant because it is much more explicit and clear. The Kurant sticks to the headlines, leaves out details and news about meeting of council and commander. The Kurant keeps the date mentioned in both Dutch newspapers.

(בערלין) דען אכֿטן אױקטאבר · דער קור פֿירשט טוט זיך ביפֿלײשן אום דיא זאך בײא צו לעגן צװישן דיא פֿר אײניגטי נידר לנדן אונ' דענימארק אונ' מאן זאגט דאש דר הער (פֿוקס) דעשט װעגן זאל זײן נאך דען קיניג פֿון (דענימארק) גיצוגן אונ' אױך אום אײן הײראט צו שליסן צװישן דיא ברניבורגישי פרינצעסין מיט דען קיניגליכֿן פרינץ ·

[13] Berlin, October 8. The Elector is applying oneself to settle the question between 148 the United Netherlands491F and Denmark and it is said that for that reason Mr. Fuchs has traveled to the King of Denmark as well as to arrange a marriage between the 149 Brandenburg Princess and the Royal Prince.492F

AC Oct 14, 1687 Berlin den 8 October. Syn Ceurvorst: Doorl: is neffens de Ceurvorstinne 150 en het Hof, van de Harte-Jacht gereverteert, hebbende 107 Harten geschoten.493F De Heer Ceurvorst appliceert sich nu wederom aen de affairen, waer van die van Denemarcken en van de Vereenigde Provincien de eerste sullen wesen; en segt men dat den Heer Fuchs met een seecker project over de voorsz. Zaecken naer Holsteyn is,

147 Italics: left out in the Kurant. 148 The Dutch Republic. 149 ‘Berlijn, 8 oktober. De keurvorst is zich aan het beijveren om de zaak bij te leggen tussen de Verenigde Nederlanden en Denemarken en men zegt dat de heer Fuchs daarom naar de koning van Denemarken zou zijn getrokken en ook om een huwelijk te sluiten tussen de Brandenburgse prinses met de koninklijke prins.’ 150 Italics: left out in the Kurant.

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om met den Koninck van Denemarcken te aboucheren; oock soo men wil om het Huwelyck tusschen onse Princesse en de Kroons Prins van Denemarcken te sluyten. […]151

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated October 14, 1687 has other news about the Elector. The Amsterdamse Courant dated October 14, 1687 is clearly the source. The Kurant keeps the date mentioned in the Amsterdamse Courant.

ענגילנד (לונדן) דען נײנטן אױקטאבר · אל היר זײן װידר פֿינף הונדרט פֿר טריביני רעפֿורמירטי אױז פֿרנקרײך אנט קומן אונ' מאן פֿינט פֿון דיא זעלביגי לײט אין (לונדן) בײא זיבן פֿױלי קערכֿן · דיא פֿר קױפֿונג פֿון דיא ענגילענדישי אױשט אינדישי קומפאניא האט זיך גיענדיגט דאש מאן האט נאך ריכֿט דאש זיא איבר פֿירציג (טוני גאלד) גילעזט האבן ·

England [14] London, October 9. Here are four hundred more dispelled Protestants who escaped France and about seven full churches of these people can be found in London. The auction of the English East India Company has ended with the news that they 152 yielded more than forty tons of gold.495F

AC Oct 14, 1687 Londen den 7 October. […] In weynig dagen zyn weder op nieuw wel 500 France gevlugte hier aengekomen, soo dat men nu 7 openbare Kerken daer van vol siet, daer men te voren hier maer een hadde. […] De verkoopinge van de Oost- 153 Indische Compagnie is geeyndigt, en bedraegt deselve 339000 Ponden Sterlings. […]496F

151 Left out in the Kurant: more news on other princes. 152 ‘Engeland. Londen, 9 oktober. Alhier zijn weer vijfhonderd verdreven protestanten uit Frankrijk ontkomen en men vindt van deze lieden in Londen tegen de zeven volle kerken. De verkoping van de Engelse Oost- Indische Compagnie heeft zich geëindigd dat men bericht heeft dat ze meer dan veertig ton goud opgeleverd hebben.’ 153 Left out in the Kurant: royalty news and local politics.

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The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant from October 14, 1687 does not bring this news. The Amsterdamse Courant from October 14, 1687 is probably the source, although it is remarkable that 339,000 pounds sterling is rendered as forty tons (= four million) of gold. Note that while both the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant from October 11, 14 and 16, 1687 carry a lot of news from England, mainly political and royal news, the Kurant chooses only these two short reports, on the persecuted Protestants and on the auction of the East India Company.

שפניען (מאדריד) דען זיבן אונ' צװנציג' זעפטעמבר · פֿון (מאלאגא) האט מאן צײטונג דאש דיא טירקן אונ' מױרן נאך אימר פֿארט דיא שפאנישי פֿעשטונג (מעלילא) בילעגרן אבר זיא הבן נאך װעניג גיװאונן · דר קיגן האבן דיא שפנישי אײן אױז פֿאל גטאן אונ' זיא האבן בײא צװײא הונדרט מױרן דר נידר גמאכֿט אױך זײן דרײא הונדרט זאלדאטן פֿון (נאפולי) צום (זוקורש) ארײן גיקומן :

Spain [15] Madrid, September 27. From Malaga comes news that the Turks and Moors are still besieging the Spanish fortress of Melilla, but they have not won much yet. On the other hand the Spaniards made a sortie and they struck down about two hundred 154 Moors, also three hundred soldiers from Napoli entered as reinforcements.497F

HC Oct 16, 1687 Madrid den 25 September. Men wil, dat de Moren de Belegering van Melilla opgebroocken hebben. [...]

AC Oct 14, 1687 Madrid den 25 September. Over 10 a 12 dagen quam de tyding van Mallaga dat de Moren noch voor Melilla lagen, doch niets op die plaets gewonnen, en dat ter contrarie de Belegerde eenige voordelen in een uytval op den Vyand bevochten, en een secours van 300 Napolitanen gekregen hadden.

154 ‘Spanje. Madrid, 27 september. Van Malaga heeft men bericht dat de Turken en Moren nog altijd de Spaanse vesting Melilla belegeren, maar ze hebben nog weinig gewonnen. Daarentegen hebben de Spanjaarden een uitval gedaan en ze hebben tegen de tweehonderd Moren neergemaakt, ook zijn driehonderd soldaten van Napoli als hulptroepen binnengekomen.’

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The Amsterdamse Courant from October 14, 1687 is probably the source. This report is more explicit than the report in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. There might be an additional source, for the Amsterdamse Courant does not mention the ‘two hundred Moors’.

פולן (לעמברג) דען צװנטיגשטן זעפטעמר · דיא פולישי פֿעלקר ליגן אונטר (װאזילאװיץ) · דורך דאז שלעכֿטי װעטר אונ' רעגן זוא איז דיא פולישי שיף בריקן איבר דען באך (דנישטר) צו ברױכֿן ·

Poland [16] Lemberg, September 20. The Polish troops are [stationed] under Wasiłowice. The Polish boat bridge across the river Dniester has broken because of the bad weather 155 and rain.498F

HC Oct 14, 1687 Lemburg den 18 September. Onse Armee legt onder Wasilowiec. Door ’t quaet We’er en ’t swellen van de Dniester is onse Brug over die Rivier gebroocken.

The Amsterdamse Courant does not have this news. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated October 14, 1687 is probably the source. Instead of ‘the swelling of the Dniester’ the Kurant has ‘un’ regn’, and it changes ‘onse Brug’ (‘our bridge’) into ‘di polishe shif brikn’ (‘the Polish boat bridge’): apparently the editor knew from another source that the bridge was a boat bridge.

דער קיניג מיט דען (פרינץ יאקובוס) הבן זיך צו רוק נאך (שלאקאף) ביגעבן ·

156 [17] The King with prince Jakobus proceeded to Słoków again.499F

155 ‘Polen. Lemberg, 20 september. De Poolse troepen liggen onder Wasiłowice. Door het slechte weer en regen is de Poolse schipbrug over de rivier de Dnjestr gebroken.’ 156 ‘De koning met prins Jakobus hebben zich terug naar Słoków begeven.’

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HC Oct 14, 1687 Lemburg den 18 September. […]157 Den Coning en den Prins Jacobus hebben haer na Zloczewo begeven.

AC Oct 16, 1687 Lemberg den eersten October. […]158 Soo aenstonts na ’t afgaen van de Konincklycke post komt een Courier van den 16 deser door sijn Koninklycke Majesteyt uyt Konink geexpedieert, dit alleen mede brengende dat gemelde sijne Koninklycke Majesteyt nae Zloczewo ging, om d’expeditie van d’aenstaende Ryxdagh in tyts te vervaerdigen.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated October 14, 1687 seems to be the source.

צװײא טױזנט טאטערן האבן זיך גלאזט זעהן אונטר (בעקמורשא) · װײל דער באך (דנישטר) איז איבר גלופֿן דא פֿון האבן דיא פולישי פֿעלקר גרױשן שאדן גיליטן · פֿון (ביאלאטשערקיף) האט מאן צײטונג דאש הינטר דען (דניפר) אײן גרױשי אױף רור איז · אונ' דאש גימײני פֿאלק טוט זער פלינדרן אונ' טױט שלאגן אונ' רױבן אב זונדרליך דיא (הורלינגן) · דיא טאטערן גין אױך אונ' שטרײפֿן דורך דיא גנצי (אוקרײנא) אונ' זיא זײן נײליך ביז אונטר ביאלאטשערקיף גיפֿאלן · דיא רײסישי װאיװאדישי לענדר האבן אין אירן (לנד טאג) צו (װיסני) האבן [!sic] גיװאלט מאכֿן אײן גידעפוטירטן אױף דען (טריבונאל) אבר זיא האבן זיך ניט גיקענט פֿר טראגן זוא האבן דיא זעלביגי הערן װאקר איבר אננדר איבר דיא קעפף מיט דיא זאבלן גישפילט אונ' פֿיל זײן גיהאקט גיװארן אונ' גישעדיגט ·

[18] Two thousand Tatars showed themselves under Bekmurza [?]. Because the river Dniester flooded, the Polish troops suffered greatly. From Biała Cierkiew comes news of a great revolt beyond the Dnieper. And the mob is plundering and beating to death and robbing, especially the hirelings. The Tatars are also roaming all over Ukraine and recently they fell until under Biała Cierkiew. At their diet in Višni the Belorussian voivode lands wanted to make an envoy at the tribunal, but they did not get along well

157 Following the report under [16]. 158 Following the report under [18].

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so these gentlemen played lustily over each other’s heads with their sabres and many were hacked and wounded.159

AC Oct 16, 1687 Lemberg den eersten October. Na dat allerhande uytstroysels van des Vyants aennadering ingekomen waren, is onse Armée van Caminiec opgebroken, om den Vyant tegen te gaen.160 Daer loopt mede een groot gerucht, dat in de 2000 Tartaren haer onder Bekmurza hebben laten sien, doch van den Muradyn Sultan is niet sekers, maer wel het contrarie, en dat hy t’huys gebleven is, soo dat men van meerder progressen niets heeft; te meer also het continueel quaet weder het voornemen der onse veel verhindert, als mede het overlopen van den Dnister, waer door d’onse veel schade geleden hebben. Kort na’t vertreck van d’Armée van Jaslowiec, zyn beyde de Velt-Heeren pro consilio aldaer aen gekomen: wat men verder voornemen sal, is aen sijn Konincklyke Majesteyt opgedragen, om daer over na gelegentheyt van saken te delibereren.161 Van den 24 Augusti wert uyt Bialocierkiew door den Overste Luytenant Greben, die het commando voor den Heer Rappa Stolnik Turiantski [?] aldaer heeft, en van daer na Niemirow in garnisoen gecommandeert is,162 van een grote tumult achter den Dniper geschreven, hoe dat het gemene Lant-volk seer plonderde, dood sloeg, en Rovery pleegde; en insonderheyt de Huerlingen die door den Samuylowicz ingeset zyn, grooten overlast aandede. De Horde gaet en stroopt oock dagelyx met Partyen in d’Ucraine, en zyn oock op den selven dag, soo als dese brieven afgesonden wierden, onder Bielocierkew gevallen, dan hebben niets verricht, en hebben met achterlating van ettelyke paerden en 2 Ordyncen moeten te rug keeren.163 Den Lantdag der

159 ‘Tweeduizend Tataren hebben zich laten zien onder Bekmurza [?]. Omdat de rivier de Dnjestr is overgelopen, daarvan hebben de Poolse troepen grote schade geleden. Uit Biała Cierkiew heeft men bericht dat achter de Dnjepr een groot oproer is. En het gemene volk is zeer aan het plunderen en doodslaan en roven, in het bijzonder de huurlingen. De Tataren gaan ook en zwerven door de hele Oekraïne en ze zijn onlangs tot onder Biała Cierkiew gevallen. De Wit-Russische woiwodelanden wilden op hun landdag in Visni [?] een gedeputeerde maken op het tribunaal, maar ze konden niet met elkaar overweg, toen hebben deze heren wakker over elkaar over de hoofden met de sabels gespeeld en veel zijn gehakt en gewond geraakt.’ 160 Italics: left out in the Kurant. 161 Italics: left out in the Kurant. 162 Italics: left out in the Kurant. 163 Italics: left out in the Kurant.

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Russische Woywoodschappen tot Wisni aeng: ’t verkiesen van een Gedeputeerde op den Tribunael in hare Preliminarien, wegen veele Concurrenten en andere strydigheden, is niet alleen af gebroken, maer hebben de Heeren Lantsaten de Sabels onder malkander lustig over de Hoofden laten swayen, en veele gehouwen en gequetst. Soo aenstonts na ’t afgaen van de Konincklycke post komt een Courier van den 16 deser door sijn Koninklycke Majesteyt uyt Konink geexpedieert, dit alleen mede brengende dat gemelde sijne Koninklycke Majesteyt nae Zloczewo ging, om d’expeditie van d’aenstaende Ryxdagh in tyts te vervaerdigen. D’Armee soude tot St. Michiels dag in ’t Velt blyven, ten ware ietwes ondertusschen van den Vyandt inquam; en daer na salse in de Winter quartieren verdeelt werden, om des te vroeger tegen het toekomende voor jaer in ’t Velt te konnen zyn. De Voet-volkeren sellen in Sniatyn, Chocin en Lincowiec verleyt, en door den Pauselyke Nuncius met proviant voorsien werden.164

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant does not have this news. The Amsterdamse Courant from October16, 1687 is probably the source. The Kurant shortens: according to the Amsterdamse Courant it is only a rumor that the Tatars showed themselves near Bekmurza, the Kurant presents it as a fact. The Kurant leaves out details and names, including the passage on the King and his son who went to Zloczewo (Słoków), because the Kurant already took it from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated October 14, 1687 above.

פרנקרײך (פאריז) דען צעהנטן אױקטאבר אלהיר זײן אן גיקומן צװײא אב גיזנטן אױז דען (שװײצר לנד פֿון (ציריך) אונ' פֿון (בערן) אונ' זיא האבן דען קיניג צו װישן גיטאן װען דער קיניג אנדרשט װערט דיא שטאט (גענעבֿע אן גרײפֿן זוא װערן דיא שװײצר דער שטאט מוזן בײא שטין · אונ' דרױף ביגערן זיא פֿון דען קיניג ענטפֿרט ·

France [19] Paris, October 10. Two envoys from Switzerland from Zürich and from Bern arrived here and they let the King know that if the King were to attack the city of

164 Italics: left out in the Kurant. The report on the King who went to Zloczewo (Słoków) is already mentioned under [17], in a report borrowed from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant.

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Geneva the Swiss would have to assist the city. And to this they desire an answer from the King.165

HC Oct 16, 1687 Parijs den 10 October. […] Twee Gedeputeerden van de Cantons van Zurich en Bern zijn aen ’t Hof gearriveert en hebben bereyts, soo men wil, den Coning geremonstreert, dat hare Heeren en Meesters, ingeval Geneve geattacqueert mocht werden, volgens haer Alliantie verbonden zijn, die Stadt t’assisteren en in alle manieren te seconderen; waer op en op haer versoeck van ’t niet voortgaen met de Proceduren omtrent de Thienden van ’t Lant van Gex sy sijn Majesteyts Resolutie verwachten.

AC Oct 16, 1687 Paris den 10 October. [...] Alhier zyn aengekomen twee Heeren Gedeputeerde van Zurich en Bern, en hebben aen den Koninck geremonstreert, dat in gevalle de stad Geneve wierde geattaqueert, sy volgens alliantie verplicht waren, haer te assisteren, en in alle manieren te seconderen, waer op sy syn Majesteyts resolutie zyn verwachtende.

The Amsterdamse Courant of October16, 1687 is probably the source, although there is only a slight difference between the Amsterdamse Courant and the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant from October 16, 1687. Date and place are the same.

נידר לנדן (מידלבורג) דען זיבנטן אױקט' מאן זאגט דאש װידר דרײא טירקישי רױב שיפֿן זאלן אין דען (קאנאל) זײן ·

Netherlands [20] Middelburg, October 7. It is said that once more three Turkish pirate ships are in 166 the Channel.509F

165 ‘Frankrijk. Parijs, 10 oktober. Alhier zijn aangekomen twee afgezanten uit Zwitserland van Zürich en van Bern en ze hebben de koning laten weten wanneer de koning anders de stad Genève zal aangrijpen, dan zullen de Zwitsers de stad moeten bijstaan. En daarop begeren ze van de koning antwoord.’

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HC Oct 16, 1687 Amsterdam den 15 October. […] Gisteren had men Brieven uyt Zeelant, dat daer tyding was, geschreven door een Fransse Schipper uyt een Engelse Zeehaven, dat weder Algerinen haer in ’t Canael onthouden, en dat een van haer omtrent Vaelmuyden tegens twee Zeeusse Fregatten slaegs geweest is; als mede, dat deselve, geontramponeert, in een van de Engelsche Zee-Havenen ingelopen soude wesen, omme haer te repareren; ’t welck gants niet gecrediteert wert, doordien de Schippers van de Zeeuse Fregatten selfs daer niet van geschreven hebben, en alsoo eenige Schippers, die ’t Canael door geseylt zijn, geen onraet in Zee vernomen hebben; veel min daer iets van weten te verhalen.

AC Oct 14, 1687 Middelburg den 7 October. […] Men heeft hier van daegh gedivulgeert dat ’er weder 3 Turcken in ’t Canael souen zyn, doch sonder seeckerheyt.

The Amsterdamse Courant dated October14, 1687 is probably the source. The Kurant explicates: ‘3 Turcken’ (‘three Turks’) becomes ‘dray tirkishe royb shifn’ (‘three Turkish pirate ships’). Date and place correspond to the Amsterdamse Courant, not to the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant from October16, 1687.

(אמשטרדם) דען זעכֿצעהנטן אױקטאבר · פֿון (אלגיר) האט מאן צײטונג דאש דיא זעלביגי טירקן האבן פֿאשט גישטעלט צװנציג יאר דען קריג מיט פֿרנקרײך צו פֿירן אונ' אײן גרױשי גיצאל טירקישי רױב שיפֿן זײן אױף רױב אױז גיפֿארן ·

[21] Amsterdam, October 16. From Algiers comes news that these Turks have decreed war with France for twenty years and a great number of Turkish pirate ships have 167 sailed.510F

166 ‘Nederlanden. Middelburg, 7 oktober. Men zegt dat weer drie Turkse roofschepen in het Kanaal zouden zijn.’ 167 ‘Amsterdam, 16 oktober. Van Algiers heeft men bericht dat deze Turken hebben vastgesteld twintig jaar de oorlog met Frankrijk te voeren en een groot getal Turkse roofschepen zijn op roof uitgevaren.’

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AC Oct 16, 1687 Amsterdam den 15 October. […] Over Livorno heeft men tyding met een Passagier van Algiers, dat die Rovers by publicke verklaring gesegt hebben, dat de eerste persoon die de Vrede tusschen de Franssen en haer soude proposeeren binnen 20 jaren, zyn hooft soude verliesen; ook dat daer 5 scheepen op de werf stonden, daer onder een dat 70 stucken sal voeren, ’t welke de Gouverneur toe komt, en als sy eenige scheepen sullen nemen die haer dienstig zyn, dan sullen sy de selve op den Roof wederom equiperen, also sy genoegsaem Volk hebben om deselve te bemannen. Desen navolgende scheepen hebben de Algerinnen, behalven de gemelden bovenstaende vyf, dese Somer in zee gesonden: […]168

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant does not have this news. The Amsterdamse Courant from October 16, 1687 is probably the source. The Kurant gives a short abstract of the lengthy report. The editor connects two different reports – [20] and [21] – on pirates from different sources. The Kurant postdates by one day, which is one day before publication, as usual with reports under Amsterdam.

דיא (פױשט װאגן) פֿון (אמשטרדם) נאן (ארנעם) זאל דיזן װינטר ניט רײטן פֿון װעגן דאש שלעכֿטי װעטר ·

[22] The stage-coach from Amsterdam to Arnhem will not ride this winter because of 169 the bad weather.512F

AC Oct 11, 1687 [Advertisement] De Post-wagen van Amsterdam op Aernhem sal met het aenstaende Winter saysoen, niet ryden.

AC Oct 14, 1687 [Advertisement] […] Alsoo op den 11 October abusivelyck in de Courant gestelt is, dat de Post-wagen, rydende van Amsterdam op Aernhem, met dit aenstaende Winter-saysoen niet en soude ryden, so werd genotificeert dat de selve alle dagen continueert om te ryden, uytgenomen des Sondaghs alleen.

168 Followed by the names of many ships. 169 ‘De postwagen van Amsterdam naar Arnhem zal deze winter niet rijden vanwege het slechte weer.’

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AC Oct 16, 1687 [Advertisement] Een yegelyck wert bekent gemaeckt als dat de Post- wagen rydende van Amsterdam door Naerden en Amersfoort op Aernhem, van den 20 October 1687. tot den eersten April 1688. van Amsterdam sal af-ryden des Maendaghs, Woensdags en Vrydaghs, en van Aernhem, Dinghsdaghs, Donderdaghs en Saturdagh, op dat de Passagiers die des Maendaghs van Amsterdam ryden, des Dinghsdaghs ten 10 uuren op de Post-wagen op Cleef, Meurs en Ceulen tot Nimmegen konnen zyn, gelyck oock die des Woensdaghs af-ryden, des Donderdaghs op de post- wagens van Aernhem, op Dusseldorp en Ceulen, en Hessen-Cassel kunnen zyn, waer na sich een yder kan reguleeren. De Post-wagen ryd van beyde de steden met het openen van de Poort. Yemand op andere dagen een Wagen willende af-huuren, sal daer van konnen geryst worden. Yemand nader onderrechtingh begeerende, addresseere sich tot Amsterdam aen den Notaris Hooghkamer, op de Cingel, over de Bergh-straet, en tot Aernhem aen Arent van den Bosch, in de Wever-straet.

The Amsterdamse Courant from October 11, 1687 is probably the source, although it does not mention ‘fun vegn dos shlekhte vetr’ (‘because of the bad weather’), probably a somewhat peculiar addition of the editor of the Kuranten. It is strange that the Kurant borrows the incorrect report, but fails to publish a correction in the October 14, 1687 issue or the extensive report in the October 16, 1687 issue. The Amsterdamse Courant and the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant from October 18, 1687 and the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated October 21, 1687 carry the extensive report as well, but the Kurant does not publish it in later issues. Earlier issues of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant do not have any reports on the stage-coach.

מושקװע (מושקװע) דען נײנטן זעפטעמ' דיא טאטערן הלטן קײן שטאנד אונ' זיא שװעבן גור הין אונ' װידר אום צו פֿר הינדרן דאש דיא מושקװיטרישי פֿעלקר קײן פרופֿיאנט זאל צו קומן · װעלכֿיז אױך אײן אור זאך איז דאש דיא מושקװטרישי פֿעלקר האבן גימוזט צו רוק װײכֿן אונ' אױך איר (יענראליסימוס) איז אױז דען לעגר װידר צו הױז אן גיקומן ·

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Moscow [23] Moscow, September 9. The Tatars do not stand firm and they are just roaming back and forth to prevent the Muscovite troops from getting provisions. Which is also a reason that the Muscovite troops had to withdraw and their generalissimo has also returned home from the army.170

This report can neither be found in the Amsterdamse Courant nor in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. It is unusual for a report to be published after the news from the Netherlands.

8.6.1. Selection The news in the Kurant from October 17, 1687 comes from the following sources:171

HC Oct 11 AC Oct 11 HC Oct 14 AC Oct 14 HC Oct 16 AC Oct 16 Unknown Total

32.7 % 8.7 % 13.0 % 24.8 % 0 % 13.8 % 7.1 % 100 %

Of the news in the Dutch sources the following percentages are used for the news reports in the Kurant dated October 17, 1687:172

HC Oct 11 AC Oct 11 HC Oct 14 AC Oct 14 HC Oct 16 AC Oct 16

27.5 % 7.1 % 4.9 % 16.9 % 0 % 10.5 %

8.6.2. Conclusions 8.6.2.1. Sources and editing The decision to publish the Kurant only once a week may have been taken by the printer in order to save expenses. For the editor it was hardly less labor-intensive, however, because

170 ‘Moskou. Moskou, 9 september. De Tataren houden geen stand en ze zwerven slechts heen en weer om te verhinderen dat de Moskovische troepen proviand zal toekomen. Hetgeen ook een oorzaak is dat de Moskovische troepen terug moesten wijken en ook hun generalissimus is uit het leger weer thuisgekomen.’ 171 See Table 13 in the Appendix for a detailed view. 172 See Tables 14-18 in the Appendix for a detailed view.

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8. Selection and editing: examination in detail apparently he used almost every source available and took great care fitting in all the relevant news by skillfully ‘cutting and pasting’. In this respect the Kurant differs from the Gazeta de Amsterdam and the Gazzetta d’Amsterdam, which both – at least in the few issues I examined – use only one issue of a source a week, even when more issues are available. The general picture concerning the reports from Vienna is as follows: the editor of the Kurant starts with reports from the oldest sources available, first from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant from October 11, 1687, then from the Amsterdamse Courant from October 11, 1687 and from an unknown source. After that he brings reports from the more recent sources, again, first from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant from October 14, 1687, then from the Amsterdamse Courant from October 14, 1687. He apparently does not use the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant from October 16, 1687 for these reports, because they do not carry news from Vienna. He takes care to avoid overlap. So when a subject can be found in both the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant, he chooses one version and leaves out the version of the other newspaper, or, in a few occasions, he combines the two versions. News reports from other towns in Germany and from other countries are taken mainly from the Amsterdamse Courant from October 14 and 16, 1687, either because the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant does not carry the news, or – probably – because the Amsterdamse Courant is clearer or more explicit. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant from October 16, 1687 was probably not used at all. The editor of the Kurant had to select strictly: he had six issues and probably one or more unknown sources to his disposal to choose from. He concentrated on war news. The only shipping news mentioned has to do with Turkish pirates. News from England, abundantly present in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant, is largely overlooked by the Kurant. The only reports from England deal with Protestants and the East India Company: religion and commerce. News from other European countries is virtually missing as well.

8.6.2.2. Dating

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The dates in the Kurant often correspond to the sources, and in some occasions – especially the more important war news – postdate. News under the heading Amsterdam usually is dated one day before publication.

8.6.2.3. Geographical order The geographical order is typical for the Kurant, except for the fact that Moscow comes after the Netherlands. It starts with Italy, followed by Germany, England, Spain, Poland, France, the Netherlands and Moscow. It does not follow one specific source.

8.7. Conclusions on the four issues The detailed study of the four issues gave me the opportunity to read over the editor’s shoulder. The way he used the sources shows that he took his job seriously and that he was a skillful translator and editor. Although the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant are equally important sources from the moment that the Amsterdamse Courant is used as a source, they have a distinct division of roles. In the important, long news reports the Kurant generally starts with the reports from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and completes the story with reports from the Amsterdamse Courant and sometimes from unknown sources. In this respect the Kurant is similar to the Gazeta de Amsterdam and the Gazzetta d’Amsterdam which usually start with reports taken from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and complete them with reports taken from La Gazette d’Amsterdam and one or more unknown sources. The editor of the Kurant always selects only a minority of the reports from the sources, both when the Kurant appeared once a week and when it appeared twice a week. This probably shows that the editor consistently tended to choose news on certain subjects, ignoring other subjects.173 When the reports in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant on a certain subject overlap, the editor borrows the version of one of the sources – in most cases the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant – and leaves out the subject as mentioned in the other source(s), avoiding overlap. When the editor uses more issues of the Oprechte Haerlemse

173 This will be discussed in Ch. 9. 197

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Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant, which especially happens in the periods that the Kurant is published once a week, he starts with the older ones. In the periods that the Kurant is published once a week it probably takes the editor as much effort to compose an issue as when the paper appears twice a week. He takes the news from almost all sources available and is able to fit in the relevant news. Here he shows his great editorial skills. Possibly this was one of the reasons that the Kurant was short-lived. Composing, translating and editing might simply have been too labor-intensive for one man. In this respect the Kurant differs from the Gazeta de Amsterdam and the Gazzetta d’Amsterdam, which both seem to use only one issue of a source a week, even when more issues are available. Clearly, dating and geographical order are used as editing tools. The Kurant often postdates by a few days, especially with important news, probably to give the impression that its news is as up-to-date as it is in the Dutch newspapers. Compared to the sources the Kurant has a rather consistent geographical order. Until August 15, 1687 it starts with ‘Germany’, including the Habsburg empire in Central Europe and the parts of Hungary occupied by the Turks. Within Germany, the first reports always carry news from the Habsburg-Turkish front in and around Hungary, as is the case in the sources. There are only two exceptions: the Kurant dated August 23, 1686 starts with Lisbon, and the Kurant dated October 8, 1686 with Rome. In both cases it concerns reports on shocking events involving Jews. After the news from the front, news follows from other towns in Germany, and after that, news from other countries, in a rather arbitrary order. News from the Netherlands usually, but not always, comes at the end. From August 15, 1687 onward, one week after the decision to publish the Kurant only once a week, the first report always comes from Italy, containing news on the war against the Turks, a few times from Naples, but mostly from Venice. Perhaps the publisher, David de Castro Tartas, wanted to bring the order in line with that of the Gazeta de Amsterdam, which, at least in 1675, almost always starts with Italy. The Dutch newspapers hardly ever start with Germany. Italy is first several times, but so are several other countries. The reason for this is unclear. As the editor of the Kurant considered news on the war in Hungary the most important subject,174 it seems logical that he mentioned this first. It gave his readers something to hold on to: the most important news comes first. The readers of the Dutch newspapers lacked

174 See Ch. 9. 198

8. Selection and editing: examination in detail this hold. And although it is unclear why from August 1687 Italy comes first in the Kurant, at least it offered a new hold to the readers, showing once more the editor’s tendency to organize things neatly. The Kurant uses several mechanisms to edit news from the sources. We can assume that the editor did so because he wanted to adapt the news to the needs of his readers. On the one hand, he had to take into account their level of education and general knowledge, on the other hand their specific outlook and interests. The average reader of the Kurant was less intimately familiar with the non-Jewish outside world than the average reader of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant so it is no wonder that the Kurant takes the trouble of simplifying and explicating the events described in the Dutch newspapers. It seems that neither the Gazeta de Amsterdam nor the Gazzetta d’Amsterdam simplifies or explicates the news. Seventeenth-century Dutch was fond of the complex sentence structure that is used in the newspapers. Yiddish, on the other hand, was a rather unsophisticated language for daily use with a simple structure. The editor used techniques of translation parallel to linguistic strategies in other Yiddish texts, in order to adapt his sources to his less sophisticated Yiddish reading public. This resulted in simplification of language and syntax. In general the ability of the editor to find his way through the meandering Dutch sentences and to translate it accurately in simple, readable Yiddish is impressive. The language and syntax of the Gazeta de Amsterdam and the Gazzetta d’Amsterdam are much more similar to their sources, probably both because their readers were better educated and because seventeenth- century Spanish and Italian generally used complex sentence structures as well. Occasionally, the editor of the Kurant changed the focus of a report. He left out the main message of a report in the source to concentrate on a minor detail. It is not always clear why. A notable feature of the Kurant is its neutral, nonpartisan perspective. Dutch newspapers describe the war between the Imperial army (Habsburg and their allies) from the perspective of the Imperial troops, or actually, from the perspective of the correspondent. For example, the Imperial troops are usually referred to as ‘d’onse’ (‘ours, our side’). The Kurant consistently changes ‘d’onse’ into ‘di kaysrishe’ (‘the Imperial ones’). This shows, on the one hand, the Kurant’s need to stay detached, which was probably how Jews felt towards the outside world, whether Imperial or Turkish, and on the other hand it is a reflection of the

199

8. Selection and editing: examination in detail editor’s tendency to create a neatly organized picture, which can also be seen in the weaving of coherent stories out of different sources and in the geographical order. In this respect the Kurant differs from the Gazeta de Amsterdam and the Gazzetta d’Amsterdam, which, like the Dutch newspapers, write from the perspective of the correspondent. All in all we can conclude that the editor went to great lengths to present the news from the sources in an attractive and accessible way to the readers of the Kurant by combining news from different sources and using several editing mechanisms. By studying the content of the four issues we have seen that certain subjects – notably the war between the Habsburgs and the Turks in Hungary – are described more extensively than other subjects in the Kurant. We also found that only a minority of the reports in the sources are used by the editor of the Kurant. In the next chapter I will show which are the most popular subjects in the Kurant and in the sources.

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Now that we know from Chapter 8 where the Kurant’s reports come from, and which editing mechanisms the editor used in order to adapt the news to the needs of its readers, in this chapter I will take a look at another important editing tool: the choice of the subjects covered by the Kurant, compared to the subjects covered in the sources. Which are the major subjects in the Kurant and to what extent do its preferences differ from those of the sources? In order to answer these questions, I took all hundred issues of the Kurant and checked how much space the various subjects take in each issue of the newspaper.1 Then I did the same for a selection of the Dutch sources. I took a sample survey of 27 issues of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and twenty issues of the Amsterdamse Courant. These are the issues that served as the sources of fifteen issues of the Kurant, about one issue a month. I took thirteen issues of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant corresponding with nine issues of the Kurant by Halevi, and fourteen issues of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant corresponding with six issues of the Kurant by Tartas; and six issues of the Amsterdamse Courant (only six, because Amsterdamse Courant was not used before February 1687) corresponding with four issues of the Kurant by Halevi, and fourteen issues of Amsterdamse Courant corresponding with six issues of the Kurant by Tartas. The sample contains more issues of the Dutch papers from the Tartas period than from the Halevi period, because during most of the Tartas period the Kurant was published once a week and it used more Dutch issues as sources for one issue of the Kurant. The Ordinaire Leydse Courant is not included in the sample survey, because it is a minor source. In this way it is possible to compare the preferences of the Kurant to those of the Dutch newspapers, and also to find out which subjects in the Dutch newspapers the Kurant did not borrow. 2

1 Per issue I counted the lines devoted to each subject and determined the percentage, comparing them to the total number of lines in that issue; some reports cover more than one subject, which is why the total percentage is more than hundred. 2 Initially in the comparison I made a distinction between the issues printed by Halevi and those printed by Tartas. Differences exist, but they can be explained by differences in the sources: see Table 19 with all subjects in the appendix. This is why I will not distinguish between Halevi and Tartas in the charts below.

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9.1. The major subjects Major subjects in the Kurant

Turks Habsburg Turks Venice Turks Poland, Russia Turks, Pirates North Africa Shipping Netherlands Turks Turkey North-Germany vs. Denmark France vs. Germany, Switzerland Protestants Roman Catholics Shipping England Politics, royalty Germany Politics, royalty Poland, Russia Shipping North/East Europe K Shipping East Indies HC Pope AC Politics, royalty Netherlands Human interest England Human interest Germany Human interest Italy Shipping France East Indies, Far East Human interest Netherlands Shipping Spain, Portugal France vs. Turkey Jews Italy Human interest France Politics, royalty England

20 0 20 40 60

This chart shows the 28 most popular subjects in the Kurant, compared to the same subjects in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant3.

3 See Table 19 with all subjects in the appendix.

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Major subjects in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant

Turks Habsburg Politics, royalty Netherlands Shipping Netherlands Politics, royalty England Politics, royalty Germany Announcements, advertisements Politics, royalty France Turks, Pirates North Africa Turks Venice Shipping England Shipping North/East Europe Roman Catholics Politics, royalty Spain, Portugal Shipping Spain, Portugal K Pope HC Protestants AC Politics, royalty Turkey Shipping France Turks Poland, Russia Politics, royalty Italy France vs. Germany, Switzerland Politics, royalty Poland, Russia Turks Turkey Shipping East Indies Human interest England Shipping Italy Shipping West Indies, America Politics, royalty Denmark

20 0 20 40 60

This chart shows the 28 most popular subjects in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant,4 compared to the same subjects in the Kurant.5

As we can see, the subject that takes the most space in the Kurant and in both Dutch newspapers is the war of the Habsburg Empire and its allies against the Turks in and around Hungary. But while the subject accounts for 17.7 % of the space in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and 17.6 % in the Amsterdamse Courant, in the Kurant the reports on the war in Hungary take more than half of the space (53 percent). This means that comparatively little space is left for other subjects. The numbers two, three and four of the Kurant are, respectively, the Venetian war against the Turks in Dalmatia (10.7 percent), the war by Poland and Moscow against the Turks (10.2 percent), and encounters between European ships and the Turkish – mainly Algerian – pirates from North Africa (5.8 percent). The subjects that follow are shipping news from the Netherlands, reports from Turkey, news

4 There are differences between the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant, but they are marginal. The chart shows the order in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. 5 See Tables 20 and 21 with all subjects in the appendix.

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9. Subjects in the Kurant and its sources about two other armed conflicts in Europe, between North Germany and Denmark and between France and Gemany and Switzerland, and news about Protestants and Catholics. The Dutch newspapers show a different image. Not only is much more space left for other subjects, the most popular subjects themselves differ from those in the Kurant. Almost as important as the war in Hungary is political and royal news from the Netherlands (16.8 % in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, 13.4 % in the Amsterdamse Courant), followed by shipping news from the Netherlands (12.8 % in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, 11.3 % in the Amsterdamse Courant), and political and royal news from England (10.8 % in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, 13.1 % in the Amsterdamse Courant). Political and royal news from Germany (7.2 % in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, 11.0 % in the Amsterdamse Courant) and France (6.0 % in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, 9.3 % in the Amsterdamse Courant) are rather popular as well. In short, whereas the main focus of the Kurant is on the important armed conflicts in Europe, the main focus of the Dutch newspapers is, apart from the war in Hungary, mainly on politics, both in the Netherlands and in the neighboring countries England, Germany and France. What might be the reason that the preferences of the Kurant differ from those of the sources? Understandably, Dutch readers, both tradesmen and ordinary citizens, were interested in political news from The Hague and in Dutch shipping news.6 As the Netherlands had a close relationship with England, and the Netherlands were constantly threatened by the French King and from time to time by German troops as well, political news from England, France and Germany was considered interesting by the Dutch newspapers. However, as newspapers were not allowed to divulge all political decisions, ‘political’ news often consisted of what we would call ‘royal news’, reports on the banquets organized by the King of France, or on the visits of the Queen of England to the baths in Bath. This was interesting for a Dutch readership, but probably less so for the Jewish readers of the Kurant. They were not yet Dutch citizens and lived in their own communities in Amsterdam and other cities; in fact many of them had arrived only recently from Germany or Poland. Although there are exceptions, political and royal news from Poland and Russia is comparatively more popular in the Kurant than in the Dutch newspapers. The Polish King Jan

6 See Ch. 3.

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III Sobieski was popular among Jews and treated them well.7 It is also possible that the Kurant, like many books by Dutch printers, was distributed in Poland, and for that reason pays attention to reports from Poland. This remains sheer speculation however, so long as we do not have any indication of the distribution of the Kurant outside the Dutch Republic or even outside Amsterdam. Part of this news refers to several visits by Russians envoys to several European capitals. This is a kind of running gag, also in the Dutch newspapers, because these envoys usually have to wait several days before they are admitted to the Stadholder, King or Emperor whom they come to visit and in the meantime demand considerable sums for their stay and consumptions. To make up for this, they bring magnificent presents for their host, which are mentioned in great detail in the newspapers. What the subject is they intend to discuss hardly ever becomes clear. Apparently this was also considered interesting for Jews, probably because they knew this phenomenon from back home. Nevertheless, what was really considered interesting for the Jewish readers were the armed conflicts in several regions. Many of these Jews or their parents had fled the Thirty Years’ War in Germany or Chmielnicki’s atrocities in Ukraine and Poland. So they must have been aware of the influence of war on the lives of Jews. Like the Dutch readers of the Oprechte Haerlemse and Amsterdamse Courant, they were interested in the war between the Habsburgs and the Turks, but even more so. The war in Hungary, and especially the re- conquest of Buda, influenced the lives of the Hungarian Jews. The few Ashkenazi businessmen, especially the Gomperts family, were involved in the provisioning of the Imperial troops, as we will see below.8 So they needed to know what was going on on the battlefields, although one would suppose that they had their own lines of information and were not (entirely) dependent on a Dutch Yiddish newspaper. The wars between Venice and the Turks in Dalmatia and Morea (Peloponnesus) and between Poland and Moscow and the Turks were results of the ‘Holy League’ against the Turkish Sultan and were related to the war in Hungary.9 The fact that there was a flourishing Jewish (partly Ashkenazi) community in Venice may account for the interest of the Kurant in the war between Venice and the Turks.

7 Israel, Mercantilism, 125. 8 See 9.3.2. 9 See Ch 2.

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The fact that many of the readers probably came from Poland may explain the frequent reports on the war between the Turks and Poland and Moscow. Two conflicts threatened stability in the Netherlands: the preparation for a new war by France against the Dutch Republic and the plans of Stadholder William III to invade England. Yet the news about French war preparations near the French and German borders, comparatively popular in the Kurant, has a less prominent place in the Dutch newspapers, whereas news of Wiliam III’s plans is completely absent, both in the Kurant and in the Dutch newspapers, probably because it was censored.10 Shipping news from several countries is relatively important in the Kurant, probably because the ships brought merchandise to and from the Netherlands, which was of interest to Jewish businessmen. It is also interesting to note that comparatively much space is devoted to reports on Protestants and Catholics, especially the persecuted Huguenots, who tried to find shelter after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685 by the French King, Louis XIV. Possibly Jewish readers identified with them – or at least the editor thought so.

9.2. Other subjects The focus of the editor on ‘important’ subjects like armed conflicts does not imply that he ignored other subjects. In the limited space available he borrowed only a minority of the news on other subjects. Yet virtually all subjects mentioned in the Dutch sources are also mentioned in the Kurant. The percentages of news on several subjects, especially human interest stories, in the Kurant is often comparable to that in the Dutch newspapers, or even higher. The editor may have judged that sensational news about disasters or miracles was as fascinating to Jews as to everybody else. Here follows a non-exhaustive anthology.

The Dutch newspapers carry many human interest reports from England. The Kurant often ignores them, but from time to time picks one or two items, for what reason is often unclear, probably just because they fit into a space the editor had to fill. For instance this report from November 19, 1686:

10 See 3.6.

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Amsterdam, November 15. From London it is written that on the same day that the New Lord Mayor was to be sworn in, when he wanted to ride to Westminster, his horse fell down under him.11

Or this horrible story from June 13, 1687:

Dublin, May 26. Someone had stolen a horse, then he was hanged and when he had hung on the gallows for three quarters of an hour he was cut from it and brought into a house, then it was found that he was still alive. As soon as the sheriff heard this, he had him returned to prison. There he coughed up a lot of blood, then he became fresh and healthy and then he was brought to the gallows again to be hanged. But the hangman had fallen ill, then another hangman was brought in. But this one said that he would rather be hanged himself than to hang him, then the poor man was returned to prison awaiting further orders.

In the seventeenth century great fires were a frequent phenomenon. The Kurant mentions several of them, mostly abroad, but on May 9, 1687 it reports on the terrible fire in the village of Durgerdam, north of Amsterdam:

Amsterdam, May 5. In the village of Durgerdam a terrible fire broke out in the middle of the night, two hundred and fifty houses burnt down, only the church with a few houses remained. It is impossible to describe the great misery and damage that has been done there.

The Kurant carries quite a few reports on thunderstorms, floods and other more or less serious natural disasters. This report from December 13, 1686 is one of five reports on the devastating flood in the northern parts of the Netherlands:

Groningen, December 8. Here in the country people are busy restoring dikes that had burst because of the high water, which caused the drowning of so many thousands of

11 Because I am not comparing texts here, I only give the English translation.

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people and cattle.

The thunderstorm in the next report, from September 17, 1686, has far-reaching consequences:

Paris, September 6. The thunder has caused great damage in France, the thunder also knocked off a woman’s breast from her body, the child was also wounded slightly, because the child had just suckled from this breast. Nonetheless mother and child stayed alive.

In two reports babies themselves are the main characters. Babies with two heads, that is. This happened in Poland, according to the Kurant of December 13, 1686:

Amsterdam, December 12. It is said that in Poland in Lemberg a child was born with two heads and this child lived for four hours. The child also spoke a few words in a foreign language before it died, but nobody understood this language. Many people came to see the miracle of this child.

In Madrid an even more complicated baby was born, writes the Kurant of May 27, 1687:

Madrid, May 8. Near this city a child was born with two heads and four hands and three feet. And only one head was alive. And the child already had teeth in its mouth and the child was baptized. And it lived for three hours. And the king and the queen saw it themselves. After its death its body was cut open and two hearts were found in it.

The Kurant – quite surprisingly – also brings several reports on monks and nuns behaving improperly, like this one from September 17, 1686:

Amsterdam, September 17. From Naples it is written that there was a clergyman or monk, this monk slept with a nun and the nun died shortly afterwards. And the monk then fled, but after returning he was imprisoned.

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Another report, from November 26, 1686, tells – even more surprisingly – about the miracles of a Roman Catholic saint:12

London, November 15. From Milan in Italy it is written that the governor had been ill, but he took upon himself to give the church of Saint Anthony a precious lamp. And if someone loses something from now on, Saint Anthony can make the lost goods return when mass is read in his church.

Apart from the cargo lists of the VOC ships, the Kurant carries remarkably few reports concerning trade not. This report, from the Kurant dated June 6, 1687 will have been of interest to the readers, as many of the Ashkenazi Jews worked in the tobacco industry.13

Stockholm, May 14. In Sweden decisions have been made regarding the import of tobacco and the establishment of tobacco spinning workshops. And it is prohibited under severe penalty that any spun or made tobacco and notched or brieftabak14 be brought into Sweden. But leaf will be allowed to establish spinning workshops.

9.3. News on Jews Remarkably, the Kurant does not carry many reports on subjects concerning Jews. The main reason for this is probably that the sources do not often write about Jews. And the Kurant apparently did not have its own correspondents. Yet the few reports on Jews that we saw in the samples all are edited in a special way. Either they are placed as the first article of the newspaper, or some sort of prayer is added. So it might be worthwhile to examine the main reports concerning Jews and compare them with the sources, in order to see whether they got a special treatment by the editor.

9.3.1. Portuguese Jews burnt at the stake

12 Although these examples are all taken from issues printed by Halevi, similar reports are to be found in the issues printed by Tartas as well. 13 See Ch. 4. 14 Tobacco in a paper bag.

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The first report in the Kurant concerning Jews may be the most shocking one. The Fraytagishe Kuranten from August 23, 1686 opens with a report from Lisbon, July 26, about three Portuguese Jews who were burnt at the stake in Lisbon after refusing to renounce their faith:

(ליסבון) · דען זעקס אונ' צואנציגסטן יולי: אלהיר האט מאן דרײא רײכי (פארטוגיזן) אין פֿרדאכֿט גיהאלטן דאס זיא הײמליך אירן (יודישין גלױבן) האלטן אונ' מאן העט זיא דאז לעבן גישענקט װען זיא העטן דען (יודישן) גלױבן (ח"ו) פֿר לײקניט · אבר זיא האבן גיזאגט מיר זײן פֿון (יהודים) גיבארן מיר װעלן אױך אז (יהודים) שטערבן · אונ' זיא זײן אלי דרײא פֿר ברענט װארדן · אבר גאט איז אײן גירעכֿטר ריכֿטר דער װערט דז און שולדיגי בלוט פֿר גיסן צו זײנר צײט װאול װיסן צו גיפֿינן · אמן סלה

Lisbon, July 26. Here three rich Portuguese were detained on suspicion of secretly having practiced their faith. And their lives would have been spared if, God forbid, they would have renounced the Jewish faith. But they said: We were born from Jews, we will die as Jews as well. And the three of them were all burnt. But God is a righteous judge, who will be able to find the innocent bloodshed in due time. Amen Sela.

Both the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant of August 20 open with this report. This is the text of the most likely source, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant:

Lissabon den 23 July. De Inquisitie heeft deser dagen alhier drie Joden, den eene levendig, en de twee anderen, nadat zy eerst waren doot gewurgt, doen verbranden.

Lisbon, July 23. The Inquisition has burnt here three Jews recently, one of them alive, the other two after they were strangled to death.

The text in the Amsterdamse Courant is similar. While the Dutch papers stress the cruelty of the punishment, the Kurant adds and emphasizes the fact that the three men decided to die as Jews, and adds a prayer about the divine punishment that will await the ones who carried out the sentence.

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9.3.2. The Conquest of Buda in 1686 and the fate of the Jews The main event in the war between the Habsburgs and the Turks in the years 1686 -1687 was the capture of Buda. The events preceding it are described in Chapter 2. The siege of Buda was described extensively in Dutch and European newspapers, including the Kurant, and also in pamphlets, and the victory was celebrated throughout Europe (sometimes at the Jews’ expense as will be pointed out below). After the conquest on September 2, 1686 the Kurant contains several reports about the fate of the Jewish population of Buda. As subjects of the Ottoman Empire, the Jews had fought side by side with the Turks. The reports were published in the Kurant between September 24, 1686 and January 17, 1687. This is a report from Buda from September 8, in the Kurant of September 24:

(אובֿן) · דען אכֿטן סעפטעמבר [...] איבר דרײ הונדרט (יהודים) זײן אין דער שול גיװעזן אונ' דיא גימײני קיסרישי זאלדאטן האבן זיא אױך גיװאלט טױט שלאגן אבר דער ברניבורגישי (יענראל) מיט זײן פֿאלק האבן דיא (יהודים) בײם לעבן דר האלטן דאך גלײך װאול האבן זיא דיא זעלביגי (יהודים) אונ' עטליכֿי הונדרט טירקן גיפֿנגן גינומן · [...] דיא גיפֿנגיני (יהודים) אונ' טירקן װערדן גיברױכֿט צו אליר הנד ארבײט אונ' מוזן העלפֿן דיא שטאט װידר צו פֿר ריכֿטן ·

Buda, September 8. […] More than three hundred Jews were in the synagogue and the Imperial soldiers wanted to kill them, but the Brandenburg general and his troops let 15 them live.532F However, they took these Jews captive, together with a few hundred Turks. […] The Jewish captives are used for all kinds of work and are obliged to assist in rebuilding the city.

The source of this report is not completely clear. It may be this report of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of September 21, 1686:

Offen, den 5 September. […] Veel Vrouwen en Kinderen en eenige 100 Joden, die in haer

15 The fact that it is a Brandenburg general who saves the Jews, may not be accidental. Great Elector Frederick William of Brandenburg-Prussia (1640-1688) protected the Jews in his own electorate against the often antisemitic population: Israel, Mercantilism, 119, 121.

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Synagoge geweest zijn, heeft men oock gevangen bekomen, en over de 3000 Personen ter nedergemaeckt. […] De Joden zijn onder de Sauvegarde van den Generael Schoning, welcke aen die kant d’Attaque voerden, en aen wien sy veel Geldt betaelt en noch meer belooft hebben, geraeckt. […] De gevangen Turcken en Joden werden tot slechting der Approchien en anderen Arbeyt gebruyckt.

Possibly the editor also used an earlier report, from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated September 17, 1686:

Weenen den 5 September. […] over de 1000 Turcken meest gewont, en veele Turckse Vrouwen en Kinderen, waer van men ’t getal op 500 begroot, in onse handen geraeckt, en eenige 100 Joden (door welcke men de verborgen Schatten hoopt t’ontdecken) die in haer Synagoge gevlucht waren, in ’t Duyts om pardon baden en 1000 Ryxdaelders voor de eerste Sauvegarde beloofden, gespaert, en in tegendeel eenige Joodse Familien, die met hare Goederen over de Donau meenden t’eschapperen, door de Tolpatsen achterhaelt en dootgeslagen zijn […]

Interestingly, the Kurant presents the events in a more positive light than the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. The Kurant simply presents general Schöning and his troops as the rescuers of the Jews and neither mentions the fact that the Jews paid a lot of money for their rescue (and promised more), nor the fact that although some hundred Jews were saved, the Tolpatsen (Hungarian infantrymen) killed some other Jewish families who tried to escape via the Danube.

The same issue of the Kurant carries a report I have been unable to trace back to a source.

(װין) · דען צװעלפֿטן סעפטעמבר [...] דיא גיפֿנגיני (יהודים) אונ' טירקן װערדן פֿון (אובֿן) נאך (װין) גבראכֿט װערן ·

Vienna, September 12. The Jewish and Turkish captives will be taken from Buda to Vienna.

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The Kurant of September 27, 1686 carries the following report:

(װין) · דען פֿופֿצעהנטן סעפטעמבר [...] דיא שטאט (אובֿן) איז נון גענצליך װידר גירײניגט אונ' גיזײברט װארדן דיא טױטי לײבר פֿון דיא טירקן אונ' (יהודים) האבן דיא קיסרישי זאלדאטן אלי אין דאס װאסיר דיא (טוני) ארײן גיװארפֿן · אבר דיא אנדרי טױטי לײבר פֿון אירין גלױבן האבן זיא אין דיא ערד ביגראבן ·

Vienna, September 15. […] The whole city of Buda has been cleaned and purged. The iImperial soldiers have thrown the dead bodies of the Turks and the Jews into the Danube. But they buried the dead bodies of members of their own faith.

This is probably borrowed from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant from September 24, a faithful, if somewhat more nonpartisan translation (fun irn gloybn, ‘of their faith’, instead of de Christenen, ‘the Christians’):

Weenen den 12 September […] Alle de Turkse en Joodse lijken worden in den Donau geworpen, en de Christenen begraven.

A report from September 18 in the Kurant of October 1, 1686 reads as follows:

(װין) · דען אכֿצעהנטן סעפטעמבר [...] דיא (יהודים) װעלכֿי אונטר דען קיסר װאונן דיא האבן פֿיל געלט בײא אננדר גילעגט אונ' האבן צװײא (יהודים) דר מיט גישיקט נאך (אובֿן) אום דיא גיפֿנגיני (יהודים) אױז צו ליזן · אונ' זיא האבן גימוזט פֿאר איטליכֿם גיפֿנגן (יהודי) הונדרט אונ' אױך װאול צװײ הונדרט רײקט טאלר געבן אונ' עש זײן שון איבר פֿיר הונדרט קלײן אונ' גרושי (יהודים) אױז גיליזט װארדן · [...] דיא יהודים אין (אובֿן) זאלן האבן צו דיא קיסרישן אײן שאץ גיװיזן פֿון דרײ מאל הונדרט טױזנט (דוקאטן) אונ' מאן װערט דאס זעלביגי געלט נאך װין ברענגן צום קריג צו שטײאר ·

Vienna, September 18. […] The Jews who live under the Emperor collected money and sent two Jews to Buda to ransom the Jewish captives. And for each Jew they had to pay one hundred or sometimes two hundred rijksdaalders, and more than four hundred small and great Jews already have been ransomed. […] The Jews in Buda are

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said to have indicated a treasure16 to the Imperials of three times hundred thousand ducats and they want to bring this money to Vienna as a war contribution.

This is a rather faithful translation of the report in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated September 28, 1686; the main difference is that the Kurant mentions two Jewish deputies and the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant only one:

Weenen den 15 September […] De Joden, die in ’t leven gehouden zijn, werden als Slaven stuck voor stuck voor 100 Tallers en noch meer verkocht, en meest aen een Gedeputeerde van de Joden, welcke haer vervolgens in Vryheyt stellen. […] De Joden, wil men, dat een Schat van 300000 Ducaten in Offen (werwaerts dagelijks veele Timmerluyden en andere Arbeytsluyden vertrecken) ontdeckt hebben, welcke men vervolgens herwaerts staet te brengen, en tot den Oorlog t’employeren.

The Kurant of October 29, 1686 carries another report on the imprisoned Jews:

(װין) · דען זעכֿצעהנטן אוקטובר [...] אין (אובֿן) זיצן נאך גיפֿנגן בײא פֿינף אונ' צװנציג הונדרט טירקן אונ' עש זײן דרונטר בײא פֿיר הונדרט טירקישי קינדר · אבר עש זיצן נור צװנציג טירקישי װײבר גיפֿנגן · אבר דיא גיפֿנגיני (יהודים) זײן אלי פֿון אירי ברידר אױז גילעזט װארדן:

Vienna, October16. […] In Buda about twenty-five hundred Turks are still imprisoned and among them are about four hundred Turkish children. But only twenty Turkish women are imprisoned. But the imprisoned Jews have all been ransomed by their brothers.

The probable source, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant from October 26, 1686, says:

Weenen den 13 October. […] Men spreeckt, dat […] in Offen 2475 gevangene Turcken, daer onder 400 Kinderen, en maer 20 Vrouwen, gevonden zijn.

16 It is not quite clear what kind of treasure this is. It may have to do with the fact that many Jews in Buda were engaged in money-lending: Komoróczy (ed.), Jewish Budapest, 28, Raj & Vasadi, Jewish Life in Turkish Buda, 41.

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Interestingly, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant does not mention the Jews, who have all been ransomed, neither here nor elsewhere in the paper or in the papers immediately preceding or following this issue. So this again may be an addition of the editor of the Kurant.

Finally, the aftermath, in the Kurant of January 17, 1687:

בערלין · דען פֿירטן יאנוארי · דיא װײל דער ברניבורגישי לײטינאם יענראל שאנינג דיא יהודים פֿון אובֿן האט בײם לעבן דר הלטן זוא האבן דיא בערלינר אדר װינר יהודים דעם זעלביגן יענראל גאר אײן הערליך גישענק פֿר ערט אונ' גירעגאלירט ·

Berlin, January 4. Because Lieutenant General Schöning from Brandenburg let the Jews of Buda live, the Jews from Berlin or Vienna presented him with a splendid gift.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated January 14, 1687 reports:

Berlijn den 4 January. De Joden hebben den Luytenant Generael Schoning over het minnelijck Tractement, de Gevangens van haer Religie aengedaen, magnifijcq geregaleert.

So here the Kurant unconditionally adopts the praise for the Lieutenant General.

9.3.2.1. Non-Jewish texts about the Conquest of Buda Considering that the reports mentioned above describe dramatic events for the Jews of Buda, their tone is remarkably detached. Most reports can be traced back to the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, and the editor did not add a specific Jewish outlook. In some cases the Kurant even describes the events in a more positive way than the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant. We get the impression that the Jews from Buda were treated reasonably well by the Imperial troops, despite the fact that many of them were killed during the siege. I have been unable to find more Dutch Jewish texts about the conquest of Buda, so it is hard to determine whether this really was the way the Dutch Jews perceived the fate of their fellow

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Jews in Buda. I did find two non-Jewish Dutch texts about the siege of Buda, however. One of them does not mention any Jews.17 The other one does: Dagverhaal van de vermaarde belegering der sterke Stad Buda, of Offen (Diary of the famous siege of the strong city of Buda, or Offen) from 1686. It is an extensive day-to-day report of the events. Jews are mentioned a few times: ‘the Jews did not want to assist in defending the place, but wanted to give money for it’ (p. 34). And: ‘the commanding Turkish Pasha stayed in the Jewish streets [quarter], near the Vienna Gate, where he had a great amount of gunpowder delivered in a cellar, to protect it from the bombs.’ (p. 41) These remarks give the impression that the Jews sided with the Turks. Another passage, though, suggests that Jews, together with Christians, were recruited by the Habsburg side: ‘The Duke of Lorraine, having seen that a crowd of Christians and Jews was roaming about in and around the army camp, without doing anything useful, had them assembled until there were 5000 of them. And had them equipped with shovels and spades to use as [for making?] entrenchments during the siege.’ (p. 62) And finally: ‘As far as the Jews are concerned, they came under the protection of General Schöning, who led the attack on that side, and whom they had paid a great amount of money, and promised even more.’ (p. 82) This is almost literally the same text as the report in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated September 21, 1686. The Kurant dated September 24, 1686 borrowed part of this report, but left out the fact that the Jews paid for their rescue. 18 Another intriguing Dutch text is Examen of Getuygenis van een Jood Aengaende het geen sich voor en in de Belegering der Stadt Offen en daer omtrent toegedragen heeft (Examination or testimony of a Jew concerning the events before and during the siege of the city of Ofen), translated from German, 1687. It is dated November 25, 1686. It may be the record of an interrogation of a captured Jew in order to find out more about the circumstances of the battle. The Jew, Jacob Tud, 31 years old, gives a detailed account of the strength of the Turkish garrison in Buda, and tells about taxes: ‘A Jew, whether he is rich or poor, has to pay a ducat a year as protection money, he is not charged more,’ and about

17 Extraordinaire Post-tydinge. 18 See p. 206-207.

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9. Subjects in the Kurant and its sources other duties: ‘During the siege the Jews had to carry water, wood, wine, ammunition and other things, and they were forced to work (but not on the Sabbath).’ He also tells that ‘the citizens and the Jews’ traded between Buda, Turkey and Vienna. Buda was an extremely rich city, ‘where more gold, silver, pearls, and similar valuables could be found than in Constantinople (exclusive of the Serail).’ However, most of it was burned by the Imperial army. The Jews had to pay 70,000 guilders as a ransom, one half to General Schöning, one half to the Duke of Lorraine and the other Imperial generals, ‘but as the Jews were completely looted and ruined, the Jews from Prague, Trewitz, and Nikolsburg had spoken up for them, until the assembled Jews in Turkey and elsewhere would collect the money.’ This highly informative ‘examination’ does not show special sympathy for either side, nor does it comment on the way the Jews were treated. Finally, I found a play: Buda anders Offen, Treurspel (Buda, or Offen, Tragedy), from 1686. It is: ‘a tragedy for the Ottoman, but a happy-ending story for the Christians.’ It takes place on September 2 and 3, 1686. The scenes of the battle alternate with a ‘chorus of Turkish women and a chorus of Jewesses’. The Jewesses take sides with the Turks, and compare the impending fall of Buda to the destruction of Jerusalem. They warn the Muslims that they can no longer suppress the Christians. They will fall victim to their own pride, just like Icarus (p. 20, 29-31). After the Habsburg victory, the chorus begs for mercy, which it receives from the Duke of Lorraine. They do not have to fear for their chastity, but they have to be subservient (p. 57-58). Finally the ‘Turkish scum’ has to bury the dead, ‘and let the Jewish people go and clean the roads.’ (p. 60) For all its symbolism, this play gives a rather faithful description of the events in Buda. Apart from that, it is interesting that the Jewesses are given the task of warning the Muslims that their end is near. Just as Jerusalem fell victim to the Romans, now Buda, and the Muslims, will fall victim to the Christians.

9.3.2.2. Jewish eyewitness-accounts The Netherlands were not directly involved in the Habsburg war against the Turks. How do the Dutch texts relate to the accounts of Jews who personally experienced the events in Buda? The best-known eye-witness accounts are Yitzhak Schulhof’s Megillat Oven (Buda

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Chronicle) and Kina Gedola (Great Lamentation).19 Schulhof, born in Prague, was the son-in- law of the Vilna-born Buda Rabbi Ephraim Hakohen. Schulhof describes the history of Buda during the Turkish occupation, and the siege and its aftermath. On September 2 a group of Jews escaped to the Great Synagogue, but the besiegers, he writes, ‘sacrificed the sons of Israel in the House of God, spilling the blood of innocent victims.’ Habsburg soldiers entered the building, and the roof and the walls collapsed. Many of the people who were still alive were massacred by the soldiers. Schulhof was almost killed as well, but after he told a soldier he was a subject of the Habsburg Empire, he was taken captive. Finally he was redeemed by a woman, who took him to Samuel Oppenheimer in Vienna. From there he went to Nikolsburg (the capital of Moravia, now Mikulov), like many other ransomed Jews from Buda. His wife and son were killed during the siege. The synagogue was burnt down, with the dead bodies of the Jews in it, but the names of 72 Jews who died, including Schulhof’s wife Esther, are mentioned in a memor book that was kept in Worms.20 Schulhof probably did not exaggerate in his dramatic account, because his findings were confirmed by the report of a German army doctor, Johann Dietz of Brandenburg, who wrote about the great cruelty of the Habsburg soldiers when they were fighting in the Jewish quarter.21 Schulhof wrote that he was ransomed by fellow Jews. The Kurant from October 1, 1686 also mentions the capture and ransoming of Jews. This is the main subject of another eyewitness account, the poem ‘Eyn sheyn nay lid fun Ofen’ (Prague 1688).22 It was written in honor of the person who took the initiative to save the Jews of Buda, Alexander (Sender) Tausk from Prague. The author, Ahron ben Yosef, was himself one of the ransomed Jews. Tausk was assisted by Reb Shmuel Heidelberger, also known as the Court Jew Samuel Oppenheimer, who, as the main financier of the battle against the Turks, maintained a close relationship with the Habsburg authorities.23 When the walls of Buda fell, Tausk went there by boat from Prague in an attempt to save the Jews. He went to the Imperial commander and told him he wanted to ransom the Jews. The soldiers did not distinguish between

19 Kaufmann, ‘Isak Schulhof’, 296-327. 20 Kaufmann, ‘Isak Schulhof’, 321; the book was later transferred to the Bodleian Library in Oxford, as a part of David Oppenheimer’s manuscript collection. 21 Komoróczy (ed.), Jewish Budapest, 505. 22 Fürst, ‘Ein šein nai lid‘, 223-230; the poem is published in a booklet in the Bodleian Library in Oxford. 23 Grunwald, Samuel Oppenheimer; Israel, Mercantilism, 102-103.

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Muslims and Jews and slaughtered both in the streets. Tausk gathered all Jews into the synagogue and had the entrance protected. The Duke of Lorraine promised him no Jew would be killed, but they would be detained. Several Jews were killed, however, or died from hardship. Tausk managed to ransom 274 Jews and 35 Torah scrolls and sent them on a ship to Pressburg (Bratislava) and finally to Nikolsburg. With the help of Samuel Oppenheimer and the King of Poland another sixty Jews were ransomed. The whole operation had cost Tausk so much money that he was unable to pay the ransom and spent some time in prison. Tausk went to several European cities, wrote a plea to convince the local authorities of his heroic deeds, Jewish communities sent letters of recommendation, and finally he succeeded in raising the money.24 The description of the facts in Schulhof’s chronicles and in the poem and the pamphlet is quite similar to the description in the Kurant and the other Dutch sources. The Kurant mentions two Jews who were sent to Buda. These could well be identified as Samuel Oppenheimer and Sender Tausk. The numbers of ransomed Jews correspond as well. And yet the tone is quite different. Whereas Schulhof and the poem paint a dramatic picture of the situation, the Kurant is detached and matter-of-fact, like the Dutch newspapers. It sides with the Habsburg camp and gives all credits to a Brandenburg general rather than to the Jews who ransomed their fellow Jews. It reports from the perspective of the Habsburg camp, writes about the Jews unemotionally, and gives the credit for their rescue to a Brandenburg general, rather than to the Jews who ransomed them. From other sources we know that the situation was dramatic for the Jews. According to Jonathan Israel, the re-conquest of Budapest and other Hungarian cities meant ‘utter disruption’ for Hungarian Jewish communities, ‘the Jewish quarters of Budapest, Belgrade and many other places being brutally sacked by Austrian soldiers.’25 In a sense, the same detachment can be seen in the reports about a fleet of river barges used to supply the Habsburg forces during and after the siege of Buda. The Kurant writes about this extensively while failing to mention that the operation was entirely organized by

24 This plea really existed: a pamphlet was kept in the Stadtbibliothek of Breslau, published by Sender Tausk himself, containing his plea and letters from the Jewish communities of Nikolsburg, Cracow, Frankfurt, and both the Sephardi and the Ashkenazi communities of Amsterdam: Brann, ‘Zum Ofener Judenmord‘, 540-553; in the 19th century the pamphlet was kept in the city library of Breslau. 25 Israel, Mercantilism, 102-103.

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9. Subjects in the Kurant and its sources the court Jew, Samuel Oppenheimer of Heidelberg. This is the very same Reb Shmuel Heidelberger from the poem, who ransomed the Jews in Buda in order to save them from the rage of the Habsburg forces while, on the other hand, supplying the same forces with food, clothing, ammunition, etcetera, mostly from Jewish dealers in Frankfurt, but also from Hamburg and Amsterdam.26 It is understandable that Dutch newspapers do not mention this Jewish connection, but for the Jewish readers of the Kurant it might have been quite interesting. Especially because Oppenheimer’s Amsterdam agent was the well-known Amsterdam businessman and printer Moushe or Cosman Gomperts27. And what is more, there are even links between him and the Kurant. The compositorm translator and editor of the Kurant, Moushe bar Avrom Ovinu, decided to start his own printing business in 1688 and after working with Cosman Gomperts for a short time, he took over his printing house.28

9.3.2.3. Consequences of the Conquest of Buda for Jews elsewhere As mentioned before, the siege of Buda was followed intently by many Europeans, and the victory was celebrated in many countries, especially those that were part of the Holy League. And in some cases the Jews fell victim to these celebrations, for instance in Rome. The Kurant reports about the troubles quite extensively. The first report, from Rome, dated August 13, is published in the Kurant of September 3, 1686.29

(רום) · דען דרײ צעהנטן אױגוסט · דאס גימײני פֿאלק אין (רום) האבן פֿר נומן דאס דיא קיסרישן פֿאר דיא מאל דיא שטאט (אובֿן) ניט װערן אײן קריגן · אונ' דיא װײל זיך דאס גימײני פֿאלק ניט האט גיקענט רעכֿין אן דיא טירקן זוא זײן זיא איבר דיא (יהודים) גילאפֿן · אונ' עס װערן (ח"ו פֿיל יהודים) אום איר לעבן גיקומין · אבר גאט האט גימאכֿט דאס דיא זאלדאטן האבן זיא גישיצט אונ' דיא (יהודים) האבן זיך דר הײם אין אירי הײזר פֿר שלאסן ·

26 Israel, Mercantilism, 102; Grunwald, Samuel Oppenheimer, 59-63. 27 Israel, Mercantilism, 102; Kaufmann & Freudenthal, Die Familie Gomperz, 333-334. 28 See 6.3. 29 Also mentioned in 8.3.

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Rome, August 13. The mob has learned that this time the Imperials will not be able to capture the city of Ofen. And because the mob could not revenge itself on the Turks, they have attacked the Jews. And God forbid many Jews would have lost their lives. But God made the soldiers protect them and the Jews have shut themselves at home [in their quarter?] in their houses.

The report in the probable source, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of August 31, 1686, is quite similar, although it does not mention the motive of the mob, seeking revenge on the Turks, which might well be a clarification of the editor of the Kurant:

Roma den 10 Augustus. Op ’t verdwijnen van ’t gerucht van de verovering van Buda is het Volck deser Stadt gaende geworden tegens de Joden, en souden veele om de Hals geholpen gehad hebben, soo ’t door de Militie niet gestuyt en de Joden in haer Quartier geweken waren.

In addition to the motive, there is another interesting difference. According to the Dutch newspaper it was not God, but the militia itself who prevented the people from starting a pogrom. The mentioning of God in the Kurant reminds us of the report from Lisbon mentioned above. While the Dutch papers stress the cruelty of the punishment, the Kurant emphasize that the three men decided to die as Jews, and adds a prayer about the divine punishment that will await the ones who carried out the sentence. The report from Rome in the Kurant is followed by two reports that are more in line with the Dutch newspapers, both dating from just before the conquest of Buda. One report, in the Kurant from September 17, 1686, records that Jews were advised to stay indoors at night, because the ordinary people are very embittered toward them. According to the other report, in the Kurant of September 24, 1686, the Pope summoned another two hundred soldiers to protect the Jews from a pogrom. Then Buda is finally conquered. The Kurant of October 8 opens with a report from Rome:

(רום) · דען פֿיר צעהנטן סעפטעמבר · נאך דעם אין (רום) איז אײן (קוריר) אן קומן אונ' האט דיא צײטונג מיט גיבראכֿט דאס (אובֿן איז אײן גינומן װארדן זוא האט מאן דיא גישטיק לוז גישוסן אונ' אל דיא קלוקן אין דער גנצן שטאט גילײט · אונ' װיא

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װאול זיר שטארקי װאכֿטן גיהאלטן װערדן זוא טון דאך גלײך װאול דאס גימיני פֿאלק דיא (יהודים) בילײדיגן בײא נאכֿט פלאגט מאן זיא מיט פֿײאר װערק אונ' בײא טאג װערפֿן זיא דיא (יהודים) מיט שטײנר · אױך טוט מאן דיא טירקן אונ' דיא (יהודים) אב מאלן אױף אלר הנד װאונדרליכֿי אונ' אב שײצליכֿי גימעל אז מאן קאן דר דנקן:

Rome, September 14. After a courier had arrived in Rome and brought news that Ofen was conquered, the cannons were fired and all church bells tolled all over the city. And despite the close watch of the guards, the mob is offending the Jews: by night it pesters them with fireworks, by day it throws stones at them. It also portrays the Turks and the Jews in every kind of odd and terrible way one can think of.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant from October 5, probably the source of this report, tells basically the same story as the Kurant, but elaborates on the several couriers from different places who all brought the same good tidings about the conquest of Buda. Unlike the Kurant, it mentions the singing of the Te Deum, and the fact that the Pope ordered all Roman families to show their joy for several evenings. The part on the attacks against the Jews is quite similar to the Kurant:

Roma den 14 September. Maendag arriveerde een Courier van den Postmeester van Bologna, met de tyding van ’t innemen van Offen, over Mantoua daer gekomen, ’t welck ’s nachts door een andere Courier van Venetien geconfirmeert, maer noch niet gelooft wiert, voor dat den Grave van Sanfre, Kamerling van den Ceurvorst van Beyeren, een Brief van sijn Heer en Meester met het selve nieus aen den Paus overgelevert had; waer op ’s anderendaegs ’t Geschut van ’t Casteel van S. Angelo gelost en alle Klocken der stadt geluyt wierden. Den volgende avont arriveerde den Grave van Thun met een Brief van den Keyser, welcke de dag daer aen ter Audientie geadmitteert wiert. Den Paus heeft door een Edict laten belasten, dat alle de Huysgesinnen van de Stadt desen en eenige volgende avonden Vreugde-teeckenen vertoonen sullen. Morgen staet ’t Te Deum soo in de Pausselijcke Capel, als alle d’andere Kercken, gesongen te werden. Ongemeen uytsporigh is de Gemeente tegens de Joden, en laet niet na, onaengesien de stercke Wacht, ’s nachts met Vuur-wercken en by dagh met Steenen haer t’infesteren, en met wonderlijcke Figuren haer en de

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Turcken op ’t aldersmaetste af te maken.

A week later, October 15, the Kurant reports from Rome, September 21:

(רום) · דען אײן אונ' צװנציגשטן סעפטעמבר · דיא (יהודים) האבן גימוזט בײא דרײא טױזנט (שקודי) אױז גיבן אום פֿײאר װערק מאכֿן צו לאזן אונ' דיא (יהודים) הבן זיא גימוזט זעלברט אן צינדן ·

Rome, September 21. The Jews had to spend about three thousand scudi to have firework made, and the Jews had to set it off themselves.

The Oprechte Haarlemse Courant from October 12 carries a report that, again unlike the Kurant, mentions the singing of the Te Deum, and tells that even the Jews lit bonfires:

Roma, den 21 September. Over ’t innemen van Offen is het Te Deum met groote Plechtelijckheyt gesongen, en veele Vreugde-Vuren, selfs door de Joden, aengestoken.

This might be the source of the Kurant, yet the meaning is somewhat different. The seventeenth-century Dutch word selfs could mean both mean ‘themselves’ and ‘even’. The grammatical construction in the Dutch text – ‘selfs door de joden’ - suggests that the meaning here is ‘even’, and expresses surprise: apparently even the Jews were happy and lit bonfires, while zelbert in the Yiddish text clearly means ‘themselves’ and expresses indignation: not only were the Jews forced to buy firework for the joy of others, but they had to set it off as well. Besides, lighting Vreugde-vuren (‘bonfires’) is something else than setting off fayer werk (‘firework’). Finally, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant does not mention any payment. 30 So the Kurant may have had information from elsewhere,547F and this may be one of the rare occasions in which the Kurant adds its own ‘Jewish flavor’ to a report. We know from other sources that is was quite common for the Jews of Rome to have to pay for the festivities of their Christian fellow townsmen. From the fourteenth century onward they had

30 Not from The Amsterdamse Courant, which reports on the festivities in Rome, on October 12, 1686 but does not mention the Jews.

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9. Subjects in the Kurant and its sources to pay a special ‘festivity tax’. During Carnival and other festivals they were forced to make fools of themselves and were ridiculed in several ways.31 On the other hand it is true that Pope Innocentius XI, who reigned during the re-conquest of Buda, had no ill feelings toward Jews and did his best to protect them from the mob.32 After the re-conquest of Buda, the Habsburg army captured several more cities and fortresses, but in the description of the events the Kurant does not mention Jews.

9.3.3. Sound-and-light show in Venice In some cases, the Kurant seems to be even less interested in things Jewish than were Dutch newspapers. For instance, on November 2, 1686 both the Oprechte Haerlemse and the Amsterdamse Courant write in great detail about a magnificent sound-and-light show in the Venice ghetto in honor of the conquest of Napoli de Romania (now Nafplio, in Greece) by the Venetians, who fought against the Turks. The show, which represented the battle between the Venetians and the Turks, included severed (Turkish) heads and limbs and lasted three days, from Friday to Sunday. This is the version of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant:

Venetien den 18 October. […] Alle de Parochien deser Stad hebben ongemeene vreugt over ’t innemen van Napoli di Romania bewesen; gelijck oock de Joden, welcke op haer groote Plaets een Berg, tot nabootsing van den Berg Palamida, met doode Turckse Hoofden, Armen, Beenen, &c. besaeyt, opgerecht hebben gehad; aen de Voet sag men en Zee met Galeyen en Schepen; weynig van daer op een groot Pedestal een Statue, representerende den Capiteyn Generael, doe hy na ’t Gebergte naderde en de Turcken op de vlucht dreef, en noch wat verder een Machine met eenige Trappen, opgepropt van Guardes, en daer binnen den Capit. Generael met d’andere hooge Officiers, en een Turck, op een Silvere Voet-Schabel nedergebogen, de Sleutels der Fortres presenterende: ’s avonts staken sy tot 3 dagen na malkanderen 2 Toortsen uyt elcken Venster van hare Huysen, en veele Machines en Vuurwercken in Brant.

Nothing of the kind can be found in the Kurant. Only more than two weeks later, November

31 Berliner, Geschichte der Juden in Rom, 46-47. 32 Milano, Il Ghetto di Roma, 93, 98; Vogelstein & Rieger, Geschichte der Juden in Rom, 226.

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19, does the newspaper produced the following report:

(פֿענעציען) · דען ערשטן נאװעמבר · [...] װײל דיא הערן פֿון (פֿענעציען) אזוא גרוש גליק האבן אין דען טירקן קריג · זוא האבן דיא (יהודים) װעלכֿי צו (פֿענעציען) װאונן אם זונטאג װידר פֿיל פֿרײדן פֿײאר װערק אן גיצונדן אונ' אױף אליר הנד װײז אונ' מאניר דיא גליקליכֿי שלאכֿטן אן דיא טירקן ביװיזן · אונ' דיא (יהודים) צו (פֿענעציען) טון קײן געלט שפארן פֿאר דר גלײכֿן פֿײאר װערק אױז צו געבן ·

Venice, November 1. [...] Because the gentlemen of Venice have been so fortunate in the Turkish war, the Jews who live in Venice again lighted lots of fireworks of joy and demonstrated in all manners the lucky blow to the Turks. And the Jews in Venice spare no money to display these kind of fireworks.

This is probably taken from another report in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, from November 16. Could it be, then, that the pious editor of the Kuranten was afraid to confront his readers with the fact that their Venetian brothers and sisters clearly had not observed 33 the Sabbath (which was, by the way, quite common among Venetian Jews)?550F The Ashkenazim living in Holland may have been interested in what was going on in the world, but they were still traditional in their behavior and may have harbored some suspicions against the more easy-going Venetian Jews, who shared the passion of their non-Jewish townsmen for music and theater, and performed plays that had nothing Jewish about them 34 except their author, for an audience of Jews as well as Christians.551F Yet the editor may also have had another reason for not mentioning this event. Celebrations of this kind were described extensively in broadsheets in Venice and all over Italy. This increased tension among the population, who vented their agitation on Jews. Because of the violence against the Jews that may have been caused by the colorful descriptions of the celebrations of the war victories, the Venetian authorities prohibited the 35 publication of weekly gazettes.552F The editor of the Kurant may have considered it wise not to bring controversial news of this kind.

33 Roth, History of the Jews in Venice, 192. 34 Curiel & Cooperman, The Ghetto of Venice, 54. 35 Infelise, ‘The war, the news’, 232.

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Quite a few inhabitants of the Venice ghetto were Turkish Jewish merchants, who were often seen as spies.36

(פֿענעציען) · דען ערשטן דעצעמבר · דיא צװײ טירקישי (באשיז) װעלכֿי נאך (פֿענעציען) זײן גיקומן צו װאונן דיא זעלביגי האבן זיך מיט אל איר גיזינד אין דער יודישן גאסן װאונונגן גירונגן אונ' איר דולמעטש הײסט (רבי יצחק) ·

Venice, December 1. The two Turkish Pashas who came to live in Venice squeezed their entire train into the Jewish alleys and their interpreter is called Rabbi Yitshak.

No source in the Dutch newspapers can be found, but both the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of November 2, 1686 and the Amsterdamse Courant of October 26, 1686 report on this subject, so it probably stems from a Dutch source. In any event, neither in the Kurant, nor in the Dutch newspapers are any signs of hatred towards the Jews of Venice in relation to the war against the Turks.

9.3.4. Belmonte Another Jewish emphasis we can see in the Kurant of May 9, 1687, which reports:

(אמסטרדם) · דען פֿינפֿטן מײא · [...] דער הער (עמנואל בעלמונטע) אײן פארטוגיזישר יוד פפֿאלץ גראבֿ פֿון דען רעמישן רײך אונ' רעזידענט פֿון דען קיניג אױז שפאניען איז נאך (אנטװערפן) גיצוגן ·

Amsterdam, May 5. Sir Emanuel de Belmonte, a Portuguese Jew, count palatine of the Roman Empire and resident of the King from Spain, left for Antwerp.

This report about the remarkable and influential Sephardic Jew in the service of the Roman 37 Empire (Germany) and the Spanish King554F was probably taken from the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of May 6, but the words ‘a Portuguese Jew’ are an addition by the Kurant.

36 Infelise, ‘The war, the news’, 231-232. 37 Israel, Mercantilism, 109.

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9.3.5. The Jews of Cochin In the Kurant one of these Turkish Jews may have been mentioned In theAnother following example report of Jewishof December content 20, can 1686: be seen in a report in the Kurant of August 26, 1687.38 It reads:

(אמשטרדם) דען פֿינף אונ' צװנציגשטן אױגושט · אױז אױשט אינדי האט מן בריבֿ ביקומן דז דורטן פֿיל טױזנט שװארצי אונ' װײשי יהודים טון װאונן שון בײא פֿיר צעהן הונדרט יאר אונ' זיא הבן זיך דורט בזעצט נאך דען דז (ירושלים) איז פֿר שטערט גװארן אונ' עש גיבט גרױשי קלוגי לײט צװישן זי אונ' זיא הבן דיא זעלביגי ביכֿר אדר תורה װיא עבן אל היר צו לנד ·

39 Amsterdam, August 25. From East India556F letters have been received that thousands of black and white Jews have been living there for about fourteen hundred years, and they settled there after the destruction of Jerusalem, and great, wise men are among them, and they have the same books or Torah as here in this country.

The Amsterdamse Courant does not mention anything of the kind, but in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant dated August 23, 1687 we find the following report: ‘It has been confirmed that a great multitude of Jews were found around and in Suratte, whose ancestors have lived there for hundreds of years; but the majority is black and the others are white.’ These reports clearly refer to the Jews of Cochin, in Malabar, southwestern India (Suratte, or Surat, is situated more to the north). From the tenth century there had been rumors about a Jewish settlement there. In 1663 Cochin came under Dutch rule, and in 1686 a delegation of Portuguese Jews from Amsterdam set out on a fact-finding mission to the Jews of Cochin. On their return, the head of the delegation reported their findings in a booklet called Notisias dos Judeos de Cochim, published by Uri Faybesh Halevi (Amsterdam, August 18, 1687). Ten days later, a Yiddish translation appeared with the same publisher, Tsaytung

38 Dated incorrectly August 27, 1687. 39 India.

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9. Subjects in the Kurant and its sources oys India, or: Kenis der yehudim fun Cochin.40 Although, at that time, the Kurant was no longer being published by Halevi, it seems likely that the paper’s editor used some inside information not available to the Dutch newspapers, which would account for the mentioning of the Torah. This seems to be the only report in which the editor used inside information. The reason may have been that the information was immediately available to him. As he had to work fast, in most cases he may have been unable to find Jewish sources, whereas Dutch newspapers were always at hand.

9.3.6. The killing of the High German Jew in Hamburg The most important event concerning Jews in the Kurant is the killing of the High German (Ashkenazi) Jew in Hamburg, which received prominent coverage in the Dutch press as well. The first report, in the Kurant of July 29, 1687, is as follows:

(אמשטרדם) דען אכֿט אונ' צװנציגשטן יולי · [...] צו (המבורג) האט מאן אײן הױך טײטשן יודן אום גיבראכֿט גלײך שיר אױף דיא זעלביגי מאניר װיא פֿאר צװײא יארן איז אמשטרדם גישעהן איז · אבר דיא מערדר זיצן אין (אלטינא) גיפֿנגן אונ' זיא װערן בלד איר פֿר דינטן לױן ביקומן ·

Amsterdam, July 28. […] In Hamburg a High German Jew was murdered, almost in the same way as two years ago in Amsterdam. But the murderers are being detained in Altona and they will soon receive their just deserts.’

Both the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant carry news on the same subject:

HC Jul 26, 1687 Hamburgh den 22 July. De Joden, gemerckt hebbende, dat een van haer, die hier in een Huys gegaen was, zedert vermist is, hebben den Hospes van ’t

40 Segal, Jews of Cochin, 37-44; Pereyra de Paiva, Notisias; Steinschneider Cat. Bodl. c.1980, nr. 6540; Fuks & Fuks-Mansfeld, Hebrew Typography, 241. Of the Yiddish translation of 1687 no copy has survived. We know of its existence from a reprint of the text by Samuel b. Judah Shamash, Amsterdam, 1713. On the title page of that reprint, the edition of Uri Faybesh Halevi with the exact date of publication is stated.

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selve tot Altona vervolgt en op de Bekentenis van sijn Meyt, dat de vermiste Jood in sijn Huys doot geslagen en in de Kelder weg gestoken is, nevens sijn Vrou doen arresteren.

AC Jul 26, 1687 Hamburg den 22 July. […] Een persoon sekere Jode van de Beurs gehaelt hebbende, om een goude Ketting te verkopen, heeft hem, in huys hebbende, eerst ’t gelt afgedwongen, en daer na vermoort, en in sijn Was huys begraven; deselve is tot Altena gevangen, en heeft ’t seyt al bekent, sal loon na verdienste bekomen.

The Amsterdamse Courant is probably the source, but it has more information on the victim and the circumstances of the murder. But the Kurant has information that is missing from the Dutch newspapers. According to the Kurant, the murder was committed ‘almost in the same way as two years ago in Amsterdam.’ As we will see below, though, the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of August 12, 1687 and the Amsterdamse Courant of September 6, 1687 do refer to the disappearance of another Jew some years before in Altona, who now turns out to have been murdered by the same person, under similar circumstances. It seems likely that the Kurant is referring to this event as well, and accidentally writes ‘Amsterdam’ instead of ‘Altona.’ Possibly the Kurant has this information from another source. The story is continued in the Kurant of August 1, 1687:

(המבורג) דען פֿינף אונ' צװנציגשטן יולי · דער יודן מערדר מיט זײנר פֿרױא אונ' מײד זיצן נאך צו (אלטינא) גיפֿנגן מאן האט נאך (גליקשטאט) גישיקט אום צו זעהן אױב מאן זיא קען ארױז ביקומן זוא װײל זיא דען מױרט אין המבורג האבן ביגנגן זוא װעלט מאן זיא אױך גערן אין המבורג דרום שטראפֿן ·

Hamburg, July 25. The Jew-murderer with his wife and maid are still detained in 41 Altona. A message was sent to Glückstadt asking whether they can be released.558F Because they committed the murder in Hamburg, it is considered preferable to punish them in Hamburg as well.

The following report in the Amsterdamse Courant is probably the source of the report in the

41 From Altona, a suburb of Hamburg, which was under Danish rule.

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Kurant:

AC Jul 29, 1687 Hamburg den 25 July. De Moordenaer van de Jood sit met syn Vrouw en Meyt noch tot Altena gevangen; men heeft na Gluckstad gesonden, om te sien of men de Moordenaer, om die hier te straffen, bekomen kan.

Then several reports appear in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant that are not borrowed by the Kurant:

HC Aug 2, 1687 Hamburgh den 29 July. Of de Persoon, die laetst de Jood vermoort heeft, herwaerts gebracht sal werden of niet, is noch onbekent.

HC Aug 12, 1687 Hamburg den 8 Augusti. De Moorder van de Jood en sijn Meyt zijn eergisteren t’Altona geëxamineert; als wanneer de Meyt noch een Moort, aen een anderen Jood, bereyts voor 4 Jaren geschiet, bekent en de Plaets, daer hy verstoocken was en daer hy oock gevonden is, ontdeckt heeft.

HC Aug 16, 1687 Hamburgh den 12 Augusti. Van hier zijn eenige Persoonen afgesonden, om de Ouders van de Joden Moordenaer van Lubeck, alwaer sy gearresteert sitten, af te halen.

HC Aug 23 1687 Hamburgh den 19 Augustus. De Ouders van de Joden Moordenaer, die te Lubeck in arrest sitten, zijn hier noch niet aengekomen.

HC Aug 26, 1687 Hamburg den 22 Aug. [...] D’Ouders van de Joden Moordenaer zijn hier gebracht.

HC Aug 30, 1687 Hamburg den 26 Augusti. Het Proces van den Joden Moordenaer wert t’Altona geformeert.

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The next report in the Kurant follows on September 12, 1687:42

(המבורג) דען פֿינפֿטן זעפטע' דינשטאג איז דער (יודן מערדר) אין (אלטינױא) דורך דיא בורגירײא פֿר װיזן גיװארן דאש מאן אים זאל דען קאפף אב שלאגן אונ' ביגראבן · אונ' דיא מײד זאל גיגײשלט װערדן אונ' גיברנד מרקט · דער פֿאטר אונ' מוטר זײן און שולדיג ביפֿונדן · אבר מאן װײש נאך ניט װאס גאש (אױבר גיריכֿט) היר אױף זאל פֿאר גוט ביפֿינדן אדר (יודיצירן) ·

Hamburg, September 5. On Tuesday the citizens in Altona ruled that the Jew-murderer be decapitated and buried. And that the maid be whipped and branded. The father and the mother were found innocent. But it is yet unknown what the supreme court will deem good or will rule.

The following are the reports in the Dutch press. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of September 9 is probably the source:

HC Sep 6, 1687 Hamburg den 2 September. Heden is de Jooden Moordenaer nevens sijn Meyt t'Altona voor het Neder-Gerecht geweest: van de weeck sal haer Proces apparent volkomen gemaeckt werden: Hy heeft de Moort aen de Jood, wiens Lijck men volgens het rapport van de Meyt oock gevonden heeft, insgelijcks beleden, maer segt, dat noch een ander, die, als een Bootsgesel gekleet, vertrock, daer aen mede hantdadig is geweest.

AC Sep 6, 1687 Hamburgh den 23 Augustus. [...] Tot Altena heeft den Moordenaer bekent dat hy 2 Jooden vermoort heeft, de Vader en Moeder syn onschuldigh bevonden.

HC Sep 9, 1687 Hamburg den 5 September. Dingsdag is de Joden Moordenaer in Altena door de Burgery verwesen, onthooft en begraven te werden, en gisteren de Meyt in een Geesseling en Brantmerk; wat het Opper-Gerecht daer op goetvinden sal, weet men noch niet.

42 Incorrectly dated September 13, 1687. 231

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The Kurant of September 19, 1687 continues as follows:

(אמשטרדם) דען אכֿצעהנטן זעפטעמבר · [...] פֿון (המבורג) האט מאן צײטונג דאש דער (יודן מערדר) נאך צו (אלטינא) גיפֿנגן זיצט אונ' מאן האט זײן זאך נאך אלר הנד (אוניװערסיטיטן פֿר שיקט אום צו פֿר נעמן װאש פֿאר אײן טױט דאז מן אים זאל הין ריכֿטן ·

Amsterdam, September 18. […] From Hamburg a report arrived that the Jew-murderer is still detained in Altona and his case was sent to several universities to learn in what way he should be put to death.

The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of September 13 is probably the source of this report, although the Kurant adds some explication:

HC Sep 13, 1687 Hamburg den 9 September. [...] De Joden Moordenaer sit noch te Altona gevangen en sijn saeck is, om Advysen daer over in te nemen, na eenige Universiteyten gesonden.

The next report is in the Kurant of September 26, 1687:

(המבורג) דען צװנציגשטן זעפטעמבר · ענטליך האט דער (יודן מערדר) זײן רעכֿט אורטל ביקומן דאש מאן אים זאל לעבנדיג רעדרן ·

Hamburg, September 20. Finally the Jew-murderer got his legitimate verdict, that he will be broken on the wheel alive.

The Dutch newspapers have several similar reports; both the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the Amsterdamse Courant from September 20 could be the source. Interestingly, the Kurant adds an opinion, zayn rekht urtl, ‘his legitimate verdict’, whereas the Dutch newspapers stay neutral.

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HC Sep 20 1687 Hamburg den 16 September. [...] Gisteren is de Joden Moordenaer te Altona gecondemneert, om levendig gerabraeckt te werden.

AC Sep 20, 1687 Hamburg den 16 September. Den Mordenaer die de laetste Jood hier vermoort, en tot Altena gevangen geseten heeft, heeft zyn Sententie bekomen om levendig gerabraekt te worden.

HC Sep 27 1687 Hamburg den 23 September. De Jooden Moordenaer staet morgen t’Altona volgens sijn bekomen Sententie gerabraekt te werden.

AC Sep 27 1687 Hamburg den 23 September. Morgen voormiddag sal de Moord[enaer] tot Altena geexecuteert worden.

The Kurant of October 3, 1687 announces:

(המבורג) דען זעקס אונ' צװנציגשטן זעפטעמבר · דער יודן מערדר איז לעבידיג גירעדרט װארן

Hamburg, September 26. The Jew-murderer was broken on the wheel alive.

Either Dutch newspaper could be the source. The Oprechte Haerlemse Courant reports how courageously the murderer behaved in his last moments; the Amsterdamse Courant adds information on the maid. Both additions are left out of the Kurant. Information on the maid is provided in the next issue of the Kurant; positive remarks on the criminal can hardly be expected of the editor:

HC Sep 30, 1687 Altona den 25 September. Gisteren is de Joden Moordenaer gerabraeckt: Hy trock sijn Rock en andere Klederen selfs uyt en ging seer couragieus sig ter neder leggen en tot de Doot bereyden.

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AC Sep 30, 1687 Hamburg den 26 September. Eergisteren is den Jode-Moordenaer tot Altena levendigh gerabraeckt, en op den [een?] Radt geleyt; de Meyt die hem geholpen heeft, sal morgen daer gegeesselt en gebrantmerckt worden.

And the aftermath, in the Kurant of October 10, 1687:

(המבורג) דען פֿירטן אױקטאבר נאך דעם דאש מאן צו (אלטונא) האט נײליך דען (יודן מערדר) לעבנדיג גירעדרט גיהאט זוא האט מאן אױך דיא מײד װעלכֿי אים האט צו דען מױרט גהולפֿן גיגײשלט אונ' גיבראנד מארקט · אבר אין (המבורג) אין דער (נײא שטאט) האבן עטליכֿי יונגן אונ' בױץ גיזעלן צװײא יודן הײזר גיפלינדרט אונ' פֿיל אנדרי יודן גשלאגן אונ' גרױשי מוט װילן פֿר שטיפֿט אונ' דיא זאך װער זער איבל אב גילופֿן · אבר דיא רײטר װאכֿט זײן דר צװישן גיקומן אונ' זיא האבן דאש גיפעפֿל פֿון אננדר גישײדן · דר נאך האט מאן גילאזט אײן (פלאקאט) אױז גין דאש מאן מיט זולכֿי װידר שפעניגי זער שארף װערט (פראצעדירן) ·

Hamburg, October 4. After the Jew-murderer was broken on the wheel alive, recently, the maid who helped him with the murder was also whipped and branded. But in Hamburg in the New Town some boys and sailors ransacked two Jewish houses and beat many other Jews and caused great mischief and things might have turned out badly, but the mounted guards intervened and dispersed the mob. Subsequently an edict was issued that very firm action will be taken against unruly persons of this kind.

The Dutch newspapers have the following news; the Amsterdamse Courant of October 4 is probably the source:

HC Sep 30, 1687 Hamburg den 26 September. [...] Terwyl de Joden Moordenaer t’Altona geëxecuteert wiert, heeft men de Poorten deser Stadt gesloten gehouden.

HC Oct 4, 1687 Hamburg den 30 September. Saturdag is de Meyt van de Joden Moordenaer t’Altona gegeesselt, gebrantmerckt en gebannen; sijn Vrou, segt men, onschuldig bevonden te zijn en ontslagen te sullen werden.

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AC Oct 4, 1687 Hamburg den 30 September. Op aenstaende Donderdag staet de Borgery hier te vergaderen. Sedert dat den Joode Moordenaer gerecht is, en het Vrouwmens dat hem geholpen had, is gegeeselt en gebrantmerckt, soo hebben eenige jongens en Matroosen op voorleden Sondag twee huysen van de Jooden inde nieuwe stad geplondert, veel andere Jooden geslagen, en groote insolentie bedreven, en soude het lichtelyk hooger geloopen hebben, ten waere de Ruyter-wacht daer op in gereden, en dit gepeupel van een gescheyden had, waer op een scherp Placaet is gepubliceert, inhoudende dat men tegen sulke moetwillige en baldage menschen als tegen Verstoorders van de gemeene rust soude procederen.

It is clear that the Jew murder in Hamburg was considered an extremely important subject in the Kurant. And yet the two Dutch newspapers cover it even more exhaustively. Virtually everything mentioned in the Kurant can be traced to either the Amsterdamse or the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant with only a few exceptions: the adding of an opinion, zayn rekht urtl, ‘his legitimate verdict’, whereas the Dutch newspapers stay neutral, and the fact that according to the Kurant the murder was committed ‘almost in the same way as two years ago in Amsterdam.’ As pointed out above, it seems likely that the Kurant accidentally wrote ‘Amsterdam’ instead of ‘Altona’, but as the two Dutch papers refer to the first murder only in later issues, the Kurant may have had an additional source. In any event, the two Dutch papers report in greater detail about the circumstances of the murder, the victim, the arrest of the murderer, his wife, maid, and parents, the confession of the maid and that of the murderer. We know about the two murder cases in Hamburg and Altona from yet another source: the memoirs of the Jewish businesswoman Glikl Hamel (1645–1724). At the time of the murders she lived in Hamburg. She wrote about them because they had made a profound impression on the townspeople and because she was a distant relative of the wife of the first victim. She recalled them in her memoirs four years after the second murder, helped by the account of an eyewitness, Samuel ben Meir Heckscher.43 Although Glikl’s story differs in places from Heckscher’s account, together they make a coherent report of what happened in line with – though much more detailed than – the reports in the Kurant and the Dutch

43 Heckscher, ‘Notizen’, 394-400; Grunwald, Hamburgs deutsche Juden, 14–17.

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9. Subjects in the Kurant and its sources newspapers. The edict mentioned in the Fraytagishe Kurant of October 10, 1687 (and in the Amsterdamse Courant of October 4) was issued by the Hamburg Senat on September 16, 1687.44 The murders of the two Jews in Hamburg and Altona were clearly shocking events for both Jews and non-Jews. As information about them probably also came from Jewish sources (albeit not Glikl Hamel and Heckscher, because their accounts were written some time after the event), one would expect the Kurant to provide some inside information missing in Dutch newspapers. This is not the case, however. On the contrary, the reports in the Kurant are less extensive and less detailed than those in the Dutch newspapers.

9.3.7. Advertisements The Kurant contains eleven advertisements, six by Uri Faybesh Halevi, five by David de Castro Tartas. Two of them advertise Jewish books. The first one, from December 13, 1686, reads:

גם טוא צו װישן דאש בײא מיר צו קױף איז אונ' ערשט נײליך איז גידרוקט גיװארן אײן (טײטש יום כיפור קטן) גאר װאול פֿר טײטשט דאש איטליכֿר מענש זאל קענן פֿר שטין װאש ער (מתֿ פלל) איז ·

45 Also good to know that at my place a recently printed Yom Kippur Katan562F in Yiddish is for sale, translated very well, so that anyone will be able to understand what he is praying.

This is clearly an advertisement by Halevi himself for one of his own publications. It is the only advertisement that is not borrowed from a Dutch newspaper. Although Halevi printed 46 more books during his publication of the Kurant,563F this is the only publication for which he advertises. The second advertisement about Jewish books can be found in the Kurant of August 8,

44 Grunwald, Samuel Oppenheimer, 22, n. 54; about ninety years ago the edict was kept in the Staatsarchiv in Hamburg. 45 Mentioned in 6.1, and probably composed (and translated?) by Moushe. 46 See Gutschow, YidNed.

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1687.47 It reads:

ך"ו אױגושט װערט מאן צו אמשטרדם אין דער קײזרש קרון אין דער קאלבר שטראט פֿר קױפֿן דרײא טױזנט הױך טײטשי יודישי ביבלן ·

The 26th of August in Amsterdam in the Keizerskroon in the Kalverstraat three thousand High German Jewish Bibles will be on sale.

This advertisement was probably borrowed from the Amsterdamse Courant of August 7, 1687:

Op den 26 Augustus, 1687, sullen tot Amsterdam, in de Keysers Kroon, in de Kalver- straet, door de Makelaar Hendrick de Schepper, verkogt worden, ontrent 3000 Hoogduytse Jode Bybels in Folio, aldaer gedruckt by Joseph Athias, met Octroy voor 15 jaren; die nader onderrichtinge begeert, spreke aen de bovengenoemde Makelaer, woont op de Keysers-gracht, tusschen de Huyde-straet en Leydse-gracht, tot Amsterdam.

The Hoogduytse Jode Bybels are volumes of the Yiddish Bible translation printed by Joseph 48 Athias.565F It seems somewhat strange that the editor borrowed the ‘un-Jewish’ expression ‘Hoogduytse Jode Bybels’ (‘High German Jewish Bibles’) and left out the name of the printer. This in sharp contrast with the first advertisement, which uses Hebrew words, not only the name of the prayer book, but also ‘vos er (mispalel) iz’ (‘what he is praying’). Maybe he just did not want to invest too much time in advertising publication of another printer, or maybe there was some other reason.

47 Incorrectly dated August 5, 1687. 48 See Ch. 6; Kleerkooper & Van Stockum, 11-12 mentions the auction; see also Aptroot, Bible Translation, 21- 23.

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10. Conclusions

In the previous chapters I have tried to find an answer to the main research question: The Kurant, and, more specifically, its editor, ‘arranged reality’ by selecting and editing the material from the sources. What can the selecting and editing mechanisms of the Kurant tell us about the intentions of its makers and about the kind of imagined community of readers the Kurant may have helped create?

As we found in Chapter 6, the two men who were probably the initiators of the Kurant, Uri Faybesh Halevi and Moushe bar Avrom Ovinu, were both men with original ideas who were not afraid to take risks. Halevi’s contacts with Sephardim and Christians might have inspired him to publish the first Yiddish newspaper, following the Sephardic Gazeta de Amsterdam, and possibly enabling its readers to discuss the world news with Christian neighbors or to be as well-informed as their non-Jewish business relations, just as he published a Yiddish Bible translation because he wanted to give the Ashkenazi Jews the opportunity to discuss the Bible with Christians. The convert Moushe bar Avrom Ovinu, the compositor, translator and editor, was a skilled translator from Hebrew, German and Dutch to Yiddish. He could serve as an intermediary between the Jewish and the Christian world. Moushe’s later activities as a printer show that he took original initiatives, often combining Jewish and Christian elements. Although we do not know who came up with the idea of publishing a Yiddish newspaper, it might well be that Moushe himself had a hand in it. The second printer, David de Castro Tartas, was – as far as we know – the only ‘newspaper man’ among the Jewish printers. As neither the Gazeta de Amsterdam nor the Gazzetta d’Amsterdam were Jewish in character, it is doubtful whether Tartas had specific ideas about the identity of the Kurant as a newspaper for the Ashkenazi community of readers. Yet being an experienced newspaper printer, he was the most obvious person to take over the publication of the Kurant in June 1687 in an attempt to make it a commercial success. Whether the intended readers were ready for the ambitious plans of the makers of the Kurant is another question. In Chapter 4 I tried to determine whether the Dutch Ashkenazi Jews might have been interested in a Yiddish newspaper. I found that this interest does not become evident from other Yiddish publications in the Dutch Republic in the second half of 239

10. Conclusions the seventeenth century: as far as is known the Kurant was the only Yiddish publication that did not have a Jewish subject and was not rooted in Jewish tradition. Yet as many Ashkenazi Jews were involved in trade, they met non-Jews as customers and business relations. In order to be at an equal level with their non-Jewish business relations, the Ashkenazi Jews may have felt the need to keep themselves informed of the latest news, and may have welcomed a Yiddish newspaper with international news reports borrowed from Dutch newspapers. In Chapter 4 I estimated that among the three thousand Yiddish-speaking Jews living in Amsterdam around 1690 and among the four thousand in the entire Dutch Republic between three hundred and eight hundred might have been readers of the Kurant, which then might have had a circulation of between thirty and a hundred and sixty. If the Kurant was distributed outside of the Dutch Republic it might be somewhat more. Although this seems to be a rather low number for a successful commercial enterprise, even a small group of people can form an imagined community of readers. By portraying ‘the editor at work’ I hoped to find out what was Moushe bar Avrom Ovinu’s way to ‘arrange reality’. That it was his way in the first place, rather than the way of the two printers, seems evident because no difference can be discerned between style and content and the use of sources in the issues printed by Halevi and Tartas. The way the editor selected the sources and edited them shows that he took his job seriously and did his best to adapt the news to the needs of the intended readers. Especially in the periods when the Kurant was published once a week he took the news from almost every source available and was able to fit in the relevant news by skillfully ‘cutting and pasting’. Important editing tools of the Kurant are the simplification and explication of the events described in the Dutch newspapers, the simplification of the language and the syntax, and the adding of a nonpartisan perspective. In these respects the Kurant differs from the Gazeta de Amsterdam and the Gazzetta d’Amsterdam, which both seem to have used only one issue of a source a week, even when more issues were available, and translated Dutch reports in a more literal way. The most striking editing tool is probably the focus of the Kurant on the main subjects, which is dramatically different from that of the Dutch sources. The editor presents his readers with a different view on what is going on in the world, concentrating on what he thinks are the main items: the armed conflicts between the European armies and the Turks,

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10. Conclusions especially the war in Hungary between the Habsburgs and the Turks. In 9.1 I argued that this news apparently was considered even more interesting for the Jewish readers than for the Dutch readers because many of the Jews or their parents had fled the Thirty Years’ War in Germany or Chmielnicki’s atrocities in Ukraine and Poland. So they must have been aware of the influence of wars on the lives of Jews. Besides, the few Ashkenazi businessmen, especially the Gomperts family, were involved in the provisioning of the Imperial troops in Hungary. Compared to its sources, the Kurant carries less political and royal news. As I argued in 9.1, the reason for this may be that, given the fact that newspapers were not allowed to divulge every political decision, ‘political’ news often consisted of what we would call ‘royal news’, interesting for a Dutch readership, but probably less so for the Jewish readers of the Kurant, who may have been less inclined to identify with royal families in other countries, except perhaps with the King of Poland. The focus of the editor of the Kurant on ‘important’ subjects like armed conflicts does not imply he ignored other subjects. In the limited space available he could borrow only a minority of the news on other subjects. Yet virtually all subjects mentioned in the Dutch sources are also mentioned in the Kurant. Especially the percentage of human interest stories in the Kurant is often comparable to that in the Dutch newspapers or even higher. The editor may have judged that sensational news about disasters or miracles was as fascinating to Jews as it was to everybody else. The overall impression of the news coverage concerning Jews in the Kurant is that it follows the Dutch newspapers – which appear to be reliable, if detached, sources. In most cases – the fate of the Jews after the conquest of Buda, the Jew murderer in Hamburg – the Kurant did not intend to present a specifically Jewish outlook, and refrained from adding information from Jewish sources. The main reason for this may have been that the editor had to work fast and in most cases may have been unable to find Jewish sources, whereas Dutch newspapers were always at hand. Only once the Kurant – probably – brings news from a Jewish source and in a few cases it adds a ‘Jewish accent’ to a report. Besides, it writes freely about Christian subjects, not only about persecuted Huguenots, but also about miracles performed by Catholic saints. Maybe here we can discern the influence of the first printer, Uri Faybesh Halevi. Halevi apparently saw potential in the publication of a Yiddish newspaper. Just as he published a Yiddish Bible translation to give the Ashkenazi Jews the

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10. Conclusions possibility to study the literal text of the Bible for discussions with Christians, he may have given them the Kurant to be as well-informed about the world news – including human interest news – as their Christian neighbors and business relations. Of Halevi’s Bible translation we know that it was a commercial failure. We have no evidence of the commercial success of the Kurant, yet the fact that the printer decided to publish it once instead of twice a week between December 6, 1686 and February 14, 1687 and that he turned over the publication to David de Castro Tartas are not encouraging signs. David de Castro Tartas must have seen potential in the publication as well. After all, he was an experienced ‘newspaper man’, who had been publishing the Gazeta de Amsterdam for at least fifteen years when he decided to take over the Kurant. Yet already on August 8, 1687 he, too, decided to skip the publication of the Tuesday issue (for a period of three months), because – as he stated – it sold poorly. We do not know what happened after the last known issue of December 5, 1687, but even if Tartas continued publishing the Kurant, it was probably not for long. The editor himself, Moushe bar Avrom Ovinu, invested all his talents and energy in the editing of the Kurant, as it seems, from the first known issue until the last known one. There can hardly be any doubt that he intended to ‘arrange reality’ in a way that would suit the needs and the taste of its readers. Yet the fact that he became a printer himself in 1688, starting his own printing house in 1690, and that there are no traces of a Jewish newspaper printed by Tartas, one of his colleagues, or by Moushe himself after the last known issue suggests that Moushe stopped editing the Kurant and continued his career which would yield new, remarkable and daring projects, such as a Hebrew translation of the New Testament and the first Yiddish geography book. The question is whether the real Ashkenazi community in Amsterdam and perhaps outside of it could identify with an ‘imagined community’ of readers the Kurant might have helped create. The Kurant may have quenched the Ashkenazi Jews’ thirst for information from the outside world, tailored to their needs and interests. On the other hand, in view of the character of other Yiddish texts from the second half of the seventeenth century, readers may have found the Kurant too little ‘Jewish’ in character. Yet there is no evidence for either of these assumptions. In any case, despite the impressive efforts of its makers, the limited number of potential readers and the fact that the Kurant seems to have been short-

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10. Conclusions lived make it difficult to view the publication of the world’s first Yiddish newspaper as a success.

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Aftermath

After the publication of the last issue of the Kurant, the Yiddish press in the Netherlands – as well as abroad – disappeared from the scene.1 The only other Yiddish newspapers we know of date from the end of the eighteenth century.

11.1. Dirnfurter prifilegirte tsaytung The first real Yiddish newspaper after the Kurant of which we have knowledge is the Dirnfurter prifilegirte tsaytung, published in Dyhernfurth near Breslau.2 The two surviving issues are Number 2, dated Friday, December 13, 1771, and Number 9, dated Friday 5 Shevat 5532 / January 10, 1772.3 Like the Kurant, this newspaper primarily published international news.

11.2. Vokhentlikhe Berikhtn Nine years later, the only other known Dutch Yiddish newspaper appeared, the Vokhentlikhe Berikhtn anlangende di yettsige umshtendig heytn (Weekly Reports Concerning the Current Situation). Only one issue is known, that of January 10, 1781. Published by the well-known printer, bookseller, and publisher Proops in Amsterdam, it consists of one folio sheet, of which three copies are known. One copy, currently in the library of the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York, was discovered in a Hebrew book where it had been used to strengthen the book’s binding.4 Another copy is kept at the Jewish National and University Library in Jerusalem.5 Apparently this copy was also used to strengthen the binding of a book: it shows marks of the floral pattern of a book cover – marks that are missing, by the way, on the copy in New York. Of the third copy only a photocopy is left. According to Fuks,

1 Although some titles of papers now lost have been suggested, it is unlikely that these were real newspapers. Shatzky, Zamlbukh shows in Baylage 3 the title page of the Naye Tsaytung from Prague, 1716. 2 Now Brzeg Dolny near Wrocław in Poland. 3 Both are kept in the library of the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York; a copy of number 2 is also kept in the Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek in Frankfurt am Main: see Rivkind, ‘Naye tsaytung’, c. 50-55. 4 Rivkind, ‘Naye tsaytung’, c. 55. 5 I was able to see the copy in Jerusalem in July 2005, and the New York copy in January 2007.

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Aftermath the original of the latter was held in the YIVO library in Vilna before World War II.6 According to an announcement printed at the bottom of the Vokhentlikhe Berikhtn, the paper was published twice a week, on Tuesdays and Fridays, like the Kurant. It is unclear why such a paper was called ‘Weekly Reports’ – or, for that matter, why it appeared on January 10, which was a Wednesday. Be that as it may, from the announcement we can conclude that the Vokhentlikhe Berikhtn was a newspaper, rather than a once-only edition. Although we do not know when the first issue of the Vokhentlikhe Berikhtn was published, it was probably not much earlier than January 10, 1781. On December 20, 1780 Great Britain declared war upon the Republic of the United Netherlands, the Fourth Anglo- Dutch War. Unfortunately, the Dutch Republic was no longer the superpower it had been in the Golden Age and by January 1781 England had already captured more than two-hundred Dutch merchant ships.7 As soon as the war erupted, many new newspapers and journals began publication in the Netherlands.8 It is quite possible that the Vokhentlikhe Berikhtn was one of these. In the interim, the Dutch Ashkenazi Jewish population had grown dramatically. In 1781, between 15,000 and 20,000 Ashkenazi Jews were living in Amsterdam.9 While a small elite of bankers and merchants spoke Dutch and French fluently,10 the majority of Ashkenazi Jews consisted of small tradesmen and peddlers who understood Dutch quite well and spoke a highly dutchified form of Yiddish, but had difficulties reading the Latin alphabet.11 Like their non-Jewish compatriots, these Jews were badly hit by the economic crises in the sixties and seventies. The uprising of the American colonists against England created new possibilities for overseas trade with the insurgents.12 Since this trade was one of the casuses of the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War, it is obvious that Jewish tradesmen were interested in news about this war.

6 Fuks, Joodse pers, 9, 43; I thank the late Prof. R.G. Fuks-Mansfeld for presenting me with this photocopy. 7 Schulte Nordholt, The Dutch Republic, 144-157; Van Eyck van Heslinga, ‘De vlag’, 102-105. 8 Schneider & Hemels, De Nederlandse krant, 85-104. 9 According to Israel, ‘De republiek’ , 111, about 14,000 Ashkenazi Jews were living in Amsterdam around 1750, out of an entire population of 200,000. In 1795, the first official census counted 22,000 Ashkenazi Jews in Amsterdam, out of a total population of 221,000: see Fuks-Mansfeld, Aspects of Jewish Life, 183. 10 Fuks-Mansfeld, Aspects of Jewish Life, 181. 11 Fuks-Mansfeld, Aspects of Jewish Life, 180-182; Zwiers, Kroniek van het Jiddisj, 30-31. 12 Fuks-Mansfeld, Aspects of Jewish Life, 187.

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Aftermath

Only some of the Yiddish reports in the Vokhentlikhe Berikhtn can be traced back to the Dutch newspapers. Nonetheless, since all the reports are written in the same formal style, we can assume that the Vokhentlikhe Berikhtn took all its coverage from Dutch publications. In some cases these might have been pamphlets or official announcements rather than newspapers. Nearly all reports in the Vokhentlikhe Berikhtn concern the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War. Because it was a naval war, many reports deal with ships that were captured by or had escaped from the British. A lengthy appeal to buy shares in a ‘privateering company’ which would enable Dutch privateers (‘legal pirates’) to attack British ships is also inserted. It is interesting to note that Jews were considered sufficiently patriotic (or maybe simply sufficiently rich?) to take part in activities of this kind. The large measure of local news we find in the Vokhentlikhe Berikhtn is due to the fact that the important war news was local in this case. The Vokhentlikhe Berikhtn scarcely mentions other local news, including the adventures of kings or noblemen. How long the Vokhentlikhe Berikhtn continued to be published is impossible to know. Many of the Dutch newspapers and journals that came into being in the first days of the war were short-lived.13 This, added to the fact that only one issue (in three copies) survived, indicates a short, rather than a long, existence for the Vokhentlikhe Berikhtn.

11.3. Tsaytung The Vokhentlikhe Berikhtn was the last Dutch Yiddish newspaper of which we know. The last of its kind in Western Europe was Tsaytung, a weekly, which was published in the French city of Metz in 1789 and 1790. It surfaced decades later in a booklet about the French Revolution. This weekly informed the Jews about the decisions of the newly-formed Assemblée nationale. It apparently did not succeed in raising a sufficient number of subscribers and probably ceased publication after April 1790.14

11.4. The end Books and pamphlets, such as the famous Diskursn, a series of polemical pamphlets

13 Schneider & Hemels, De Nederlandse krant, 85-104. 14 Speyer, ‘Bashraybung’, 49-71.

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Aftermath published in Amsterdam in 1798 and 1799, continued to be published in Yiddish in the Netherlands for some time.15 But from the beginning of the nineteenth century Yiddish began to decline in Western Europe. In the Netherlands, Jews were granted equal rights in 1796 and Willem I, who became the first Dutch King in 1813, held that all Dutch citizens should speak Dutch. His language policy was highly successful and within a few decades Yiddish virtually disappeared in the Netherlands.16 From then on the Jews could read the news in the Dutch papers. This, however, was not the end but rather the start of the real blossoming of the Jewish press in the Netherlands. Halfway through the nineteenth century, several Jewish weeklies started to appear, Jewish in content, and written in the new language of the Jews of the Netherlands – Dutch.

15 Michman & Aptroot, Storm in the Community. 16 Wallet, Nieuwe Nederlanders, 97-100.

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Samenvatting

Op 29 augustus 1902 kocht David Montezinos (1828-1916), boekverzamelaar en bibliothecaris van Ets Haim, de bibliotheek van de Portugese synagoge in Amsterdam, een boek van een straatverkoper terwijl hij naar de brand in het Floratheater stond te kijken. Het was een bundel met honderd nummers van een tot dan toe onbekende, in Amsterdam gedrukte Jiddisje krant, de Koerant, 1 verschenen tussen 9 augustus 1686 en 5 december 1687. Tot op de dag van vandaag is het de oudst bekende Jiddisje krant ter wereld en bovendien vrijwel de enige Jiddisje krant waarvan een substantieel aantal nummers bewaard is gebleven voordat in de negentiende eeuw de Oost-Europese Jiddisje pers ontstond. De Koerant publiceerde nieuws uit alle delen van de wereld, doorgaans vertaald uit Nederlandse kranten. De nummers van 9 augustus 1686 tot 3 juni 1687 zijn gedrukt en uitgegeven door de Asjkenazische drukker Oeri Faibesj Halevi. In het colofon wordt de naam van de zetter genoemd, die vermoedelijk ook de vertaler en redacteur was: Mousje bar Avrom Ovinoe, afkomstig uit de Moravische stad Nikolsburg (tegenwoordig Mikulov in Tsjechië), een Duitstalige christen die zich waarschijnlijk al voor zijn komst naar Amsterdam tot het jodendom had bekeerd. De naam van de door Halevi uitgegeven krant luidde Koeranten, in het meervoud, waarschijnlijk doordat de makers de betekenis van het Nederlandse woord ‘courant’ verkeerd begrepen. Van 6 juni tot 5 december 1687 werd de krant gedrukt en uitgegeven door de Sefardische drukker David de Castro Tartas, ditmaal wel onder de naam Koerant. Mousje bar Avrom Ovinoe wordt ook hier in het colofon genoemd, maar zonder de toevoeging ‘de zetter’. De krant verscheen meestal tweemaal per week, op dinsdag en vrijdag, maar tussen 6 december 1686 en 14 februari 1687 en van 8 augustus 1687 tot het laatst bekende nummer van 5 december 1687 uitsluitend op vrijdag, waarschijnlijk uit financiële overwegingen. Het is niet bekend of er meer nummers hebben bestaan dan die in de door Montezinos aangeschafte bundel. De Koerant overleefde de Tweede Wereldoorlog en maakte in 1969 deel uit van de tentoonstelling ‘Joodse pers in de Nederlanden en in Duitsland 1674-1940’. In 1978 is een

1 In deze Nederlandse samenvatting gebruik ik de Nederlandse transcriptie Koerant; elders in dit proefschrift wordt de Engelse transcriptie Kurant gebruikt. Hetzelfde geldt voor andere Jiddisje en Hebreeuwse namen.

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Samenvatting deel van de collectie van Ets Haim naar de Joodse Nationale en Universiteitsbibliotheek overgebracht. Sindsdien is de bundel spoorloos verdwenen. Gelukkig zijn er voor de verdwijning foto’s en microfiches gemaakt. Zowel voor als na de Tweede Wereldoorlog hebben diverse wetenschappers uit binnen- en buitenland over de Koerant geschreven. Hun bijdragen zijn vooral descriptief van aard en hebben minder aandacht voor de vraag wat de makers van de krant wilden bereiken met de publicatie van de Koerant; welke representatie van de werkelijkheid ze hun lezers wilden bieden. Hoewel zeventiende- en achttiende-eeuwse kranten vaak dezelfde bronnen gebruikten, regelmatig zonder bronvermelding elkaars teksten overschreven en zelden expliciet opiniërende artikelen publiceerden, bezaten ze toch elk een eigen karakter. Dit effect werd bereikt door het selecteren en benadrukken van bepaalde berichten en het weglaten van andere berichten en ook door verschil in taalgebruik en stijl. Elke krant ‘ordende de werkelijkheid’ op zijn eigen wijze en schotelde zijn lezers een bepaalde kijk voor op de gebeurtenissen in de wereld. Een van de weinige onderzoeken naar dit aspect van de persgeschiedenis is Beschaafde vooruitgang. De wereld van de Leeuwarder Courant 1752-2002 van Marcel Broersma. Volgens Broersma kon en kan een krant alleen maar overtuigend en succesvol zijn als de krant en de lezer een gemeenschappelijk referentiekader hebben. Een krant kan hier bewust op aansturen, maar vaak gaat het ook min of meer onbewust, bijvoorbeeld doordat journalisten en lezers tot dezelfde sociaaleconomische en culturele groep behoren. In dat geval, betoogt Broersma, kan de krant een ‘imagined community of readers’ creëren. Hoewel de bedenker van deze term, Benedict Anderson, in zijn studie over het ontstaan van het nationalisme het begrip ‘imagined community’ in eerste instantie gebruikt om aan te tonen dat kranten lezers het gevoel kunnen geven dat ze tot een natie behoren, meent Broersma dat het begrip ook toepasbaar is op andersoortige gemeenschappen. Als mensen een krant lezen die hen aanspreekt, kunnen ze het gevoel krijgen dat ze behoren of zouden moeten behoren tot een gemeenschap die bepaalde kenmerken of waarden deelt, ook al kennen ze niet alle leden van die gemeenschap persoonlijk. De vraag is of we het begrip ‘imagined community’ kunnen gebruiken om conclusies te trekken over de identiteit van de lezers van de Koerant en van de Koerant zelf. Hierover zijn

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Samenvatting de meningen verdeeld. In de Inleiding worden de argumenten tegenover elkaar gezet, hetgeen uiteindelijk leidt tot de volgende onderzoeksvraag:

De Koerant, en in het bijzonder de redacteur, ‘ordende de werkelijkheid’ door het materiaal van de bronnen te selecteren en te redigeren. Wat kunnen de selectie- en redactiemechanismen van de Koerant ons zeggen over de bedoelingen van de makers en over de aard van de ‘imagined community’ van lezers die de Koerant mogelijk heeft helpen creëren?

Het onderzoek dat een antwoord op deze vraag moet geven, bestaat uit drie delen.

Deel 1. Het landschap van de Koerant In welke wereld kwam de Koerant tot stand? Hoofdstuk 2. De belangrijkste gebeurtenissen in de Republiek der Zeven Verenigde Nederlanden en daarbuiten in 1686 en 1687 In de Republiek zelf vormden de jaren 1686-1687 een vrij rustige periode tussen grote historische gebeurtenissen. De economie was opgekrabbeld na het Rampjaar 1672 en de daarop volgende oorlogen. Er waren spanningen met Frankrijk en Engeland, die in 1688 tot uitbarsting zouden komen, maar daarover werd in de Nederlandse pers weinig geschreven. Wel was er veel aandacht voor de ontberingen die de hugenoten (Franse protestanten) moesten lijden sinds de Franse koning Lodewijk XIV het Edict van Nantes in 1685 herriep. Hierdoor verloren de hugenoten hun burgerrechten, en velen ontvluchtten het land, onder andere naar Nederland. De meesten van hen waren hoogopgeleid en leverden een welkome bijdrage aan de Nederlandse economie. De publieke opinie was positief over hen, en de Nederlandse kranten – inclusief de Koerant – schreven vol mededogen over de ‘arme protestanten’ die door weer en wind naar Zwitserland vluchtten. De meeste belangstelling in de Republiek ging uit naar een conflict waar het land slechts zijdelings mee te maken had: de oorlog tussen het Habsburgse en het Ottomaanse Rijk in Hongarije. Hoewel diverse West-Europese landen – waaronder de Republiek – handel dreven met Turkije, bestond er in de publieke opinie veel angst voor ‘de Turken’, die grote delen van Oost- en Zuid-Oost-Europa in hun macht hadden. Zeker na het beleg van Wenen in 1683, waarbij de Turken slechts na een lange strijd teruggedreven konden worden, ontstond

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Samenvatting het gevoel dat het christendom bedreigd werd door de islam. In 1684 sloot keizer Leopold I een ‘Heilig Verbond’ met Polen, Venetië en later ook Rusland. Het eerste grote wapenfeit was de herovering van de Hongaarse stad Boeda in september in 1686, en vele andere plaatsen volgden, zowel in Hongarije als in Dalmatië. Hoofdstuk 3. De Nederlandse pers De eerste krant in de Republiek was – voor zover bekend – de Courante uyt Italien, Duytslandt, &c.van de Amsterdamse uitgever Caspar van Hilten van 14 juni 1618, een maand na het uitbreken van de Dertigjarige Oorlog. In februari 1619 volgde de eveneens Amsterdamse Broer Jansz. met Tydinghen uit Verscheyde Quartieren. Het is waarschijnlijk geen toeval dat beide kranten kort na het uitbreken van de Dertigjarige Oorlog verschenen. In tijden van oorlog ontstaan vaak nieuwe kranten. Van Hilten en Jansz. presenteren zich als respectievelijk Courantier en Oudt-Courantier van (waarschijnlijk) stadhouder prins Maurits. Het is niet duidelijk of ‘courantier’ ‘oorlogscorrespondent’ betekent of ‘nieuwsschrijver’. Van Van Hilten zijn verder geen publicaties bekend, waarschijnlijk was hij vooral boekverkoper. Van Broer Jansz. zijn wel diverse publicaties bekend, meestal uitgebreide nieuwsberichten. In Amsterdam verschenen in de loop van de zeventiende eeuw nog verscheidene andere kranten, maar de meeste verdwenen ook weer snel. In de jaren zeventig en tachtig verschenen er onder de naam Amsterdamsche Courant drie onafhankelijke kranten. Pas in februari 1686 verleende het Amsterdamse gemeentebestuur aan Casparus Commelin het alleenrecht om driemaal per week, op dinsdag, donderdag en vrijdag, de Amsterdamse Courant uit te geven en te drukken. Een jaar later werd deze krant een van de twee belangrijkste bronnen van de Koerant. Ook buiten Amsterdam verschenen kranten. De meest succesvolle was de Haerlemse Courant, later Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, in 1656 opgericht door Abraham Casteleyn, een van de belangrijkste en hoogst gewaardeerde medewerkers van de Courante uyt Italien, Duytslandt, &c. Ook na zijn dood in 1681 werd zijn krant door velen als de beste van de Republiek beschouwd (tachtig of negentig procent van de oplage werd buiten Haarlem verkocht), en wellicht is dat de reden dat de Koerant vanaf het begin deze krant als bron gebruikte. In 1686 richtte Daniël van Gaasbeeck de Ordinaire Leydse Courant op. Hiervan zijn de nummers van 30 maart 1686 tot 2 januari 1687 bewaard gebleven. Enkele berichten daarvan hebben waarschijnlijk als bron gediend voor de Koerant. Van de waarschijnlijke opvolger van

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Samenvatting deze krant, de Opregte Leydse Courant, eveneens uitgegeven door Daniël van Gaasbeeck, zijn de nummers van 10 en 17 september 1687 bewaard gebleven. In Amsterdam werden ook veel buitenlandstalige kranten uitgegeven, vooral Franstalige. In de meeste gevallen waren dit letterlijke vertalingen van Nederlandse kranten, maar na 1685 waren er ook gevluchte hugenoten die onafhankelijke Franstalige kranten publiceerden. David de Castro Tartas, de tweede uitgever van de Koerant, was tevens de uitgever van de Spaanstalige Gazeta de Amsterdam en de Italiaanse Gazzetta d’Amsterdam. Geen van beide bevatten joods nieuws. De Gazeta, die eenmaal per week uitkwam en in elk geval is verschenen tussen 1672 en 1702, was waarschijnlijk vooral bestemd voor de drieduizend Sefardische joden in Amsterdam, maar het feit dat er ook exemplaren zijn gevonden in Spaanse bibliotheken, kan erop duiden dat de krant ook buiten de Republiek werd gelezen. Van de Gazzetta zijn slechts twee exemplaren bekend, van maandag 30 januari en donderdag 14 september 1673. Het is onwaarschijnlijk dat deze kranten een bron zijn geweest voor de Koerant en het is bovendien niet te controleren, omdat er geen exemplaren bewaard zijn gebleven uit de periode dat de Koerant verscheen. Wel zouden ze als inspiratiebron gediend kunnen hebben voor de eerste uitgever en de redacteur van de Koerant. Daarom is het de moeite waard het gebruik van de bronnen, de presentatie van het nieuws en de wijze van redigeren van beide kranten nader te bestuderen om ze later (met name in hoofdstuk 8) te kunnen vergelijken met de Koerant. De Gazeta de Amsterdam van 7 januari 1675 heeft als voornaamste bron de Oprechte Haerlemse Courant van 5 januari 1675, één bericht is waarschijnlijk ontleend aan de Franstalige La Gazette d’Amsterdam van 3 januari 1675 van de Nederlandse uitgever Corneille (Cornelis) Janz. Zwol, en van enkele berichten is de bron niet te achterhalen. De Oprechte Haerlemse Courant van 1 en 3 januari 1675 en La Gazette d’Amsterdam van 1 januari 1675 zijn niet gebruikt. De vertaling is zowel inhoudelijk als stilistisch tamelijk getrouw. Wel is de vertaling opmerkelijk genoeg hier en daar wat ‘katholieker’ geworden: ‘het Spaensse Hof’ wordt bijvoorbeeld ‘La Corte Catholica’. Dit lijkt erop te duiden dat de krant wel degelijk (ook) voor een niet-joods publiek was bestemd. Alle berichten zijn enkele dagen gepostdateerd, waarschijnlijk om actueler te lijken. De geografische volgorde van de berichten volgt in grote lijnen die van de Oprechte Haerlemse Courant.

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Samenvatting

De Gazzetta d’Amsterdam van 14 september 1673 ontleent ruim een derde aan de Oprechte Haerlemse Courant van 12 september 1673, bijna een derde aan La Gazette d’Amsterdam van 12 september 1673 en bijna een derde kan niet worden getraceerd. De wel aanwezige Amsterdamsche Courant is niet gebruikt. De vertaling is vrij getrouw, en net als in de Gazeta zijn de meeste berichten van de Gazzetta gepostdateerd. De meeste Nederlandse kranten bestonden uit een dubbelzijdig bedrukt half foliovel, aanvankelijk gedrukt in een gothische letter, later, in de periode van de Koerant, in een moderne drukletter. Tussen november 1684 en februari 1686 verscheen de Amsterdamse Courant in vier pagina’s kwarto. Daarna ging hij weer over op het vertrouwde half- folioformaat. Ook de Ordinaire Leydse Courant (30 maart 1686 tot 2 januari 1687) verscheen in vier pagina’s kwartoformaat, terwijl de Opregte Leydse Courant (september 1687) in dubbelzijdig half folio verscheen. Het fomaat van de Koerant, vier pagina’s octavo, is voor zover bekend nooit gebruikt voor Nederlandse kranten. Over de oplage en het aantal lezers van de Nederlandse kranten in de zeventiende eeuw is weinig met zekerheid te zeggen. Op grond van niet al te goed beargumenteerd giswerk van diverse onderzoekers zouden we kunnen veronderstellen dat de oplage van zowel de Oprechte Haerlemse Courant als de Amsterdamse Courant in 1686 en 1687 2000 exemplaren bedroeg, en dat de kranten in Amsterdam, met een volwassen bevolking van 100.000, door 20.000 tot 40.000 mensen (twintig tot veertig procent) gelezen werden. Van de kranten die in 1686 en 1687 in de Republiek verschenen, zijn al de Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, de Amsterdamse Courant, de Ordinaire Leydse Courant en de Opregte Leydse Courant genoemd. Volgens een aantekening achter in de bundel die de Ordinaire Leydse Courant bevat, kan behalve op zondag elke dag een krant gelezen worden. Naast de al genoemde is dat ook nog de Utrechtse Courant. Daarvan heb ik echter geen exemplaar van de juiste datum kunnen vinden. Hoofdstuk 4. De lezers van de Koerant Nadat in de zestiende eeuw een grote groep Sefardische joden in Amsterdam was neergestreken, kwamen er na het uitbreken van de Dertigjarige Oorlog in 1618 steeds meer Asjkenazische joden uit Duitsland. Daar kwamen later nog joden uit Polen bij, op de vlucht voor de pogroms van Oekraïense Kozakkenleider Chmielnicki (1648-1650), en Poolse en Litouwse joden op de vlucht voor de oorlog tussen Polen en Rusland en Polen en Zweden (1655). Niet iedereen kwam overigens vanwege het oorlogsgeweld naar Amsterdam, de stad

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Samenvatting raakte ook bekend als een stad waar het relatief goed toeven was voor joden. De Sefardiem, die gemiddeld ontwikkelder en beter geïntegreerd waren dan de Asjkenaziem, waren niet blij met deze aanwas. Niettemin voelden ze zich verantwoordelijk voor hun geloofsgenoten, ze zamelden geld in voor vluchtelingen en zorgden voor werkgelegenheid voor hen. Aan het eind van de zeventiende eeuw woonden er achtduizend joden in de Republiek, van wie zesduizend in Amsterdam. Drieduizend van hen waren Jiddisj sprekende Asjkenaziem. Onder hen, en misschien onder enkele kleine gemeenschappen buiten Amsterdam moeten zich de lezers van de Koerant hebben bevonden. Amsterdam was in de zeventiende eeuw het centrum van de Hebreeuwse en Jiddisje boekproductie, zowel voor de binnenlandse als de buitenlandse markt. We weten niet wat de Asjkenazische joden in de Republiek lazen, maar als we afgaan op de Jiddisje publicaties die we nu nog kennen, moeten we vaststellen dat de Koerant de enige Jiddisje publicatie was die niet in de joodse traditie was geworteld. Toch is het wel voor te stellen dat er behoefte bestond aan een Jiddisje krant. Hoewel er nog steeds veel armoede heerste, waren er inmiddels ook een aantal min of meer vermogende Asjkenazische zakenlieden, die het Nederlands nog onvoldoende beheersten, maar waarschijnlijk wel behoefte hadden aan een krant om op de hoogte te blijven van de situatie in de wereld, en om op voet van gelijkwaardigheid mee te kunnen praten met hun niet- joodse zakenrelaties. Dat zou ook kunnen blijken uit de Jiddisje loechot, joodse almanakken, die behalve een joodse kalender en allerlei wetenswaardigheden ook altijd een christelijke kalender bevatten om aan te geven op welke dagen er zaken gedaan konden worden. De vraag hoeveel lezers de Koerant had, is moeilijk te beantwoorden. Volgens de schatting in hoofdstuk 3 las twintig tot veertig procent van de volwassen Amsterdamse bevolking een krant en werd één exemplaar door vijf tot tien mensen gelezen. Als we deze schatting toepassen op de Asjkenazische joden en de Koerant, komen we uit op tussen de driehonderd en achthonderd lezers (twintig tot veertig procent van vijftienhonderd volwassen Asjkenaziem, of tweeduizend als we de Asjkenaziem van buiten Amsterdam meetellen), en een oplage tussen de dertig en honderdzestig. Aangezien de Asjkenazische joden tot de armste inwoners van Amsterdam behoorden, zijn deze aannamen wellicht te rooskleurig. Misschien las men de krant in de synagoge en lag de oplage lager.

Deel 2. De Koerant en zijn makers Hoe ziet de Koerant eruit en wie waren de makers?

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Samenvatting

Hoofdstuk 5. Analytisch-bibliografische beschrijving Dit hoofdstuk geeft een gedetailleerde analytisch-bibliografische beschrijving van de bundel met de honderd exemplaren van de Koerant. Het octavoformaat zou erop kunnen duiden dat Oeri Faibesj Halevi zich voor het uiterlijk van de krant liet inspireren door de Gazeta de Amsterdam van David de Castro Tartas, al is die nog kleiner van formaat. Na de overnamen in juni 1687 bracht Tartas enkele wijzigingen aan, zoals een grotere titel en het wapen van Amsterdam, waardoor de gelijkenis met de Gazeta nog groter werd. Hoofdstuk 6. De makers De eerste drukker en uitgever van de krant was de Asjkenazische Oeri Faibesj Halevi (1627- 1715). Zijn grootvader Oeri Halevi en zijn vader Aron Halevi zouden de eerste leraren zijn geweest die de Sefardische immigranten aan het begin van de zeventiende eeuw weer vertrouwd maakten met de joodse gebruiken. Oeri Faibesj Halevi raakte daardoor al vroeg vertrouwd met de Sefardische gemeenschap en was er zelfs een tijdlang lid van, iets wat vrijwel nooit werd toegestaan aan Asjkenazische joden. Mede door zijn huwelijk met zijn nichtje, wier vader oorspronkelijk niet-joods was, had hij ook contacten in de niet-joodse wereld. Halevi begon in 1658 zijn eigen drukkerij en uitgeverij en werd al snel een van de toonaangevende joodse drukkers van Amsterdam en, omdat Amsterdam het centrum was van de joodse boekdrukkunst, van de wereld. De meeste uitgaven waren religieuze werken in het Hebreeuws en Jiddisj, maar hij gaf ook fictieboeken en historische werken uit. Zijn meest ambitieuze project was de uitgave van een Jiddisje vertaling van de Hebreeuwse Bijbel, die hem financieel aan de rand van de afgrond bracht. In 1686 moest hij een deel van zijn inventaris verpanden en drukte hij alleen werk dat door anderen gefinancierd werd. 1686 was ook het jaar waarin het voor zover bekend eerste exemplaar van de Koerant verscheen. Het is niet bekend wie daartoe het initiatief nam en wie de uitgave financierde. Mogelijk werd Halevi geïnspireerd door Sefardische en christelijke drukkers, met wie hij veel omging, niet alleen door zijn familiegeschiedenis, maar ook doordat er, anders dan in andere geledingen van de maatschappij, juist in de drukkers- en uitgeverswereld veel contact was tussen Asjkenaziem en Sefardiem en tussen joden en christenen. Halevi schreef in het voorwoord van de door hem gepubliceerde Jiddisje Bijbelvertaling dat de Sefardiem hem inspireerden om te publiceren in de spreektaal, en ook dat de Bijbelvertaling – die geïnspireerd was door de Nederlandse Statenvertaling – het joden mogelijk maakte om met kennis van zaken discussies aan te gaan met christenen. Misschien wilde hij met de Koerant

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Samenvatting de joden de gelegenheid geven om mee te praten over de toestand in de wereld. Waarom de Koerant in juni 1687 werd overgenomen door Tartas, wordt nergens vermeld, maar het zou kunnen dat hij minder goed verkocht werd dan verwacht. Halevi bleef nog tot 1689 actief als drukker en uitgever in Amsterdam. Vervolgens vertrok hij naar Polen om daar een eigen drukkerij/uitgeverij te beginnen. In 1705 kwam hij terug naar Nederland, maar zijn familie bleef tot in de twintigste eeuw in Polen actief in het drukkersvak. De Sefardische jood David de Castro Tartas (ca. 1625-ca. 1700) werd geboren in het Zuid- Franse stadje Tartas. In 1640 kwam hij met zijn ouders naar Nederland. Hij begon zijn drukkersloopbaan bij de eerste joodse drukkerij in Amsterdam, die van Menasseh ben Israel, en begon in 1662 zijn eigen drukkerij en uitgeverij. Hij was minder ambitieus dan Halevi. Hij publiceerde vooral gebedenboekjes in het Hebreeuws en het Spaans, maar ook een aantal Jiddisje fictie- en geschiedenisboeken en een handboek voor de joodse reiziger. Daarnaast gaf hij kranten uit. De bekendste was de hierboven besproken Spaanse Gazeta de Amsterdam, die zeker dertig jaar bestaan heeft, en die waarschijnlijk zowel voor joden als niet-joden bestemd was. Verder gaf hij de Italiaanse Gazzetta d’Amsterdam uit. Het lag daarom voor de hand dat hij de uitgave van de Koerant zou overnemen. Hij gaf de krant een wat professioneler aanzien, maar verder veranderde er weinig. Waarschijnlijk moest ook hij na enige tijd concluderen dat er geen winst te behalen viel met de Koerant. Tartas bleef tot 1697 actief, verkocht toen zijn zaak en vertrok met onbekende bestemming uit Amsterdam. Mousje bar Avrom Ovinoe (?-1733/1734) werd als Duitstalige christen geboren in het Moravische Nikolsburg (nu het Tsjechische Mikulov), bekeerde zich tot het jodendom, trouwde in 1680 met een joodse vrouw en kwam waarschijnlijk begin jaren tachtig naar Amsterdam. Zijn naam wordt voor het eerst genoemd in 1686, als de Jiddisje vertaler van een door Oeri Faibesj Halevi uitgegeven Hebreeuws boek. Blijkbaar beheerste hij dus zowel het Hebreeuws als het Jiddisj. In hetzelfde jaar verscheen het – voor zover bekend – eerste nummer van de Koerant, waarin hij als zetter wordt genoemd. Aangezien hij Duitstalig was en het Latijnse alfabet beheerste, had hij waarschijnlijk niet zoveel moeite met de Nederlandse krantenberichten en ligt het voor de hand dat hij ook optrad als vertaler en redacteur. Zetters fungeerden vaak als intermediair tussen de joodse en de christelijke wereld en trokken soms heel Europa door om hun diensten aan te bieden. Aangezien er

257

Samenvatting weinig aan de stijl van de berichten veranderde, is het waarschijnlijk dat Mousje voor Tartas hetzelfde werk bleef doen als voor Halevi. Het laatst bekende nummer van de Koerant verscheen op 5 december 1687. Het is mogelijk dat het blad daarna nog heeft voortbestaan, maar erg lang zal dat niet geweest zijn, want Mousje begon voor zichzelf. Na een moeizame start als drukker in Nederland vertrok hij naar Duitsland, waar hij na enige omzwervingen universiteitsdrukker in Halle werd en daarnaast met de hulp van zijn tien kinderen zijn eigen drukkerij en uitgeverij opzette. Hij publiceerde nog enkele interessante werken op het grensvlak van jodendom en christendom, zoals een Hebreeuwse vertaling van het Nieuwe Testament en Teloës Mousje (1711), dat beschouwd wordt als het oudste aardrijkskundeboek in het Jiddisj. Hij stelde het samen uit twee bronnen, het Hebreeuwse Iggeret orhot olam van Avaham Farissol (1587) en een Duitse vertaling van het Latijnse Tabularum Geographicarum Contractarum (1600) van de Nederlandse – christelijke – geograaf Petrus Bertius. De manier waarop Mousje met zijn bronnen omging, doet denken aan zijn redactie van de Koerant: hij kortte de tekst in, verwijderde expliciet christelijke elementen, maar handhaafde het christelijke perspectief en voegde geen specifiek joodse elementen toe. Zijn laatste publicaties dateren van 1714, maar zijn kinderen zetten zijn werk voort. Hij stierf waarschijnlijk in 1733 of 1734.

Deel 3. De redacteur aan het werk Dit deel vormt de kern van het onderzoek. We kijken als het ware mee over de schouder van de redacteur en zien hoe hij ‘de werkelijkheid ordent’. Hoofdstuk 7. De bronnen van de Koerant Om te weten te komen wat de bronnen van de Koerant zijn, is een representatieve steekproef van dertig nummers van De Koerant genomen, die vergeleken is met de nog beschikbare Nederlandse kranten uit die periode: de Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, de Amsterdamse Courant, de Ordinaire Leydse Courant (in 1686) en de Opregte Leydse Courant (in september 1687). Daaruit bleek dat tussen 3 september 1686 en 31 januari 1687, toen de krant werd uitgegeven door Oeri Faibesj Halevi, de Oprechte Haerlemse Courant de voornaamste bron was van de Koeranten (79,8 %), gevolgd door de Ordinaire Leydse Courant (10,0 %). De Amsterdamse Courant is waarschijnlijk niet gebruikt, en van 10,1 % is geen bron te achterhalen.

258

Samenvatting

Tussen 18 februari en 3 juni 1687, de periode waarin de Koerant, nog steeds uitgegeven door Halevi, ook de Amsterdamse Courant gebruikt, ziet de verdeling er anders uit: 47,6 % heeft de Oprechte Haerlemse Courant als bron, 40,3 % de Amsterdamse Courant, en 12,1 % komt uit onbekende bron. In de periode dat David de Castro Tartas de Koerant uitgaf, van 6 juni tot 5 december 1687, is 41,5 % ontleend aan de Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, 50,6 % aan de Amsterdamse Courant, en 7,9 % komt uit onbekende bron. De twee nog bestaande nummers van de Opregte Leydse Courant zijn niet gebruikt. Wat het gebruik van de bronnen betreft, lijkt er – met uitzondering van de eerste maanden, toen de Amsterdamse Courant niet werd gebruikt – geen verschil te bestaan tussen de nummers die door Halevi werden uitgegeven en die van Tartas. Ook is er geen significant verschil tussen de dinsdagse en de vrijdagse uitgaven van de Koerant. Hoofdstuk 8. Selectie en redactie: detailonderzoek Om zo nauwkeurig mogelijk de werkmethode van de redacteur te bestuderen heb ik vier nummers van de Koerant integraal vergeleken met de Nederlandse kranten die de bron zouden kunnen zijn. De manier waarop de redacteur de bronnen heeft gebruikt, laat zien dat hij een bekwaam vertaler en redacteur was, die zijn taak serieus nam. Er is geen verandering van inhoud en stijl te ontdekken tussen de exemplaren van Halevi en Tartas. Hoewel de Amsterdamse Courant op de eerste maanden na net zo’n belangrijke bron was als de Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, was er een duidelijke taakverdeling. In de lange berichten, meestal over de oorlog in Hongarije, begint de Koerant doorgaans met berichten ontleend aan de Oprechte Haerlemse Courant en vult die aan met berichten uit de Amsterdamse Courant. Een methode die ook gebruikt wordt door de Gazeta de Amsterdam en de Gazzetta d’Amsterdam. Vooral in de periodes dat de Koerant één keer per week verscheen, waren er meer nummers van de bronnen voorhanden. Die probeerde de redacteur ook allemaal te gebruiken en door behendig ‘knippen en plakken’ tot één lopend verhaal te maken. Hier toonde hij zijn grote redactionele kwaliteiten. Mogelijk was dit een van de oorzaken van het – vermoedelijk – korte bestaan van de Koerant: het was te arbeidsintensief voor één man. Om tegemoet te komen aan de behoeften van de (beoogde) lezers beschreef de redacteur de gebeurtenissen in eenvoudiger bewoordingen en gaf hij vaak wat extra uitleg. De gemiddelde lezer van de Koeranten was minder vertrouwd met de niet-joodse

259

Samenvatting buitenwereld dan de lezers van de Nederlandse kranten. Maar dat was niet de enige reden dat hij zowel de taal als de syntaxis versimpelde. Het zeventiende-eeuwse Nederlands was dol op complexe zinsstructuren. Het Jiddisj was een taal voor dagelijks gebruik met een eenvoudiger structuur. Het is bewonderenswaardig hoe de redacteur zijn weg weet te vinden in de meanderende Nederlandse zinnen en ze vertaalt in eenvoudig, goed leesbaar Jiddisj. Al komt het een enkele keer voor dat hij zich vergist. De Gazeta en de Gazzetta doen minder moeite om taal en stijl te versimpelen, waarschijnlijk zowel omdat hun lezerspubliek beter was opgeleid als omdat zeventiende-eeuws Spaans en Italiaans ook een complexe zinsstructuur gebruikten. Een opmerkelijk kenmerk van de Koerant is het neutrale, onpartijdige perspectief. Vrijwel alle Nederlandse kranten, en ook de Gazeta en de Gazzetta, beschrijven de gebeurtenissen vanuit het perspectief van de correspondent. Zo worden de soldaten van het Habsburgse leger in de Nederlandse kranten aangeduid als ‘d’onse’. De Koerant maakt daar consequent ‘di kaisrisje’ (‘de keizerlijken’) van. Dit toont enerzijds de behoefte van de Koerant om zich enigszins afzijdig te houden – een gevoel dat veel joden waarschijnlijk deelden – en anderzijds het streven van de redacteur om een consistent verhaal te presenteren. Hoofdstuk 9. Onderwerpen in de Koerant en zijn bronnen In hoofdstuk 8 werd al duidelijk dat de Koerant aan bepaalde onderwerpen – met name de oorlog tussen de Habsburgers en de Turken – meer aandacht geeft dan aan andere. In hoofdstuk 9 wordt onderzocht welke onderwerpen de meeste ruimte krijgen in de Koerant en welke juist minder, en hoe deze keuze verschilt van die in de Oprechte Haerlemse Courant en de Amsterdamse Courant. Hiervoor zijn de onderwerpen in alle honderd nummers van de Koerant geclassificeerd en aan de hand van het aantal regels dat de verschillende onderwerpen innemen, vergeleken met een representatieve steekproef van de beide Nederlandse kranten. De resultaten zijn opmerkelijk. Zowel in de Koerant als in de Nederlandse kranten neemt de oorlog van de Habsburgers tegen de Turken de meeste ruimte in, maar terwijl het in de Nederlandse kranten om ruim zeventien procent gaat, is het aandeel in de Koerant 53 procent. Dit onderwerp wordt op grote afstand gevolgd door de andere gewapende conflicten van het ‘Heilige Verbond’ tegen de Turken: de oorlog van de Venetianen in Dalmatië en van de Polen en Russen (allebei ruim tien procent), en berichten over de onder Turks gezag staande Noord-Afrikaanse piraten (bijna zes procent). In de beperkte ruimte die rest, besteedt de Koerant ook nog relatief veel aandacht aan de

260

Samenvatting gewapende conflicten tussen Duitsland en Denemarken en tussen Frankrijk en Duitsland en Zwitserland, en aan nieuws over hugenoten. Het beeld in de Nederlandse kranten, die onderling weinig verschillen in onderwerpkeuze, is heel anders. De oorlog in Hongarije krijgt maar iets meer ruimte dan voor politiek nieuws en ‘royaltynieuws’ uit Nederland, gevolgd door Nederlandse scheepsberichten, politiek nieuws uit Engeland, Duitsland en Frankrijk (allemaal rond de tien procent). Kortom, terwijl de nadruk in de Koerant ligt op de belangrijke gewapende conflicten in Europa, berichten de Nederlandse kranten, naast de oorlog in Hongarije, vooral over politiek, zowel in de Republiek als daarbuiten. Wellicht is dit te verklaren doordat veel lezers van de Koerant of hun ouders gevlucht waren voor oorlogsgeweld in Duitsland en Polen, en daar nog familie hadden. Bovendien waren de weinige Asjkenazische zakenlieden in de Republiek, met name de familie Gomperz, betrokken bij de bevoorrading van het Habsburgse leger in Hongarije. Het politieke nieuws, dat blijkbaar grote interesse van de Nederlandse lezers had, sprak de lezers van de Koerant kennelijk minder aan. Ze waren nog geen staatsburgers en konden zich waarschijnlijk minder identificeren met de Nederlandse en buitenlandse politiek. Het feit dat meer dan de helft van de ruimte van de Koerant in beslag genomen wordt door oorlogsnieuws betekent niet dat de Koerant ander nieuws negeert. Vrijwel alle onderwerpen uit de Nederlandse kranten komen aan bod, zij het dat de ruimte daarvoor beperkt is. Zo besteedt de Koerant relatief veel ruimte aan human-interestberichten, waaronder natuurrampen, ongelukken en sensatienieuws als de geboorte van een kind met twee hoofden. Opmerkelijk genoeg zijn er ook diverse berichten over ongehoorzame monniken en nonnen, en zelfs over wonderen van een katholieke heilige. Er zijn relatief weinig berichten over joden. Dit komt waarschijnlijk doordat de bronnen daar weinig over schreven en de redacteur door de hoge tijdsdruk geen tijd had om naar andere bronnen te zoeken. Toch zijn de weinige berichten over joden die deel uitmaken van de steekproef in hoofdstuk 8, wel op een bepaalde manier geredigeerd. Er wordt bijvoorbeeld een gebed of een verzuchting aan toegevoegd. Om te kijken of dit ook bij andere berichten het geval is, heb ik de belangrijkste berichten over joden in de Koerant bekeken. De meeste hebben betrekking op de herovering van Boeda door de Habsburgers. Geen onverdeeld genoegen voor de daar wonende joden, want zij werden door de Habsburgers als Turken beschouwd. Uit andere bronnen weten we dat ze vaak gegijzeld,

261

Samenvatting mishandeld en gedood werden. De Koerant volgt echter grotendeels de berichtgeving van de Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, waarin wel melding wordt gemaakt van gijzeling en dreigende moord, maar op een nogal afstandelijke toon, terwijl de joden bovendien door een Habsburgse generaal worden gered. Een joods perspectief ontbreekt hier volkomen.

Conclusies In de voorgaande hoofdstukken heb ik geprobeerd een antwoord te vinden op de volgende vraag: De Koerant, en in het bijzonder de redacteur, ‘ordende de werkelijkheid’ door het materiaal van de bronnen te selecteren en te redigeren. Wat kunnen de selectie- en redactiemechanismen van de Koerant ons zeggen over de bedoelingen van de makers en over de aard van de ‘imagined community’ van lezers die de Koerant mogelijk heeft helpen creëren?

De twee vermoedelijke initiatiefnemers van de Koerant, de eerste drukker Oeri Faibesj Halevi en de zetter Mousje bar Avrom Ovinoe, waren allebei mannen met originele ideeën die niet bang waren om risico’s te nemen. Zij wilden hun beoogde lezers wel degelijk iets meegeven: de mogelijkheid om verder te kijken dan hun eigen gemeenschap, en om te communiceren met hun niet-joodse stad- of zelfs landgenoten. De tweede drukker, David de Castro Tartas, was – voor zover bekend – de enige ‘krantenman’ onder de joodse drukkers. Aangezien de andere kranten die we van hem kennen, de Spaanse Gazeta de Amsterdam en de Italiaanse Gazzetta d’Amsterdam, niet joods van karakter zijn, is het onwaarschijnlijk dat Tartas uitgesproken ideeën had over de identiteit van de Koerant als krant voor de Asjkenazische ‘imagined community’. Maar blijkbaar zag hij als ervaren krantenuitgever wel mogelijkheden om van de Koerant een commercieel succes te maken. Uit het deel ‘De redacteur aan het werk’ blijkt dat de redacteur zijn best deed om het nieuws uit de bronnen aan te passen aan de behoeften van de lezers, door de selectie van de bronnen, door het verduidelijken van de berichtgeving en het versimpelen van taal en zinsbouw, en door consequent voor een neutraal, onpartijdig perspectief te kiezen. De meest opvallende redactionele ingreep is de ruimte die hij aan de verschillende onderwerpen geeft. In de Koerant zijn de hoofdthema’s de gewapende conflicten tussen de Europese legers en de Turken, en in het bijzonder de oorlog tussen de Habsburgers en de

262

Samenvatting

Turken in Hongarije, in de Nederlandse kranten is er ook aandacht voor de oorlog in Hongarije, maar veel minder, en daarnaast scoort politiek nieuws in binnen- en buitenland hoog. Hierdoor biedt de redacteur zijn lezers een andere kijk op de werkelijkheid. Opmerkelijk is dat er relatief weinig aandacht is voor joodse onderwerpen en dat daarbij vrijwel geen joodse bronnen worden gebruikt. Vermoedelijk doordat die niet direct voorhanden waren en de redacteur onder grote tijdsdruk moest werken. Als de berekening in hoofdstuk 4 klopt, zou de oplage van de Koerant tussen de dertig en honderdzestig liggen. Een laag, en misschien té laag aantal om er een rendabel product van te maken. Te meer daar het produceren van de krant een arbeidsintensief proces was. Het zijn geen bemoedigende tekenen dat Halevi in juni 1687 de krant overdeed aan Tartas, dat Tartas waarschijnlijk ook vrij snel stopte met de uitgave en dat Mousje in 1688 voor zichzelf begon, waarna er geen spoor van de Koerant meer gevonden kan worden. Misschien kwam de Koerant te vroeg en kon de Asjkenazische gemeenschap zich niet identificeren met de ‘imagined community’ die de Koerant probeerde te creëren. Misschien was de Koerant nog te weinig joods van karakter voor de gemiddelde lezer. Ondanks de indrukwekkende pogingen van de makers lijkt het erop dat de eerste Jiddisje krant ter wereld onvoldoende publiek wist te trekken en geen lang leven beschoren was.

Het vervolg Van de periode na de publicatie van het laatste nummer van de Koerant zijn er nauwelijks Jiddisje kranten bewaard gebleven in Nederland, en evenmin in het buitenland. Er bestaan twee nummers van de Dirnfurter prifilegirte tsaitoeng, uit Dyhernfurth bij Breslau, van vrijdag 13 december 1771 en van vrijdag 10 januari 1772. Deze kranten bevatten, net als de Koerant, voornamelijk internationaal nieuws. De enige andere in Nederland gedrukte krant die nog bekend is, is de Wochentliche berichtn anlangende di jettsige oemsjtendig hejtn (Wekelijkse berichten betreffende de huidige omstandigheden) van 10 januari 1781, uitgegeven door de bekende Amsterdamse uitgever Proops. Van dit ene nummer, een eenzijdig bedrukt half foliovel, zijn drie exemplaren bewaard gebleven, die allemaal gediend hebben ter versteviging van een boekband. Volgens een mededeling onderaan verscheen de krant – ondanks de naam – tweemaal per week, op dinsdag en vrijdag. 10 januari 1781 was overigens een woensdag. Het is niet bekend of er nog meer nummers zijn verschenen. Enkele weken eerder, op 20

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Samenvatting december1780, was de Vierde Engelse Oorlog uitgebroken, en het grootste deel van de krant is daar dan ook aan gewijd. De allerlaatste West-Europese Jiddisje krant die we kennen is de Tsaitoeng, die in 1789 en 1790 eenmaal per week verscheen in het Franse Metz. In de negentiende eeuw stierf het Jiddisj als spreek- en schrijftaal in Nederland langzaam maar zeker uit, en pas halverwege de eeuw verschenen er weer joodse weekbladen – in het Nederlands.

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Appendix

The four issues

Dinstagishe Kuranten September 3, 1686, page 1

[4]

[5] [1]

[6]

[2] [7]

[3]

[8] [4]

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Dinstagishe Kuranten September 3, 1686, page 2

[12]

[8]

[13]

[9]

[10]

[14] [11]

[12]

268

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Dinstagishe Kuranten September 3, 1686, page 3

[15]

[16] [14]

[17]

[18] [15]

[19]

269

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Dinstagishe Kuranten September 3, 1686, page 4

[23]

[20]

[24]

[21]

[25]

[22]

270

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Dinstagishe Kuranten November 22, 1686, page 1

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Dinstagishe Kuranten November 22, 1686, page 2

[1]

[2]

[1]

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Dinstagishe Kuranten November 22, 1686, page 3

[6] [3]

[4]

[7]

[5]

[6] [8]

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Dinstagishe Kuranten November 22, 1686, page 4

[8]

[9]

[10]

[11]

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Dinstagishe Kuranten May 6, 1687, page 1

[1]

[2] [1]

[3]

[4]

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Dinstagishe Kuranten May 6, 1687, page 2

[7] [4]

[5]

[6]

276

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Dinstagishe Kuranten May 6, 1687, page 3

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Dinstagishe Kuranten May 6, 1687, page 4

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Dinstagishe Kuranten October 17, 1687, page 1

[1] [1]

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Dinstagishe Kuranten October 17, 1687, page 2

[1]

[9] [2]

[3]

[4]

[5]

[6] [10]

[7]

[8]

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Dinstagishe Kuranten October 17, 1687, page 3

[10]

[13]

[11]

[14]

[15]

[12]

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Dinstagishe Kuranten October 17, 1687, page 4

[19] [16]

[20] [17]

[21]

[22] [18]

[23]

[19]

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Appendix

Tables

Table 5 Dinstagishe Kuranten September 3, 1686

Place From HC Unknown Total Aug 31 Germany

Field army Buda Aug 17 74 4 78 94.9 % 5.1 % 100 %

Vienna Aug 22 0 102 102 0 % 100 % 100%

Netherlands

Brussels Aug 31 4 0 4 100 % 0 % 100 %

The Hague Aug 31 21 0 21 100 % 0 % 100 %

France

Paris Aug 28 2 20 22 9.1 % 90.9 % 100 %

Italy

Turin Aug 13 8 0 8 100 % 0 % 100 %

Rome Aug 13 12 0 12 100 % 0 % 100 %

Livorno Aug 13 10 0 10 100 % 0 % 100 %

Poland

Königsberg Aug 18 6 0 6 100 % 0 % 100 %

K Sep 3, 1686 137 126 263 52.1 % 47.9 % 100 %

Table 5 shows each geographical heading of the Kurant of September 3, 1686, with the number of lines and the percentages in the Kurant that can be attributed to sources in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant or to unknown sources. The total number of lines in this issue of the Kurant is 263. A line can contain 25-30 characters.

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Table 6 Oprechte Haerlemse Courant August 31, 1686

Place Total In K % in K Sep 3 Italy

Turin Aug 10 5 0 0 % Rome Aug 10 4 4 100 %

Livorno Aug 12 (1) 10 0 0 %

Livorno Aug 12 (2) 7 7 100 % Venice Aug 16 10 0 0 %

Poland

Köningsberg Aug 16 3 3 100 % Switzerland

Basle Aug 14 6 0 0 %

Germany Field army Buda Aug 14 92 25 27.2 % Stockholm Aug 16 7 0 0 % Vienna Aug 18 47 15 31.9 % Berlin Aug 24 2 0 0 % Frankfurt Aug 25 3 0 0 %

Cologne Aug 27 2 0 0 % Hamburg Aug 27 4 0 0 % France Paris Aug 27 7 2 28.6 % Netherlands Brussels Aug 28 5 3 60 %

The Hague Aug 29 51 9 17.6 % The Hague Aug 30 8 0 0 % Amsterdam Aug 30 30 6 20 % Spain Cádiz Aug 4 (1) 29 0 0 % Cádiz Aug 4 (2) 2 0 0 %

Malaga Aug 6 2 0 0 % Madrid Aug 14 2 0 0 %

Advertisements 28 0 0 % From HC Aug 31, 1686 366 74 20.2 %

Table 6 shows each geographical heading of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of August 31, 1686, with the total number of lines in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the number of those lines that probably served as sources for reports in the Kurant of September 3, 1686.

284

Appendix

The average number of lines in this issue of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant is 366. A line can contain 50-55 characters.

285

Appendix

Table 7 Fraytagishe Kuranten November 22, 1686

Place From HC From LC Unknown Total Nov 19 Nov 21 Germany

Vienna Nov 10 (1) 44 0 13 57 77.2 % 0 % 22.8 % 100 %

Vienna Nov 10 (2) 37 0 0 37 100 % 0 % 0 % 100 %

Regensburg Nov 10 9 0 0 9 100 % 0 % 0 % 100 %

Vienna Nov 10 (3) 14 0 0 14 100 % 0 % 0 % 100 %

Hamburg Nov 15 8 0 0 8 100 % 0 % 0 % 100 %

Cologne Nov 15 0 0 8 8 0 % 0 % 100 % 100 %

Basle Nov 6 5 0 0 5 100 % 0 % 0 % 100 %

Brünn Nov 4 0 3 0 3 0 % 100 % 0 % 100 %

Breslau Nov 7 0 14 0 14 0 % 100 % 0 % 100 %

Heidelberg Nov 13 8 0 0 8 100 % 0 % 0 % 100 %

Poland

Lemberg Nov 24 5 31 0 36 13.9% 86.1 % 0 % 100 %

Warsaw Nov 1 0 8 0 8 0 % 100 % 0 % 100 %

England

London Nov 15 5 5 0 10 50 % 50 % 0% 100 %

Netherlands

Amsterdam Nov 18 34 0 0 34 100 % 0 % 0 % 100 %

Brussels Nov 16 0 5 0 5 0 % 100 % 0 % 100 %

Amsterdam Nov 19 0 4 4 8 0 % 50 % 50 % 100 %

K Nov 22, 1686 169 70 25 264 64 % 26.5 % 9.5 % 100 %

Table 7 shows each geographical heading of the Kurant of November22, 1686, with the number of lines and the percentages in the Kurant that can be attributed to sources in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of November 19, 1686, the Ordinaire Leydse Courant of 286

Appendix

November 21, 1686 or to unknown sources. The total number of lines in this issue of the Kurant is 264. A line can contain 25-30 characters.

287

Appendix

Table 8 Oprechte Haerlemse Courant November 19, 1686

Place Total In K % in K Nov 22 England

Dublin Nov 2 35 0 0 % Edinburgh Nov 5 4 0 0 %

London Nov 12 (1) 26 0 0 %

London Nov 12 (2) 6 0 0 % Switzerland

Geneva Nov 6 7 0 0 %

Basle Nov 6 25 6 24.0 % Germany

Vienna Nov 7 (1) 32 32 100 % Vienna Nov 7 (2) 29 25 86.2 % Regensburg Nov 14 31 3 9.7 % Stockholm Oct … 4 0 0 %

Helsingör Nov 9 13 0 0 % Strasbourg Nov 11 3 0 0 % Cologne Nov 15 11 0 0 % Hamburg Nov 15 3 2 66.7 % Poland

Lemberg Oct 24 5 3 60 %

Netherlands

Flushing Nov 15 6 0 0 % The Hague Nov 17 22 0 0 % Amsterdam Nov 18 (1) 22 18 81.8 % Amsterdam Nov 18 (2) 23 7 30.4 % The Hague Nov 18 26 7 26.9 %

Advertisements 20 0 0 % From HC Nov 19, 1686 353 103 29.2 %

Table 8 shows each geographical heading of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of November 19, 1686, with the total number of lines in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the number of those lines that probably served as sources for reports in the Kurant of November 22, 1686. The total number of lines in this issue of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant is 353. A line can contain 50-55 characters.

288

Appendix

Table 9

Ordinaire Leydse Courant November 21, 1686

Place Total In K % in K Nov 22 Italy

Rome Oct 27 8 0 0 % Naples Oct 27 14 0 0 %

Turin Nov 8 21 0 0 %

Poland

Lemberg Oct 24 54 38 70.4 %

Warsaw Nov 1 31 9 29.0 % France

Marseille Nov 5 9 0 0 %

Toulouse Nov 9 9 0 0 %

Paris Nov 15 45 0 0 % Prussia

Königsberg Nov 3 7 0 0 % Germany

Brünn Nov 4 15 4 26.7 % Breslau Nov 7 15 10 66.7 %

Potsdam Nov 13 11 0 0 % Heidelberg Nov 13 13 6 46.2 % Denmark

Helsingör Nov 9 5 0 0 % England

London Nov 15 16 6 37.5 %

Netherlands

Brussels Nov 16 22 5 22.7 % Maastricht Nov 17 17 0 0 % Amsterdam Nov 19 36 3 8.3 % The Hague Nov 19 19 0 0 % The Hague Nov 20 26 0 0 %

Leiden Nov 20 6 0 0 % Advertisements 12 0 0 % From LC Nov 21, 1686 411 81 19.7 %

Table 9 shows each geographical heading of the Ordinaire Leydse Courant of November 21, 1686 with the total number of lines in the Ordinaire Leydse Courant and the number of those lines that probably served as sources for reports in the Kurant of November22, 1686. The

289

Appendix total number of lines in this issue of the Ordinaire Leydse Courant is 411. A line can contain 40-45 characters.

290

Appendix

Table 10 Dinstagishe Kuranten May 6, 1687

Place From HC From AC Unknown Total May 3 May 3 Germany

Vienna Apr 24 53 43 31 127 41.7 % 33.9 % 24.4 % 100 %

Regensburg Apr 28 0 0 4 4 0 % 0 % 100 % 100 %

Strasbourg Apr 28 0 0 10 10 0 % 0 % 100 % 100 %

Strasbourg Apr 23 0 0 9 9 0 % 0 % 100 % 100 %

Berlin Apr 27 0 8 0 8 0 % 100 % 0 % 100 %

Hamburg Apr 29 0 6 0 6 0 % 100 % 0 % 100 %

Poland

Toruń Apr 15 9 0 0 9 100 % 0 % 0 % 100 %

Italy

Rome Apr 12 0 7 0 7 0 % 100 % 0 % 100 %

Venice Apr 19 49 2 6 57 86.0 % 3.5 % 0 % 10.5 %

Netherlands

Amsterdam May 2 10 5 0 15 66.7 % 33.3 % 0 % 100 %

The Hague May 2 0 0 14 14 0 % 0 % 100 % 100 %

In K May 6, 1687 121 71 74 266 45.5 % 26.7 % 27.8 % 100 %

Table 10 shows each geographical heading of the Kurant of May 6, 1687, with the number of lines and the percentages in the Kurant that can be attributed to sources in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of May 3, 1687, the Ordinaire Leydse Courant of May 3, 1687 or to unknown sources. The total number of lines in this issue of the Kurant is 266. A line can contain 25-30 characters.

291

Appendix

Table 11 Oprechte Haerlemse Courant May 3, 1687

Place Total In K % in K May 6 Dalmatia

Cattaro Mar 17 38 3 7.9 % Italy

Naples Apr 8 12 0 0 %

Genoa Apr 12 1 0 0 % Rome Apr 12 10 0 0 %

Livorno Apr 14 12 0 0 %

Milan Apr 16 5 0 0 % Venice Apr 19 34 22 64.7 %

Switzerland

Basle Apr 20 4 0 0 % Germany Vienna Apr 20 (1) 56 41 73.2 % Vienna Apr 20 (2) 19 8 42.1 % Helsingör Apr 26 21 0 0 % Berlin Apr 26 5 0 0 %

Frankfurt Apr 27 2 0 0 % Cologne Apr 29 2 0 0 % Hamburg Apr 29 2 0 0 % Moscow Moscow Mar 27 42 0 0 % Smolensk Mar 30 12 0 0 %

Poland Toruń Apr 15 4 4 100 % France Paris Apr 29 2 0 0 % Netherlands Brussels Apr 30 5 0 0 %

The Hague May 1 28 0 0 % Amsterdam May 2 (1) 9 0 0 %

Amsterdam May 2 (2) 8 8 100 % The Hague May 2 16 0 0 %

Advertisements 14 0 0 %

From HC May 3, 1687 363 86 23.7 %

Table 11 shows each geographical heading of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of May 3, 1687, with the total number of lines in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the number of those lines that probably served as sources for reports in the Kurant of May 6, 1687. The 292

Appendix total number of lines in this issue of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant is 363. A line can contain 50-55 characters.

293

Appendix

Table 12 Amsterdamse Courant May 3, 1687

Place Total In K % in K May 6 Moscow

Moscow Apr 5 32 0 0 % Italy

Turin Apr 12 14 0 0 %

Genoa Apr 12 15 0 0 % Roma Apr 12 34 3 8.8 %

Livorno Apr 14 11 0 0 %

Milan Apr 16 10 0 0 % Venice Apr 18 40 4 10 %

Germany

Vienna Apr 20 (1) 39 12 30.8 % Vienna Apr 20 (2) 24 3 12.5 % Strasbourg Apr 23 14 8 57.1 % Helsingör Apr 25 25 0 0 % Berlin Apr 27 10 5 50 % Cologne Apr 29 9 0 0 %

Hamburg Apr 29 6 5 83.3 % France Paris Apr 28 26 0 0 % Netherlands Brussels Apr 30 17 0 0 % The Hague May 1 11 0 0 %

Amsterdam May 2 17 2 11.8 % The Hague May 2 10 0 0 % Advertisements 14 0 0 % Average 378 42 11.1 %

Table 12 shows each geographical heading of the Amsterdamse Courant of May 3, 1687, with the total number of lines in the Amsterdamse Courant and the number of those lines that probably served as sources for reports in the Kurant of May 6, 1687. The total number of lines in this issue of the Amsterdamse Courant is 378. A line can contain 50-55 characters.

294

Appendix

Table 13 Fraytagishe Kurant October 17, 1687

Place From HC From AC From HC From AC From HC From AC Unknown Total Oct 11 Oct 11 Oct 14 Oct 14 Oct 16 Oct 16 Italy

Venice Oct 1 66 0 0 0 0 0 0 66 100 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 100 %

Germany

Vienna Oct 5 17 17 26 27 0 0 9 96 17.7 % 17.7 % 27.1 % 28.1 % 0 % 0 % 9.4 % 100 %

Hamburg Oct 10 0 0 0 8 0 0 0 8 0 % 0 % 0 % 100 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 100 %

Berlin Oct 8 0 0 0 9 0 0 0 9 0 % 0 % 0 % 100 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 100 %

England

London Oct 9 0 0 0 9 0 0 0 9 0 % 0 % 0 % 100 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 100 %

Spain

Madrid Sep 27 0 0 0 10 0 0 0 10 0 % 0 % 0 % 100 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 100 %

Poland

Lemberg Sep 20 0 0 7 0 0 22 0 29 0 % 0 % 24.1 % 0 % 0 % 75.9 % 0 % 100 %

France

Paris Oct 10 0 0 0 0 0 8 0 8 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 100 % 0 % 100 %

Netherlands

Middelburg Oct 7 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 2 0 % 0 % 0 % 100 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 100 %

Amsterdam Oct 16 0 3 0 0 0 5 0 8 0 % 37.5 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 62.5 % 0 % 100 %

Moscow

Moscow Sep 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 9 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 0 % 100 % 100 %

In K Oct 17, 1687 83 22 33 63 0 35 18 254 32.7 % 8.7 % 13.0 % 24.8 % 0 % 13.8 % 7.1 % 100 %

Table 13 shows each geographical heading of the Kurant of October 17, 1687, with the number of lines and the percentages in the Kurant that can be attributed to sources in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of October 11, 14 and 16, 1687, the Amsterdamse Courant of October 11, 14 and 16, 1687 or to unknown sources. The total number of lines in this issue of the Kurant is 254. A line can contain 25-30 characters.

295

Appendix

Table 14 Oprechte Haerlemse Courant October 11, 1687

Place Total In K % in K Oct 17 Dalmatia

Field army Castelnuovo 92 92 100 % Sep 19 Italy

Rome Sep 20 16 0 0 % Livorno Sep 22 30 0 0 %

Venice Sep 29 14 0 0 %

England Dublin Sep 23 4 0 0 %

London Oct 3 (1) 27 0 0 %

London Oct 3 (2) 26 0 0 % France Paris Oct 7 13 0 0 % Germany Vienna Sep 28 30 11 36.7 %

Helsingör Oct 3 8 0 0 % Berlin Oct 5 4 0 0 % Hamburg Oct 7 2 0 0 % Cologne Oct 7 2 0 0 % Netherlands Brussels Oct 8 2 0 0 %

The Hague Oct 9 28 0 0 % Amsterdam Oct 10 (1) 22 0 0 % Amsterdam Oct 10 (2) 20 0 0 % The Hague Oct 10 24 0 0 % Advertisements 10 0 0 % HC Oct 11, 1687 374 103 27.5 %

Table 14 shows each geographical heading of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of October 11, 1687, with the total number of lines in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the number of those lines that probably served as sources for reports in the Kurant of October 17, 1687. The total number of lines in this issue of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant is 374. A line can contain 50-55 characters.

296

Appendix

Table 15 Amsterdamse Courant October 11, 1687

Place Total In K % in K Oct 17 Italy

Rome Sep 20 32 0 0 % Genoa Sep 20 5 0 0 %

Turin Sep 20 2 0 0 %

Livorno Sep 22 17 0 0 % Milan Sep 24 4 0 0 %

Venice Sep 26 (1) 57 0 0 %

Venice Sep 26 (2) 6 0 0 % England

Dublin Sep 20 4 0 0 %

Plymouth Sep 27 3 0 0 % London Oct 3 (1) 39 0 0 % London Oct 3 (2) 23 0 0 % Slavonia Buchin Sep 21 53 0 0 % Germany

Vienna Sep ? 54 26 48.1 % Strasbourg Sep 29 2 0 0 % Helsingör Oct 23 [3?] 7 0 0 % Kassel Oct 2 4 0 0 % Hamburg Oct 7 8 0 0 % Cologne Oct 7 4 0 0 %

France Paris Sep 6 3 0 0 % Netherlands Brussels Oct 8 10 0 0 % The Hague Oct 9 14 0 0 % Amsterdam Oct 10 30 0 0 %

The Hague Oct 10 12 0 0 % Advertisements 2 2 100 % AC Oct 11, 1687 395 28 7.1 %

Table 15 shows each geographical heading of the Amsterdamse Courant of October 11, 1687, with the total number of lines in the Amsterdamse Courant and the number of those lines that probably served as sources for reports in the Kurant of October 17, 1687. The total number of lines in this issue of the Amsterdamse Courant is 395. A line can contain 50-55 characters.

297

Appendix

Table 16 Oprechte Haerlemse Courant October 14, 1687

Place Total In K % in K Oct 17 Portugal

Lisbon Sep 16 29 0 0 % Spain

Cádiz Sep 25 49 0 0 %

Madrid Sep 25 3 0 0 % England

London Oct 7 81 0 0 %

Germany Vienna Oct 2 37 15 40.5 %

Regensburg Oct 6 14 0 0 %

Strasbourg Oct 6 5 0 0 % Berlin Oct 8 6 0 0 % Hamburg Oct 10 (1) 1 0 0 % Hamburg Oct 10 (2) 12 0 0 % Cologne Oct 10 5 0 0 % Poland

Lemberg Sep 18 3 3 100 % Netherlands The Hague Oct 12 36 0 0 % Amsterdam Oct 13 (1) 16 0 0 % Amsterdam Oct 13 (2) 16 0 0 % The Hague Oct 13 11 0 0 %

Advertisements 40 0 0 % HC Oct 14, 1687 364 18 4.9 %

Table 16 shows each geographical heading of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant of October 14, 1687, with the total number of lines in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant and the number of those lines that probably served as sources for reports in the Kurant of October 17, 1687. The total number of lines in this issue of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant is 364. A line can contain 50-55 characters.

298

Appendix

Table 17 Amsterdamse Courant October 14, 1687

Place Total In K % in K Oct 17 Portugal

Lisbon Sep 9 36 0 0 % Lisbon Sep 16 9 0 0 %

Spain

Cádiz Sep 15 52 0 0 % Madrid Sep 25 25 4 16.0 %

Germany

Vienna Oct 2 73 24 32.9 % Hamburg Oct 10 11 11 100 %

Helsingör Oct 6 2 0 0 %

Berlin Oct 8 15 8 53.3 % Cologne Oct 10 25 0 0 % Neuenhaus Oct 11 6 0 0 % England London Oct 7 50 6 12.0 % Netherlands

Middelburg Oct 7 11 11 100 % The Hague Oct 12 16 0 0 % Amsterdam Oct 13 30 0 0 % The Hague Oct 13 5 0 0 % Advertisements 13 0 0 % AC Oct 14, 1687 379 64 16.9 %

Table 17 shows each geographical heading of the Amsterdamse Courant of October 14, 1687, with the total number of lines in the Amsterdamse Courant and the number of those lines that probably served as sources for reports in the Kurant of October 17, 1687. The total number of lines in this issue of the Amsterdamse Courant is 379. A line can contain 50-55 characters.

299

Appendix

Table 18 Amsterdamse Courant October 16, 1687

Place Total In K % in K Oct 17 Spain

Madrid Sep 5 48 0 0 % France

Marseille Oct 1 30 0 0 %

Paris Oct 10 45 5 11.1 % England

London Oct 7 13 0 0 % Germany

Munich Oct 2 12 0 0 %

Regensburg Oct 2 5 0 0 %

Hamburg Oct 10 7 0 0 % Poland

Lemberg Oct 1 40 30 75.0 % Netherlands

Middelburg Oct 9 17 0 0 % Brussels Oct 12 14 0 0 %

The Hague Oct 14 25 0 0 % Amsterdam Oct 15 45 0 0 % Advertisements 31 0 0 % AC Oct 16, 1687 332 35 10.5 %

Table 18 shows each geographical heading of the Amsterdamse Courant of October 16, 1687, with the total number of lines in the Amsterdamse Courant and the number of those lines that probably served as sources for reports in the Kurant of October 17, 1687. The total number of lines in this issue of the Amsterdamse Courant is 332. A line can contain 50-55 characters.

300

Appendix

Table 19 Subject order in the Kurant

Subject Halevi % Tartas % Totaal %

Turks Habsburg 52.2 % 54.6 % 53.0 % Turks Venice 9.5 % 13.3 % 10.7 % Turks Poland, Russia 11.4 % 7.7 % 10.2 % Turks, Pirates North Africa 3.4 % 10.8 % 5.8 % Shipping Netherlands 4.7 % 7.4 % 5.6 % Turks Turkey 4.5 % 2.8 % 3.9 % North-Germany vs. Denmark 5.1 % 1.1 % 3.8 % France vs. Germany, Switzerland 3.4 % 1.6 % 2.8 % Protestants 3.2 % 1.3 % 2.6 % Roman Catholics 2.7 % 2.2 % 2.5 % Shipping England 1.5 % 4.3 % 2.4 % Politics, royal Germany 2.0 % 2.6 % 2.2 % Politics, royal Poland, Russia 2.2 % 1.6 % 2.0 % Shipping North/East Europe 1.3 % 2.0 % 1.6 % Shipping East Indies 0.9 % 2.6 % 1.5 % Pope 1.6 % 1.0 % 1.4 % Politics, royal Netherlands 0.9 % 2.3 % 1.4 % Human interest England 1.2 % 1.4 % 1.3 % Human interest Germany (incl. Balkans, Bohemia) 1.1 % 1.4 % 1.2 % Human interest Italy 1.1 % 1.5 % 1.2 % Shipping France 0.5 % 2.1 % 1.0 % East Indies, Far East 0.7 % 1.3 % 0.9 % Human interest Netherlands 0.9 % 0.2 % 0.7 % Shipping Spain, Portugal 0.8 % 0.3 % 0.6 % France vs. Turkey (incl. Barbaria) 0.0 % 1.7 % 0.6 % Jews Italy 0.7 % 0.1 % 0.5 % Human interest France 0.6 % 0.4 % 0.5 % Politics, royal England 0.5 % 0.5 % 0.5 % Shipping West Indies, America 0.4 % 0.7 % 0.5 % Jews Hungary 0.7 % 0.0 % 0.4 % Shipping Italy 0.2 % 0.8 % 0.4 % Jews Germany 0.3 % 0.7 % 0.4 % Politics, royal Spain, Portugal 0.3 % 0.6 % 0.4 % Shipping Germany 0.3 % 0.4 % 0.4 % Turks Persia 0.5 % 0.0 % 0.4 % Politics, royal France 0.5 % 0.0 % 0.3 % Human interest Poland, Moscow 0.2 % 0.5 % 0.3 % Turks Spain 0.0 % 0.7 % 0.2 % France vs. Spain (& Spanish Netherlands) 0.3 % 0.0 % 0.2 % Human interest Turkey (incl. Levant) 0.3 % 0.0 % 0.2 %

301

Appendix

Subject Halevi % Tartas % Totaal % Announcements, advertisements 0.2 % 0.2 % 0.2 % Shipping Africa 0.1 % 0.4 % 0.2 % Human interest Spain, Portugal 0.2 % 0.2 % 0.2 % Jews Turkey 0.2 % 0.1 % 0.2 % Turks Netherlands 0.2 % 0.2 % 0.2 % Shipping Turkey 0.2 % 0.1 % 0.2 % Jews Netherlands 0.2 % 0.1 % 0.2 % Politics, royal Denmark 0.0 % 0.5 % 0.2 % Trade 0.0 % 0.4 % 0.2 % Savoy vs. North Italy 0.2 % 0.0 % 0.1 % Politics, royal Italy 0.0 % 0.4 % 0.1 % Politics, royal Sweden 0.1 % 0.1 % 0.1 % France vs. England 0.1 % 0.2 % 0.1 % Sweden 0.0 % 0.2 % 0.1 % Jews Poland 0.1 % 0.0 % 0.1 % France vs. Italy 0.1 % 0.0 % 0.1 % Politics, royal Turkey (incl. Morocco) 0.1 % 0.0 % 0.1 % Jews Portugal 0.1 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Turks Far East 0.1 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Persia 0.1 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Netherlands vs. Persia 0.0 % 0.1 % 0.0 % Jews East Indies 0.0 % 0.1 % 0.0 % Jews England 0.0 % 0.1 % 0.0 % Human interest Brazil 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Switzerland 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Switzerland 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Sweden 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Denmark 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % West Indies, America 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 %

Table 19 shows all subjects covered by the one hundred issues of the Kurant, ordered according to the space they occupy. The percentages are based on the number of lines per issue, compared to the total number of lines in the issue; some reports cover more than one subject, which is why the total percentage is more than hundred. The column ‘Halevi %’ shows the percentages in the issues printed by Uri Faybesh Halevi, the column ‘Tartas %’ shows the percentages in the issues printed by David de Castro Tartas.

302

Appendix

Table 20 Subject order in the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant

Subject Halevi % Tartas % Totaal % Turks Habsburg 18.8 % 16.7 % 17.7 % Politics, royal Netherlands 16.6 % 16.9 % 16.8 % Shipping Netherlands 9.9 % 15.6 % 12.8 % Politics, royal England 7.9 % 13.6 % 10.8 % Announcements, advertisements 7.7 % 6.8 % 7.2 % Politics, royal Germany 7.6 % 6.9 % 7.2 % Politics, royal France 4.5 % 7.5 % 6.0 % Turks, Pirates North Africa 1.7 % 8.2 % 5.1 % Turks Venice 5.6 % 4.4 % 4.9 % Shipping England 2.8 % 6.9 % 4.9 % Shipping North/East Europe 2.6 % 6.5 % 4.6 % Roman Catholics 3.7 % 5.3 % 4.5 % Politics, royal Spain, Portugal 2.5 % 5.6 % 4.1 % Shipping Spain, Portugal 3.6 % 4.6 % 4.1 % Pope 3.4 % 4.4 % 3.9 % Protestants 4.3 % 2.2 % 3.2 % Politics, royal Turkey (incl. Morocco) 5.1 % 1.2 % 3.1 % Shipping France 1.0 % 4.9 % 3.1 % Turks Poland, Russia 5.1 % 1.0 % 3.0 % Politics, royal Italy 3.2 % 2.1 % 2.7 % France vs. Germany, Switzerland 3.3 % 1.8 % 2.5 % Politics, royal Poland, Russia 1.7 % 2.6 % 2.1 % Turks Turkey 4.3 % 0.1 % 2.1 % Shipping East Indies 0.9 % 2.5 % 1.7 % Human interest England 1.3 % 1.9 % 1.6 % Shipping Italy 1.0 % 1.8 % 1.4 % Shipping West Indies, America 1.2 % 1.6 % 1.4 % Politics, royal Denmark 0.4 % 2.0 % 1.2 % East Indies, Far East 0.2 % 1.5 % 0.9 % Human interest France 0.8 % 0.9 % 0.8 % North-Germany vs. Denmark 0.8 % 0.9 % 0.8 % Switzerland 0.8 % 0.4 % 0.6 % Politics, royal Sweden 0.5 % 0.6 % 0.5 % Human interest Germany (incl. Balkans, Bohemia) 0.5 % 0.5 % 0.5 % Trade 0.2 % 0.7 % 0.5 % Shipping Germany 0.5 % 0.2 % 0.3 % Shipping Africa 0.5 % 0.1 % 0.3 % France vs. Spain (& Spanish Netherlands) 0.6 % 0.1 % 0.3 % Human interest Poland, Moscow 0.1 % 0.4 % 0.3 % Savoy vs. North Italy 0.5 % 0.0 % 0.2 % West Indies, America 0.3 % 0.1 % 0.2 %

303

Appendix

Subject Halevi % Tartas % Totaal % Human interest Netherlands 0.0 % 0.4 % 0.2 % Turks Netherlands 0.0 % 0.3 % 0.2 % Shipping Turkey 0.2 % 0.2 % 0.2 % Human interest Spain, Portugal 0.1 % 0.2 % 0.1 % Jews Germany 0.0 % 0.2 % 0.1 % Jews Netherlands 0.2 % 0.1 % 0.1 % France vs. England 0.1 % 0.1 % 0.1 % France vs. Italy 0.2 % 0.0 % 0.1 % Human interest Italy 0.0 % 0.2 % 0.1 % Jews Turkey 0.1 % 0.0 % 0.1 % Jews Italy 0.1 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Sweden 0.1 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Turks Spain 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % France vs. Turkey (incl. Barbaria) 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Brazil 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Denmark 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Persia 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Sweden 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Switzerland 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Turkey (incl. Levant) 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Jews East Indies 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Jews England 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Jews Hungary 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Jews Poland 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Jews Portugal 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Netherlands vs. Persia 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Turks Far East 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Turks Persia 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 %

Table 20 shows all subjects covered by a sample survey of 27 issues of the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant, ordered according to the space they occupy. The percentages are based on the number of lines per issue, compared to the total number of lines in the issue; some reports cover more than one subject, which is why the total percentage is more than hundred. The column ‘Halevi %’ shows the percentages in the issues published in the period that the Kurant was printed by Uri Faybesh Halevi, the column ‘Tartas %’ shows the percentages in the issues published in the period that the Kurant was printed by David de Castro Tartas.

304

Appendix

Table 21 Subject order in the Amsterdamse Courant

Subject Halevi % Tartas % Totaal % Turks Habsburg 12.5 % 19.7 % 17.6 % Politics, royal Netherlands 12.8 % 13.7 % 13.4 % Politics, royal England 6.9 % 15.8 % 13.1 % Shipping Netherlands 8.5 % 12.5 % 11.3 % Politics, royal Germany 11.5 % 10.8 % 11.0 % Politics, royal France 14.7 % 7.0 % 9.3 % Announcements, advertisements 8.4 % 5.6 % 6.4 % Turks, Pirates North Africa 1.0 % 8.0 % 5.9 % Politics, royal Spain, Portugal 6.8 % 5.3 % 5.7 % Roman Catholics 5.4 % 5.7 % 5.6 % Shipping Spain, Portugal 4.0 % 5.7 % 5.2 % Shipping North/East Europe 2.3 % 5.3 % 4.4 % Shipping England 1.5 % 5.3 % 4.1 % Protestants 4.8 % 3.8 % 4.1 % Turks Venice 3.3 % 4.1 % 3.8 % Shipping France 4.7 % 3.0 % 3.5 % Politics, royal Poland, Russia 7.1 % 1.8 % 3.4 % Politics, royal Italy 4.5 % 2.8 % 3.3 % France vs. Germany, Switzerland 4.3 % 2.5 % 3.1 % Turks Poland, Russia 6.4 % 1.3 % 2.8 % Shipping East Indies 0.5 % 3.1 % 2.3 % Pope 2.6 % 2.0 % 2.2 % Shipping West Indies, America 1.6 % 1.6 % 1.6 % Human interest England 0.4 % 2.0 % 1.5 % Sweden 0.0 % 2.1 % 1.5 % North-Germany vs. Denmark 1.1 % 1.6 % 1.5 % Politics, royal Denmark 0.3 % 1.9 % 1.4 % Shipping Italy 0.9 % 1.5 % 1.4 % Human interest France 1.4 % 0.8 % 1.0 % Human interest Germany (incl. Balkans, Bohemia) 1.2 % 0.7 % 0.9 % Shipping Germany 0.2 % 1.0 % 0.7 % Trade 1.2 % 0.5 % 0.7 % Human interest Italy 1.6 % 0.3 % 0.7 % Politics, royal Sweden 0.5 % 0.5 % 0.5 % Shipping Africa 0.0 % 0.7 % 0.5 % France vs. Spain (& Spanish Netherlands) 0.9 % 0.2 % 0.4 % Politics, royal Turkey (incl. Morocco) 0.2 % 0.5 % 0.4 % France vs. England 0.0 % 0.5 % 0.3 % West Indies, America 0.5 % 0.2 % 0.3 % East Indies, Far East 0.0 % 0.4 % 0.3 % Human interest Spain, Portugal 0.0 % 0.4 % 0.3 %

305

Appendix

Subject Halevi % Tartas % Totaal % Switzerland 0.1 % 0.3 % 0.3 % Turks Turkey 0.5 % 0.1 % 0.2 % Human interest Netherlands 0.5 % 0.1 % 0.2 % Turks Spain 0.0 % 0.2 % 0.1 % Human interest Switzerland 0.0 % 0.1 % 0.1 % Shipping Turkey 0.0 % 0.1 % 0.1 % Jews Germany 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Jews Italy 0.1 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Jews Poland 0.1 % 0.0 % 0.0 % France vs. Italy 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % France vs. Turkey (incl. Barbaria) 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Brazil 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Denmark 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Persia 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Poland, Moscow 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Sweden 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Human interest Turkey (incl. Levant) 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Jews East Indies 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Jews England 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Jews Hungary 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Jews Netherlands 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Jews Portugal 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Jews Turkey 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Netherlands vs. Persia 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Savoy vs. North Italy 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Turks Far East 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Turks Netherlands 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 % Turks Persia 0.0 % 0.0 % 0.0 %

Table 21 shows all subjects covered by a sample survey of 20 issues of the Amsterdamse Courant, ordered according to the space they occupy. The percentages are based on the number of lines per issue, compared to the total number of lines in the issue; some reports cover more than one subject, which is why the total percentage is more than hundred. The column ‘Halevi %’ shows the percentages in the issues published in the period that the Kurant was printed by Uri Faybesh Halevi, the column ‘Tartas %’ shows the percentages in the issues published in the period that the Kurant was printed by David de Castro Tartas.

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