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Neoliberal Microfinance in Mexico

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Neoliberal Microfinance in Mexico The Commercialization of Microfinance in Mexico: Efficiency or Exploitation? By Ian R. Carrillo Submitted to the graduate degree program in English and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master’s of Arts. __________________________ Dr. Elizabeth Kuznesof (Chair) Committee Members* _______________________* Dr. Peter Herlihy _______________________* Dr. Melissa Birch Date defended: 28 September 2009 The Thesis Committee for Ian R. Carrillo certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: The Commercialization of Microfinance in Mexico: Efficiency or Exploitation? ________________________________ Elizabeth Kuznesof Committee Chairperson Date approved: 10 December 2009 i ABSTRACT This thesis seeks to analyze the commercialized developments of the microfinance industry in Mexico. Additionally, I will trace the history of poverty and inequality in Mexico, with an emphasis on urbanization and the informal sector. This thesis will also explore the parallels between the philosophies behind commercialized microfinance and neoliberal economics. Utilizing industry literature, academic sources, and personal interviews, this thesis analyzes the contemporary for-profit microfinance industry in Mexico, by addressing themes such as operating practices, regulation, consumer protection, collection methods, and interest rates. The microfinance institutions Banco Compartamos, Financiera Independencia, and Banco Azteca, among others, will receive considerable focus. The author concludes that a commercialized approach could potentially expand the scope of microfinance activities in a significant way, but that some operating practices are harmful to poor clientele. In order to increase consumer protection for poor customers, the author recommends that transparency laws and regulations be more strictly applied. ii Table of Contents Abstract ........................................................................................................................................ ii Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................ iii Chapter 1: Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1 Focus of Research ..................................................................................................................... 4 Research Methodology ............................................................................................................. 6 Theoretical Framework ....................................................................................................…... 10 Organization of Research ........................................................................................................ 14 Chapter 2: Definitions of Microfinance and Literature Review ........................................... 16 Defining Microfinance ............................................................................................................ 16 What is a Microenterprise? ..................................................................................................... 18 A History of Literature on Microfinance and Informal Economics ........................................ 23 Chapter 3: Economic Marginalization and Informality in Mexico ....................................... 32 A History of Inequality and Poverty in post-Colonial Mexico ............................................... 34 What is the Informal Economy? ............................................................................................. 46 Chapter 4: The Emergence of Microfinance and the Debate on Conflicting Approaches….............................................................................................................................. 57 Failure of Traditional Financial Institutions and International Development Programs ................................................................................................................................. 57 Emergence and Growth of Microfinance Activities ............................................................... 63 For-Profit or Non-Profit?: Conflicting Approaches for Microfinance Methodology ........................................................................................................................... 70 iii Chapter 5: Operating Practices of Commercialized MFIs in Mexico .................................. 82 Productive or Counter-Productive?: Commercialized Microfinance in Oaxaca ..................... 83 Manipulation of Interest-based Debt: A Method for Profit Accumulation? ........................... 87 Life after Compartamos’ IPO: The New Face of For-Profit Microfinance ............................ 90 Chapter 6: Conclusions ........................................................................................................... 102 Recommendations for Improving Operations ....................................................................... 106 Closing Thoughts .................................................................................................................. 108 Bibliography ............................................................................................................................. 110 Glossary .................................................................................................................................... 120 iv 1. Introduction In the summer of 2008 I went to Oaxaca de Juárez1, Mexico to conduct field research on microfinance2 practices. My intent was to document the impact that microfinance services had on the lives of the poor clientele who were receiving the microloans. I was fortunate to have received considerable assistance from Eva, a loan officer for Financiera Independencia3 (FI), a for-profit microfinance institution (MFI) in Oaxaca. As we talked, Eva quickly informed me that she was not wholly pleased with her work as a loan officer, as she felt that some of FI’s operational practices systematically took advantage of poor Oaxaqueños. I found Eva’s thoughts particularly intriguing, given that her comments reflected a darker, less-advertised side of microfinance. After speaking with Eva, I found that the for-profit microfinance industry was having a more dynamic, complex impact on its clientele than most microfinance literature was portraying. While “feel-good” success stories prominently appear on the websites of both for- profit and non-profit MFIs, there was a missing narrative involving those whose lives were harmed by the debt obligations resulting from microfinance services. This thesis plans to address this narrative, while also discussing the operational practices of for-profit microfinance services and the way in which they impact poor clientele. Eva repeatedly referred to FI’s manipulation of interest payments and excessive penalties imposed on clients for late payments. When asked what sort of impact such operational practices have on poor Oaxacan clients, she responded: In Oaxaca, salaries are minimal…so, it affects them economically. It’s possible they’re not going to be able to eat. It’s going to affect what’s in their basic food basket. They’re 1 Oaxaca de Juarez is the capital of the state of Oaxaca. From this point on I will refer to Oaxaca de Juarez simply as Oaxaca, and the state of Oaxaca as Oaxaca State. 2 Banking and/or financial services targeted to low- and moderate-income businesses or households, including the provision of credit. “Glossary.” ProMujer. https://promujer.org . 3 From this point on, this paper will refer to Financiera Independencia by using the abbreviation “FI” 1 not going to eat bread anymore. They’re not going to eat meat anymore. No tortillas. Their children’s diet will suffer.4 While microfinance may be a pathway out of poverty for millions around the world, the reality of its practices presents a complicated scenario. An increasing number of MFIs operate according to a commercialized5, market-oriented model, whose collection practices and penalties have consequences that are not beneficial to the customer. Eva described the impact that some of these loans can have on the customers: They’ll sell their house deed in order to pay back a loan to FI. If they’re scared, they’ll pawn the deed to their house, even if it is made of sheet metal, or whatever other property in order to pay back FI. At times they’ll pawn everything they have to pay FI, and still not have enough to fully pay back the loan. So, the FI still seizes everything they have anyway and they’re ultimately left with nothing.6 Since ninety percent of the world’s poor have no access to formal credit or savings, microfinance has great potential to help the poor in developing countries.7 Although $25 billion in microloans have already been dispersed, it is estimated that the world demand is $250 billion, so there is much progress to be made. 8 It is widely believed that a non-profit approach is not globally affordable because the demand cannot be met through donations and government-based programs.9 With approximately 200 million impoverished people in Latin America10, it is imperative that the microfinance industry expand in order to meet the potential demand. A legitimate and stable microfinance industry can provide economic opportunities for a population that has traditionally been excluded from formal channels of finance. However, the 4 Eva. Personal Interview.
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