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Home , Dutch East India Company, First Boer War, Treaty of Vereeniging

POLITMAL

POLITMAL SOUTH AND SIPUTH WEST AFRICA a new adgeatiOn41 to ite lm~

POLBACK SOUTH AND SOUTH WEST AFRICA Upited States National Studqnt Association 3457 Chestnut Street Phila4lphia, Pennsylvania - 19104

TABLE OF CONTENTS History ...... page 1 The Boer War and Union ...... page 3 TheRiseofAfrikaner Nationalism ...... page7 The Nationalist Victory# 1948...... page U TheOppositioninSouthAfrica...... page15 Race Relations in ...... page19 Education . 0 . . page Z2 Student Organizations in South Africa...... page 38 Report on South West Africa ...... page 43 Refugees . , ...... page 56 Liography page 59

I. HISTORY Although for approximately twenty years both English and Dutch ships had stopped occasionally in for water, it was not until 1649 that the Dutch East Company decided to establish a refreshment station at the . In 1652, Dr. Van Riebeeck, a surgeon, arrived at the Cape with three ships. His instructions were to build a capable of housing 80 men, to plant a garden in the best land available, and to-maintain good relations with the natives for the purpose of cattle trading. The natives were Hottentots, who had extensive herds of cattle, and Bushmen. The purpose of this post was to supply meat, fruits, vegetables and fresh water to passing ships and to serve as a hospital for sick crewmen. In 1657, the Company decided to try an experiment. They gave nine Company servants their freedom and land so that they could try their luck as free farmers. This decision was made because there had not been much success with the crops. The Company kept its by regulating prices and controlling the market. The Company also imported slaves for the settlement. The first to be brought were Angolans taken from a Portuguese slaver, but they fled soon after landing. After that India and became the source of slaves. During the next few years occasional scuffles took place between the Europeans and the Hottentots and Bushmen; the Europeans also began to complain to the Company about the restrictions placed on land and . The frontiers of the colony were very much undefined. In the late 1730's, there were boundary troubles with the Bushmen primarily. Since the settlers were left to handle their own problems, they organized expeditions into the unsettled areas. They pushed further north and east; and by 1775, the Fish River had been established as the eastern frontier. The , visiting the frontier in 1778, found the living in close proximity to the Xosa tribesmen. The Xosa and other Bantu tribes had been pushing down from the north and east simultaneous with the Boers push to the north and east, and they met at the Fish River. The Governor made a treaty with several of the lesser Xosa chiefs, demarcating the Fish River as the boundary between the Xosa and the . The area just west of the Fish River was, and still is, known as the Great . This is the area to which the Dutch settlers had migrated when they became dissatisfied with the Company. The original Dutch settlers were poor, rarely literate, hard-working Calvinists who took their Bible seriously. When they came to the Karoo valley and settled there, they saw themselves as the Children of Israel in the desert. In this same frame of reference, everyone else was heathen, and people who'were Uiictvilized were agents of the darkness and of the devil. Thus, to the Boers, the Zulu and the Xosa were thedelvl. The Xosa were not a peaceful people, and they would defend what they considered to be their legitimate interests. The 'Xosa believed that all land belonged to the tribe and could not be sold or given away. Although some land was "sold" to Europeans, the Xosa believed this was only a temporary arrangement, even though they had received money or goox in "payment." In addition, both the Boers and the Xosa would attack the other, for no. apparent reason, taking cattle or other booty, and driving the opponent away from their land. When the French Republic invaded the in 1793-95, the asked Britain to protect the Cape Colony. This marked the end of the rule of the Dutch Company, which ceased to exist by the time the colony was restored to Dutch control in 1802. When the English took control of the Cape in 1806, with the renewal of hostilities in Europe, they made as few administrative changes as possible. The British took permanent control over the colony in 1820. They immediately encountered: a series of problems which had been left unsolved by the rapidly-changing administrations: the frontier, the slaves, the general race question and the differences between the Dutch and English settlers. The most important changes instituted by the British came about as the result of pressures from a changing English society. The radical ideals of the French Revolution combined with the zeal of the Evangelical Revival of the Church of England had produced a new liberalism in England. This was the period of the founding of the great British missionary societies. The first society founded, the London Missionary Society, was also the first to arrive at the Cape. The members of the society, often with more zeal than knowledge, attacked the situation which they found at the Cape: a society where privileges were granted solely on the basis of race. The force of these societies was reflected in the pressures which finally brought about the abolition of the slave trade in 1807, and the abolition of in 1833. The work of the missionaries did not meet with much approval by the residents of the Cape Colony. The first missionary to arrive was a widowed doctor, who soon free, and subsequently married, a slave girl. The missionaries soon were out in the frontier, proselytizing to the Xosa and the Zulu. The Boers resented the intrusion of the English and their liberal religion. The fact that the British seemed to be encouraging these missionaries, or at least not restricting them, grieved the Boers very much. In 1828 the law known as Ordinance 50 was promulgated. Ordinance 50 granted full and equal rihts to persons of "Colour" without making any provisions for the problem of vagrancy. Between 1820 and 1822 about five thousand new settlers arrived at the Cape from England. They soon developed thriving farm communities without the aid of slave labor, which they were not permitted to use. The British, through immigration and administrative changes, began to Anglicize the Cape; and English was made the official language. This aggravated the differences between the Government and the Boers.' The promulgation of the Abolition of Slavery-Act in 1833 was too much for the Boers, who felt that their way of life was being destroyed. This was one of the major causes of the of 1836. Although trekking had become a way of life for the Boers and something they did whenever they were dissatisfied, this trek had more meaning. Anna Steenkamp, sister of one of the foremost Voortrekkers, wrote: "... the shameful and unjust proceedings with reference to the slave; and yet it is not so much their freeing .which drives us to such lengths, as their being placed on an equal footing with Christians, contrary to the laws of God, and the natural distinctions of race and colour, so that it was Intolerable for any decent Christian to bow down beneath sch a yoke; wherefore we withdrew in order to preserve our doctrines in purity." The Trek decreased the population of the Cape Colony and retarded its growth. It exacerbated the differences between the English and the Dutch in South Africa, and also increased the Boer hatred of the Bantu, since they constantly encountered and fought the Bantu on their travels east. The end result of the Trek was the establishment of several independent states which were separated by great distances and which-had severely limited communication. The trekkers were isolated from all educational facilities, and spent many years roving before they settled down in isolated farms to eke out a living. They were isolated from all commerce, and produced a large "poor white" class. The poor whites were almost all of Dutch descent, while the Cape, which kept commercial and cultural ties with Europe, was mainly- English. Since this time, English South Africans have had control of the and commercial life of South Africa. This was another major reason for Afrikaner resentment, and one which made Afrikaner nationalists in the twentieth century realize the importance of gaining political control of the country in order to maintain their separate culture. II. THE BOER WAR AND UNION Each of the different republics and states which resulted from the European balkanization of South Africa has a varied history. Their traditions of government and the cultural majorities which formed the republics have all left their marks on present day South African politics and society. The relations between the Cape and the Afrikaner states, especially the Transvaal, were quite difficult. In addition# the states often had trouble among themselves. There are a few events that merit special notice in the development of the relations between the English and African speaking populations of South Africa. The first was the development of the state of Natal. Although Natal was first settled by some British traders about twelve years before the Trek, the trekkers took the area over and asked the British to recognize their independence. The British refused for several reasons. The official reason given by Sir George Napier was: "Her Majesty has desired me to inform the emigrant farmers that she cannot acknowledge a portion of her own subjects as an independent republic." Behind this there were two other reasons. A group of Natal settlers had attacked a Baca tribe which they suspected of stealing cattle, taking three thousand head of cattle and seventeen children as apprentices. The neighboring Pondo tribe feared that they would be next and, on the advice of a missionary, I Alan Paton, Hope for South Africa. # Fredrick Praeger, 1959. p. 27. appealed to the Cape Governor. Secondly, commercial interests had also been active in pursuading the Governor to take control of the area, since they feared that the trade from the interior would pass into the hands of the American and Dutch traders who had been passing through Port Natal. Upon taking control and making Natal a British colony in 1843, the British granted certain areas as reserves for native refugees from Zululand. The Republic also caused some problems. Since the area was settled by Europeans, one of the chiefs of the tribes along the tried to unite the various petty chiefs. He felt this was necessary for their own protection because the influx of Europeans had complicated the already confused land claims in the area between the Orange and Vaal Rivers. Through a series of treaties, the new Basuto nation (a composite of the various Bantu tribes) was assigned one area, which is the present day . When the Orange Free State became a republic, the Cape Governor decided that the Republic would not be able to control the area and thus made it a native reserve under the High Commissioner. Many left the Orange Free State and joined the Boers who had originally gone past the .. These were the more irreconcilable of the trekkers. The original Boer settlers of the territory north of the Vaal had-driven the Bantu tribes across the Limpopp River in 1837. In 1844, an attempt was made to draw up a constitution, but it was not accepted by rival groups. In 1852, two special British commissioners negotiated an agreement with Boer leaders which recognized the independence of the emigrant farmers beyond the Vaal and which promised no British interference in native affairs north of the river. The , better known as the Transvaal, was formally established with the adoption of a constitution in 1856. There were approximately fifteen thousand Europeans living in the Transvaal, most of whom had been cut off from contact with others for over twelve years. By the late 18701s the situation in the Transvaal was chaotic. The Boers had shown the traditional antipathy towards paying taxes and trouble had broken out again with the Bantu tribes to the north. The British Colonial Secretary decided to annex the Transvaal in the hope of preventing wari- The British stated that the Transvaal would have a large measure of internal autonomy, but the British interference in native affairs in attempts to preserve peace angered many of the citizens of the Transvaal, and rebellion broke out. This is what is known as the First Boer War. It began on , 1880. The small British force in and nearby was easily defeated, and the British began negotiations as soon as the rebellion broke out. An armistice was reached in-August, 1881. Resulting from this a convention was held and the Transvaal State defined its borders for the first&ine and recognized Swaziland as an independent native state. Equal rights were to be given Europeans, and the Transvaal was guaranteed complete self-government except that Britain had to approve treaties and the British resident had the power to veto laws which affected the native population. In 1884, three Afrikaner leaders went to London to modify this agreement. Some of the concessions which they obtained included the British abandonment of their right to veto legislation, which reduced the British resident to a counsel, and freedom from British trade restrictions. The.discovery of the Kimberley Mines, and later the gold fields in , attracted. people from all over the world. They came to make their fortunes, although much of the controlling interests in the diamond and gold mines had already been secured by such groups as the British South Africa Company and other monopolistic enterprizes. The fortune hunters who came to South Africa included numerous British subjects, many of whom were artisans and trained workers. , long time president of the South African Republic, refused to give these newcomers the franchise for fear they would have supported his rival, who favored a more liberal policy. Kruger's policy was strict separation of the South African Republic, in terms of European and non-European and in terms of the Transvaal and the English speaking areas. He maintained his separatism by not allowing English to be used in courts or schools. The newcomers desired the right to vote and were upset that they were paying taxes without being able to have any say in the government. Kruger also angered the mining companies. He particularly angered , the Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, primarily because Rhodes had the controlling interest in the British South Africa Company. Rhodes also resented Kruger's attempts to remain separate from the English speaking areas of South Africa instead of federating, and he was especially angered by Kruger's attempts to ally the Transvaal with to protect its separateness. In 18965 Rhodes arranged for the administrator of Southern Rhodesia, Dr. Starr Jameson, to lead the Company police into Johannesburg in order to capture the and to lead a general uprising. Jameson's raid was not successful, and even the liberal Boers became convinced that Kruger's policies were right. After the trial of Jameson and his raiders, the British government was in constant negotiation with Kruger to resolve differences. The major question was the franchise in the Transvaal, which Kruger attempted to guard closely. The negotiations fell through in September, 1899, because the Transvaal felt that Britain was ordering it to reform, especially since ten thousand troops were on their way to South Africa. On the ninth of October, Kruger presented the British with an ultimatum to remove their troops from the Transvaal and-not to land any more troops in South Africa. Britain could not conform to these demands and within 48 hours announced that a state of war existed between Britain and the Transvaal. The first stage of regular warfare was over, in September. 1900, when the Transvaal was annexed. After Pretoria had fallen in June, Kruger had left, through Lorenco Marques, to try to gain support for the Boer cause in Europe. However, there was a prolonged period of guerrilla warfare skillfully conducted by the Boers. This was bitterly fought, and much property was destroyed. TO protect homeless women, children and old men the British established concentration camps. Although the camppa were established under humanitarian ideals, they were overcrowded and ridden with disease. The deaths of four thousand women and sixteen thousand children in these camps are still bitterly remembered by Afrikaner nationalists and were a part of the foundation of . The war ended with the signing of the Treaty of at Pretoria on May 31, 1902. At the cl ose of the war, the republ ice surrendered their independence and the British guaranteed to replace the military government with civil government as soon as possible. Responsible government was to be instituted before the settlement of the question of the native franchise, and the British government agreed to provide money to repair the war damages. After several plans and lengthy negotiations, the Act of Union was drawn up by a National Convention in 1909., and approved by Parl iament in September of the same year. The Union began on May 31, 1910. The structure of the was unitary rather than federal in form. This was done for financial reasons and the hope of uniting the white groups rather than separating and weakening the dominant power structure. One of the major problems facing the Union was the question of the franchise and who should get it. It was decided that the qualifications for the frptchise should remain the same in each state as they were before Union. This meant that the color bars which existed by law in the Transvaal and the Orange Free State, and by practice in Natal, were maintained, and the rights of "coloured" voters in the Cape were protected. NonEuropeans lost their right to stand for the South African Parl iament but could seek election to the Cape Provincial Council. Ddtch and English were made the official languages. Both the dual language and coloured voters provisions could be changed only by a two-thirds vote of both houses of Parliament sitting together. A few concessions were made to federalism, including the right to restrict the franchise and the provision for a provincial council whose powers were granted by the GovernorGeneral. The complexities in forming the Union were great, but segments of the reasoning stand out as being both of the past and the future of South Africa. Each of these concerns the relationship between the Afrikans and English speaking whites in South Africa. It is interesting to note that none of this concerns the majority of the population of South Africa, except indirectly. The British government had two goals to fulfil 1: to unite , and to effect an amelioration of the relations between the two white population groups. With the end of the Boer War, the British Government had restored self government to the Orange Free State and the Transvaal, placing them on an equal footing with the Cape 'Colony and Natal. A major reason for this was to gain the confidence of the Afrikan speaking population. This was only the beginnina of what Nicolas Mansergh has called the magnaminity of the British government. At the time of Union, and the years just preceding, the Liberal Party formed the British government. For politics of the day, its policies were liberal. Its policy towards South Africa was fashioned by political necessity and philosophical choice; I. e., the policy which they felt they had to follow in order to achieve the structure they wanted in South Africa was 2 Nicolas Mansergh, South Africa 1906-1961; the Price of Magnanimity, New York: Frederick Praeger, 1962. also what they would have chosen by free choice. They wanted equality in South Africa for the European population; and to get the cooperation of the , the Government had to bend over backwards to protect the rights of the Afrikaners. Tiiis was the policy of Sir Campbell-Bannerman, Liberal Prime Minister of Great Britain from 1905 to 1908. The opposition in Parliament was great, but the reception which his. ideas .had from the Boers was even greater. The moves of Campbell-Bannerman set in motion the drive for unification of South Africa, which up to that time had been limited by the fears of the Boers and by the mis trust of the Boers by m4ny people in Parliament. The fears which the Boers held were historical. They stemmed from the same sources that had inspired the Great Trek; British liberal policy towards the "natives," fear of their culture being Anglicized, fears of other repressive measures by the Crown. There were enough people of influence in Britain to resolve this conflict. The Liberal policy held the day, however, and the Boers were assured of equal treatment and respect for their cultural heritage. The Liberals, under the guidance of Campbell-Bannerman, used Lord Durham's approach to the Canadian problems as the basis for their policy. Aside from the political necessity to accomplish the imperial objectives, the Liberals really believed that trust and confidence in one another could easily unite the white peoples of South Africa. This was the day of true liberalism. Placing this in a present day context, one is tempted to call this misguided liberalism since the British liberals failed to take the true spirit of the Afrikaners into account, as Mansergh asserts. II. THE RISE OF AFRIKANER NATIONALISM If one considers the liberal British policies in South Africa after the Boer War to be a mistake, the first mistake was actually made in the middle of the war when the British decided not to impose their racial policies on the Afrikaners. It was, at that time, a well advised political decision in light of the later developments leading to union, which was the immediate objective. Maybe it was a sign of British traditionalism that no serious longer range planning was done. Whatever the causes or reasons, the "enlightened" British imperial policy did form the immediate objective and the policy for getting there. As noted above, the liberal policies pursued by Campbell-Bannerman had been well received by the Boers. One could easily theorize that the effect of a long series of concessions to the Boers was the initial realization of possibilities for their gaining political power. This is really not the case, but there is a measure of reality in such a theory. The fact that the British did not insist on extention of the franchise to all adults in South Africa, but only insisted on the franchise for all whites, was seen as great victory for the Boer position. The hatred for the English and their liberalism did not die, but one of the fears preventing union did. While the Boer negotiators pressed hard for other concessions and got them, one finds it difficult to maintain that they pressed for the concessions be- cause of a great plan for future Afrikaner control of the Union. It is easier to infer this and condemn the British for blindness and stupidity, than to face the facts and realize the great fears which plagued ,the Boors and the idealism mixed with political judgment which characterized the British actions. Most of the actions and reactions of the Boers which have been recounted here rightfully belong to the people living in the two northern provinces, Transvaal and the Orange Free State. They were the descendants of the trekkers who had been isolated and had developed their own culture and mystic. The idea of union was not important to them except on their own terms. At this juncture in history they saw little advantage and many disadvantages for themselves in union. The northern provinces, particularly the Transvaal, were important to the British because of the gold and diamond mines which were located there. The intransigence of the Transvaalers, especially on the native question, forced the issue to be resolved on their terms. , appointed first Prime Minister of South Africa in 1910, got his position by merit of being an Afrikaner. He was also the founder of the first political party in South Africa, the Het Volk, founded in Pretoria in 1904. One of the principal aims of the party was conciliation between the Dutch and English, with the view of forming one nation. When Botha was appointed Prime Minister and chose his cabinet, the Union Parliament had yet to be formed. In preparation for the election, Botha formed the , which united the Afrikaners in the Cape and the Free State with the Het Volk, This party won 67 seats in the first Parliament, while the British Unionist Party, with. 37 seats, became the official opposition. The political development of the Union follows the rise of the Nationalist Party, which in itself is the story of Afrikaner nationalism. The first Prime Minister was an Afrikaner; his political support came from a party based on Afrikaner votes. Although both he and his successor, General Smuts, professed the desire to reconciliate the English and the Afrikaners, this 'reconciliation never took place. The first cabinet had ten members; four of them were of English descent. The Ministry of Justice was given to General Hertzog of the Orange Free State, a man who was greatly disliked by the English speaking citizens because of the educational policies which he had enforced in the Free State. In 1912, Hertzog became Minister of Native Affairs through a shuffling of the cabinet which had been prompted by a crisis in the railways. Hertzog disliked the situation of the natives in South Africa. He outlined a plan to develop a policy of segregation, as he termed it. Before he could present this plan to the Parliament, he was dismissed. He and Botha disagreed on this matter; behind much of their disagreement was Hertzog's distaste for Bothb~s policy of conciliation with the English. Botha felt that the English would never accept such a plan and, that, while the Crown was determined to maintain a hands off policy regarding South Africa, they would never accept de jure something which could easily be done in-fact. Upon his ejection from the Botha Government, Hertzog formed the National Party.

In the years immediately following World War I, the political parties in the Union had two main concerns: Afrikaner nationalism and industrial unrest. In some ways these were connected problems. One of the causes of the industrial unrest was the large (almost 300, 000) number of "poor whites," most of whom were Afrikaners. They began to claim the jobs that were being held by " natives." Most of the poor whites were farmers who could not make a living off of the land; they wanted to move into the but could not do so if there were no jobs. Thus, pressure began for a White South Africa Policy. Such a viewpoint was already prevalent in Akrikaner thinking, and their historical basis for hatred of colored persons made the pressure for complete domination over the Africans grow* Another aspect that connected these problems was the fact that almost all industry and commerce were controlled by South Africans of English descent. Such enterprizes were not in the tradition of the Afrikaner, but he resented the economic control which the English possessed. The hatred for the British was second only to the hatred for the African in Afrikaner country. This was why Botha and Smuts had pressed so hard for preservation of Afrikaner freedom. They felt that the only possible chance for conciliation would be evidence of British good faith and trust in the Afrikaners. Hertzog was an Afrikaner nationalist. He was not looking for conciliation with the English, as his actions showed; nor had he any sympathy for the nonwhite population. He expounded ideas toaid his people, and they were his only real concern. He shared their hatreds and saw that the only hope for Afrikaners was to gain political control of the Union, now that it existed. Because the Boers had been separated for so long, they had developed a very solid group spirit. All the hates and fears which had evolved since the Dutch first came to South Africa had been kept alive and passed on, and every new injustice became part of the historical development of a people. The development of Hertzog's National Party caused a split in the Afrikaner movement. The schism lasted for over twenty years. The reason for the split was the debate on policy towards the English and the philosophy of Union. Botha held that South Africa should be united politically and as a people (whites, of course); Hertzog and his nationalists had no interest in this but wanted political control of the state to preserve the Afrikaner nation.. The National Party grew quickly in terms of the number of seats held in Parliament. When Hertzog left the Botha Government in 191Z, he had only 5 supporters. By the end of the First World War, Smuts (who had succeeded Botha) was forced to negotiate a merger between the South African Party and the Unionist Party, and the National Party became the official opposition. Part of the rise Of the Nationalists has been accounted for by the reactions of the Afrikaner population to South Africa siding with Great Britain in the War. They had supported a neutral position, which is not hard to understand if one remembers that the Boers had asked for and received aid from Germany during the period of the First Boer War. There were other parties which appeared and disappeared in South Africa all the way through this century. These included the Labor Party and the Progressive

Party, neither of which ever became a major force on the South African political scene. All of the minor parties had one thing in common with the two major parties. they focused their interests on the white population, withthe Africans and often the coloured sectors of the population receiving secondary attention. Afrikaner nationalism began to manifest itself through organizations, each devoted to maintaining some aspect of Afrikaner culture. Such organizations were opposed to the policies of Botha and Smuts. Often these were secret organizations, such as the Broederbond, born in 1918. which by the 1930's had become quite a powerful organization whose aims were: to arouse the Afrikaner's national self consciousness and to implant a love for his language, religion, country and people.3 Other Afrikaner organizations are not necessarily nationalist in design, such as the Reddingsdaadbond, which grew up in the 1930's to promote the entry of Afrikaners into the business world in an attempt to solve the poor white problem. This was more of a syndical organization for Afrikaners. Another organization which began in the 30's and continued to have a strong influence on Afrikaner groups until the end of World War II, was the Ossewa Brandwag, a pro-Nazi organization. While it was finally crushed by Dr, Malan and the Natilonal Party in 1945, its membership included many very able men. The 0. B. is important, not only because of its pro-Nazi tendencies and the obvious ties with the historical turning to Germany, but also because of its own philosophy and the role which it saw for itself. In March, 194Z, Dr. Van Rensbuxg, leader of the 0. B., summed up the group's aims t "The Ossewa Brandwag is Afrikanerdom's protection against Parliamentarianism. The Ossewa Brandwag is not an imitation. It is a movement which has assumed different names in various countries. In Italy it is called Facism; in Germany, National Socialism; in Spain, Falangism; and in South Africa, the Ossewa Brandwagi Although the 0. B. has been crushed, its outlook upon parliamentarianism is still evident in Afrikaner thinking. Besides these organizations, there are the Dutch Reformed Churches and a National Afrikaner Cultural Organization, both of which exert strong influence on the policies of the National Party and otherAfrikaner groups. There is a considerable amount of dissension within these various groups, but most of this dissension remains under the surface when there is a common enemy or other external threat to Afrikaner unity. The reign of deserves some careful examination in view of the claim that had he continued, South Africa would have developed peacefully into a multiracial society with comparative ease. It appears, in fact, that in the 20's Smuts crushed the one opportunity to create such a society. It was between 1920 and 1923 that Smuts played a major role in the government decisions conceTning the role of Africans in the labor unions. In 19Z0, the Government broke up a non-white strike in the Rand by police action, and the leaders were 3 Edwin S. Munger, "SABRA Profile," Africa Special Report. October, 1957, Vol.2, No. 9 - p. 12. ieported. In 1923, a pass law was enacted concurrent with an edict which estab'ished specific areas for African residence. These rulings were accompanied by the Masters and Servants Act which provided for criminal prosecution in the event of strikes and work protests. In 1924 Smuts was defeated by a coalition of the Nationalist Party and the Labor Party, which representea the lower class Afrikaners and demanded a color bar in industry more rigid than the existing one. This group was under the leadership of James Hertzog. After attaining full self government for South Africa through the Statute of Westminister (in 1931), Hertzog began to mellow and his positions began to reflect those of Botha and Smuts. This resulted in a split which produced a purified Nationalist Party and a coalition between Hertzog and Smuts which eventually became the United Party. The United Party remained the majority party until 1948. The delicate balance in the United Party led to policy which wandered between a watered down liberalism and a moderate racism. In 1936, Smuts agreed to remove the Africans from the common electoral roll in the Cape, and to replace this with separate representation for the Africans (these representatives, of course, being white). With the aid of Malan (head of the Nationalist Party), the United Party crushed the pro-Nazi movements in 1942. Malan aided the United Party because his leadership of the Afrikaners was being threatened by Oswald Pirow, one of the leaders of the Ossewa Brandwag. Hertzog, interestingly, had left the Smuts government in 1939 when Smuts decided to support England against Nazi Germany. Smuts later aided Malan by refusing to recognize the authority of the United Nations Trusteeship Council over South West Africa, a policy which has been continued by the Nationalist governments succeeding him. Smuts, in his failure to chose one party and lead South Africa in that direction, prepared the ground for a party with a solution. When the Nationalist Party unified itself and came forth with a radical solution to the problem, they found an electorate willing to follow them. It is true that nearly all the support for the Nationalist Party came from the Afrikaner section of the population, but a part of this group had supported Smuts until that time. Had Smuts enlarged the electorate of the Union by gradual integration of non-white elements into the body politic, the Nationalist could never have seized power. 4 IV. THE NATIONALIST VICTORY, 1948 5 The Nationalist Party, headed by D. F. Malan, won the election in 1948; the government was still a coalition composed of the Nationalist party and the of Nicolaas C. Havenga. This split was resolved in 1953, when the Afrikaner Party was absorbed by the Nationalist Party. The Nationalist Party was composed of several elements in the Afrikaner population which were finally unified around 1948. The under the small though influential Dopper sect (GK) and larger Transvaal NHK, were the dominant groups in 4Robert S. Laufer, A Historical Development of the South African Stratification System Detroit: Michigan Region, USNSA. 1963, pp. 10-13. 51bid., pp. 13-19.

)gical thought. In education the instituut vir Christelik-Nasionale Onderwys Lute for Christian-National Education, or IVCNO) was formed. Through it the controlled education and perpetuated the Afrikaner mythology. At the University Ilenbosch, Dr. Theophilus Donges and Dr. Ernest Jansens became its philosoSusing the Suid-Afrikanse Buro vir Rasse Aangeleenthede (Race Relations LU or SABRA) as their organ of expression. Through SABRA they published the systematic theory of in 1947. An excellent way to illustrate the policy of the South African Nationalist Party is through some of the legislation they have passed. The period involved starts in The Malan, Strijdom and Voerwood governments acted as follows: The first year of office was relatively quiet. The recently granted Parliamentary representation for Indians was repealed. Immigration was curtailed, because immigrants had an unfortunate habit of siding with the United Party. In 1949 came the Mixed Marriage Act, and the Government closed twenty-one cities and towns to African work-seekers. In 1950 came the Population Registration Act, introducing a scheme of classification by which the race of all persons would be once and forever determined, a measure which was to cause unspeakable suffering, and to cause wives to repudiate husbands and children to hate fathers, because fear of ostracism was now great-enough to overcome love of kindred. This Population Registration Act, was essential to Acts like the Mixed Marriage Act, which was to divide the whole Union into racial areas. In presenting the Group Areas Bill to Parliament, Dr. Donges, Minister of the Interior, said that it would be implemented with justice to all. One of the first effects of the Act had been to expel Indian traders in the Transvaal from the centers of all cities and towns; in Johannesburg the expulsion will be to the bare veld twenty miles from the . Another effect has been to expel African owners from freehold sites, and to offer them other sites where they may not purchase land. In every declaration of group areas it is always the white group that is left alone; in the city of it is estimated that 3, 000 whites will be moved and over 100, 000 other persons. The Act further gave inspectors the right to enter any dwelling by day or by night, and without notice. The United Party supported this evil legislation, because while it believes in economic integration, it also believes in social and residential separation enforced by law. Also in 1950 came the Suppression of Communism Act, under which the Minister might 'deem' any person to be a Communist and compel him to resign from all societies and organizations, and forbid him to speak publicly or to enter certain areas. There is no appeal from any such ban. In 1951 came the Bantu Authorities Act, which got rid of the troublesome Native Representatives Council and began creating a hierarchy of authorities all under the Minister of Native Affairs, in the struggle to remove coloured votes from the common roll, the government, acting on the assuption that the

Statute of Westminister, freed the now autonomous Union of South Africa from any obligation to observe the entrenchments of the Constitution, voted the removal by an ordinary majority. In 195Z Dr. Voerword introduced his Bantu Urban Authorities Act whereby he hoped still further to divide and rule the African people. The Appellate Court invalidated the Separate Representation of Voters Act, whereupon the Government secured the passing of the High Court of Parliament Act, making Parliament an Appellate Court of higher status than the one in . The High Court of Parliament invalidated the Appellate Invalidation, and was on appeal supported by the Appellate Court. In 1953 Parliament passed the Public Safety Act, carried with nine dissentions and supported by the United Party. The Criminal Law Amendment Act was passed to counteract the Resistance Movement, providing for penalties of 300 and/or three years and/or lashes for law-breaking by way of protest, and penalties of 500 and/or five years and/or lashes for incitement to protest. This brought the Resistance Movement to an end, and many of its leaders were banned, including ex-Chief Luthuli, President General of the African National Congress. In 1954 Dr. Malan failed again to secure a two-thirds majority to remove the Coloured votes, being unable to persuade the United Party to support him. The dreaded industrial Conciliation Act was passed, permitting no trade union for Africans, on a multi- racial basis. The fortyyear-old freehold African suburb of Johannesburg called Sophiatown was declared a white area, and Dr. Verwoerd, having failed to secure the cooperation of the Johannesburg City Council, secured the passing of an act to establish a Native Resettlement Board to remove the residents of Sophiatown to Meadowlands, where they would enjoy no freehold rights. In 1955 Malan resigned, and Strijdom succeeded him. He saw the future struggle between Nationalism and Liberalism, but promised 'white supremacy with justice for all. ' The Group Areas Act was further amended to speed up the proclamations, which were being delayed by the tactics 6f the Indian Congress, and the Group Areas Development Act was passed, which empowered the authorities, after hearing representations, to value properties, from which valuation there is no appeal. The great event of the year was the passing of the Senate Act, which reconstituted the Senate, increasing it from 48 to 89, and giving the Government 7' of the 89 seats. So Strijdom secured his two-thirds majority, and passes the Separate Representations of Coloured Voters Act, which the enlarged Appellate Court increased from five to eleven by the Appellate Court Act$- validated on appeal by ten to one, Mr. Justice Schreiner disseiting. One of the most totalitarian laws of the year was the Natives (prohibition of interdicts) Act, which prohibited any court from granting an interdict to any African ordered to remove from an urban location by an order which came or 1purported' to come from the appropriate official; the African resident must first remove himself, and only thereafter could he take proceedings, during which time his home and his job might well have been given to some other person. Not even if the order were served wrongly upon him, not even if the order had been in fact intended for quite some other person, could he obtain an interdict. In 1957 the Fort Hare- University Transfer Bill and the Separate University Education Bill gave notice of the Government's intention to provide wholly separate university education for non-white students, and to carry out Malan's threat against open universities of Capetown and the Witwaterstrand, which admitted non-white students. These matters were referred to a Parliamentary Commission, but it is expected that later this year (1958) the Government will provide for the eventual if not immediate total separation of white university education from non-white. The commotion of the year was provided by the famous church clause of the Native Laws Amendment Act, which gave the Minister, after securing the concurrence of the local authority, the right to forbid Africans the right to attend church services in white urban areas, as well as other rights over attendance of Africani at other places. The Nursing Act created separate racial registers, the whole profession to be controlled by an all-white Council, which was empowered to prescribe different couTses for different races as well as different badges and uniforms. 6 A mention should be made here as to the resolution of the Fort Hare Transfer Act 1959, and the Extension of University Education Act 1959. The ultimate effect of these acts was that no non-white might register at a white university, though those already admitted at the time of the legislation were, for the most part, allowed to finish. The Fort Hare University ultimately became a thorn in the side of the government and was closed down after a series of demonstrations and strikes by the student body, led by the multi-racial National Union of South African Students (NUSAS). The culminating event took place in 1961 when the Union of South Africa became the Republic of South Africa; and henceforth became totally independent of the British Commonwealth. The Boer War and the results of that War were totally reversed, by electoral means in a period of fifty years. Once the Republic was official the Nationalists lost little time in making their position more secure and their repression more complete. The Nobel Prime winner Chief Albert Luthui was put under house arrest, even though he was still advocating a peaceful solution to the racial problem. His younger and less patient colleagues however have become much less patient and a good deal more violent. Various persons were banned from speaking or writing their objections to the Republic's policy of repression. The universities were formally segregated and the African institute, Fort Hare University, was closed down under the pretext of Communist infiltration of the student body and the failure of students to adhere to the rules of Administration. This all followed the passage of possibly the most odious of the suppressive legal measures that the Nationalists have yet passed, the General Law Amendment Act (Sabotage Bill). The passage of this bill included the threat of its use against those members of the opposition party who dared criticize the measure during the debate inside the legislative hall. The South African Institute of Race Relations, declared, "the definitions of sabotage by their vagueness constitute and ever-present intimidation and would have the effect of hampering the public expression of popular opinion, rightful demonstrations and other democratic efforts to bring about changes which many regard as desirable." bAlan Paton. Hope for South Africa. New York, Fredick Praeger, 1959. pp. 40- 48.

In order to comprehend the real nature and importance of the legislation some close examination is necessary. By the terms of the Act, the Minister of Justice is empowered to: a) Prevent any individual listed under the "Suppression of Communism Act" from attending any gathering. The Minister is empowered to "List as communist" any person whom he considers working toward any of the aims of communism or of any social and economic change contrary to government policy; b) ban a mass meeting or protest march if he considers that this will serve the ends of any object of "communism" as defined by the government; c) ban any newspaper if, even by conveying information, it promotes# in view of the Minister, any object of "Communism;" d) ban any gathering or meeting if he considers that the activities of any person or organization is furthering or may further any of the aims of "Communism." "The Act further- adds to South African law a new offense, that of sabotage. One may be guilty of sabotage if he wrongfully or willfully injures, damages, or destroys 'the maintenance of law and order, ' or in contravention of any law enters or is upon any land or building or part of a building,. unless he can prove that it was not his intention inter alia to cause or promote general dislocation, disturbance or disorder; further to encourage the achievement of any political aim including the bringing about any social or economic change in the Republic's population, contrary to those supported by the government.- " This measure is the capstone of an administration determined to wipe out any effective nonviolent opposition to its policies. Turning from the political to the economic sphere we find the cause of Afrikaner political dominance. For the most part both Africkaner and Englishmen are urbanized, but not to the same degree. The rural population is dominated by the Afrikaner yolk, whereas the English speaking segments of the population are almost entirely urbanized. This places farming almost entirely in the hands of the Afrikaners. Thus in any election the English voters have as many votes to cast as the Afrikaners, they find themselves all voting in the same area and hence always wind up with a minority of elected representatives. V. THE OPPOSITION IN SOUTH AFRICA Although the white politics of the Republic of South Africa are controlled by the National Party and the United Party, these do not represent the spectrum of politics among the white population; nor does the white population have a monopoly on the realm of politics. Within the legal confines of government politics, all groups except the National and United Parties have been effectively excluded by the color restrictions on the franchise and through the execution of such legislation as the "Suppression of Communism Act and the banning procedures which have been established to silence any potential opposition. However, by working extralegally--sometimes underground, sometimes by active non-violent resistence--the several opposition groups in South Africa have been able to have an effect on the official parties, as well as strengthening their cause. There are three main opposition groups in South Africa today. One is still free to operate on a limited scale, the other two are banned. The first organization is the Liberal Party, which was formed in the wake of the 1953 General Elections. It has been the only party in white politics which has maintained constant opposition to the present social and political situation in South Africa, and it is committed to a non-racial South Africa. The Liberal Party, which is headed by Alan Paton, has no racial restrictions on membership, and by now is predominately non-white. The Liberals have difficulty in reaching both the white and the non-white populations of South Africa. To develop any political support among the voting (white) population, they must construct a program of action which will be acceptable to a white minority which fears being overrun by an antagonistic, ill prepared majority. Such a program is one of moderation, and one which will take a great deal of time to reach its stated objectives. The Liberals began with such a policy, limited franchise for Africans based on certain qualifications; but they dropped the policy as soon as they realized that it had no appeal to either the whites or the non-whites. Since that change of policy, the Liberals have appealed to the Africans and non- whites who accept the non-violent, non-racial -atmosphere of the Liberal Party. When this change in membership came about, the Liberal Party also changed its methods and adopted extra parliamentary means such as protest demonstrations. However, the Liberals have lost most of-their ability to influence even moderate whites and now can only hope to be a bridge to the non-extremist Africans in an attempt to reach indirectly the African majority. The Liberal Party does have- some contact with PAC. PAC has turned to them because they are sure the Liberals have no ties to the far left, as does the Congress of Democrats. The contact between PAC and the Liberals is limited, but it does have potential for further cooperation. The Liberal Party has been publishing a monthly four page bulletin, Contact, which attempts to survey and to discuss the pressing political issues in South Africa. The influence which this magazine has had would be hard to estimate. During recent months Contact has been in financial trouble, as sources of income have been diverted to other causes or are hard to find. The Party itself has been in trouble with the government, and some of the Liberal stalwarts have been banned or placed under house arrest. The government has also attacked the Party with many of the same arguments which have been used against other organization. prior to banning. Although the Liberal Party does represent a bridge from the white to IL the African and other non-Europeans, the majority of political activity among the non-whites is totally unrelated 'to the present power structure in South Africa. Thus the Indians, the , and the Africans have all formed organizations which, while ostensibly formed to promote the interests of that population group and to secure its rights, are nbw totally removed from participation in the power structure, Given the refusal of the Nationalists to grant the franchise to any group but'the whites and the wishy washy stands of the United Party, these groups have almost no chance of securing their demands through white support. They have changed from protest groups to illegal opposition forces. The African National Congress is one of the two major non-white opposition groups in South Africa today. Other similar groups have existed from time to time since the Act of Union (and even earlier), but now only the ANC and Pac (Pan Africanist Congress) remain. The ANC is the oldest of the two, dating from 1912. It was the successor to a series of organizations which had attempted to present African grievances to the government. From the beginning, the aims of the ANC were to gain political and social rifts comparable to those of the whites for Africans, ant to raise the level of the African population. Until the middle of World War II, the ANC was not a very militant organization; rather they attempted to wbrk- within the proscribed framework of South African politics. At the beginning of the uar, certain ANC leaders decided not to press demands upon the government. This led to a groping .restlessness among the younger membership which in turn led to the establishment of the ANC Youth League in 1943. From this time, the ANC began positive measures to publicize the African opposition to disciimination. 'Then, in 1946, a revolt of a militant group within the South African Indian Congress prompted an alliance between the SAIC and the Youth League. The militancy of the new alliance was finally accepted as part of the ANC program in 1949, changing the ANC from a forum of discussion into an activist group. The ANC adopted an old method of the Indian Congress: passive resistance, and defiance campaigns. In 1955, the ANC allied itself with the Indian Congress, the South African Coloured Peoples' Congress, and the Congress of Democrats at a meeting in the Transvaal called the Congress of the People. The Congress adopted a "" which called for full civil and political rights and a broadly socialist approach to the national economy. It was mainly on the basis of this charter that the government attempted to prove through the "Treason Trials" of 1956-61 that this alliance was part of the international communist conspiracy of national liberation. (In that trial# all 156 defendants were declared not guilty. The nationalists were so angry that they rammed a bill through the Parliament making the Parliament a higher court than the Supreme Court.) The judges of that trial stated thatt.hey had found no evidence that the ANC was comunist directed or that the ANC supported violent overthrow of the government. It is on these two points that the ANC was banned along with PAC.

The ANC has been headed by ex-Chief Albert 3. Luthuli since December of 195Z. However, Luthuli is really more of a figurehead for the ANC. which does not follow his policies to any real extent. He is unable to exert any leader. ship because he has been banned, which makes his position honorary. Since he is well known and respected internationally he lends an air of respectability to the ANC which it might otherwise lack. In 1958. there was a split in the ANC when some of the younger members* who were dissatisfied with the tactics and the makeup of the ANC, left and formed PAC in April of 1959. Those who left had formed a well defined bloc within the ANC known as the Africanists. They did not like the and feared that it would bring the movement under the influence or control of nonAfrican groups. The Africanists especially distrusted the Congress of Democrats, for whom complete racial equality was only part of a program of radical change in the makeup of South African society. From the beginning PAC has been labeled as a black racist organization, and it is true that at first they were completely opposed to working with any other organization. Many other charges were brought against PAC, and its leader Robert Sobukwe, mainly by the ANC. PAC answered them by claiming that they left the ANC because of increased communist influence and white control over the organization which was subverting the basic purposes of the organization toward someone else's ends. Although the ANC has given some support to PAC programs, and although there have been several abortive attempts at unity, the two still remain at odds. The tactics of PAC and the ANC differ, like the organizations themselves. The ANC, taking a cue from Luthuli, has espoused a non-violent conviction, while PAC sees it as a tactical consideration. The ANC has called for such things as a stay-at-home-sit-down strike to celebrate the signing of the Freedom Charter. PAC actively demonstrates, as in the case of the Pass Law demonstrations which began in March of 1960 and led to the infamous of March Z1. PAC demonstrations are non-violent, but large. Another major difference between the two organizations is the base of their support. The ANC has always relied upon the literate population of the urban areas; but PAC goes to the people in the rural areas, talks to them In their native languages, and appeals to them on their specific grievances. In this way PAC has been able to mobilize a larger number of people. It is generally thought, however, that ANC has the better leadership; and it has, without a doubt, the most money, PAC is styledafter the mass movements and the black nationalist movements which have grown in the struggle for independence in Africa since World War U. The ANC, by contrast, thus becomes similar to such groups as the now discredited MPLA of . Both PAC and the ANC have been banned by the government since 1961. Although the ban was to have lasted just one year, it ha. boon extended, Under the banning act, thousands of Africans have been detained and the leadership of both orEanizations has been arrested. Since they are both underground, their field of effective action has been curtailed; and both are moving towards violent measures, since no other avenues are open to them. There are three other organizations which form part of the active opposition to the government of South Africa. These are the terrorist organizations: the National Liberation Committee, Spear of the Nation, and Poqo. Of these Poqo is the best known, mainly because of its emphasis on mass participation, its love of dramatics and the publicity given to it by the government. Very little is actually known about Poqo or the others, but the clamour made about Poqo serves the purposes of both Poqo and the government. Justice Snyman, as a one man Commission of Inquiry on the Poqo backed riots in , found Poq o to be an arm of PAC, which PAC quickly endorsed. However. the truth of this is seriously doubted by observers on all sides. The rise of terrorist activities and sabotage has obviously frightened the government to some extent, since there have been heavy increases in defense spending and in the training of citizens into militia forces. The opposition in South Africa is faced with internal problems in addition to the external problem of the government. Obviously, it is split; it is divided by ideology, goals, tactics, personality, race and distrust. The few attempts at unity between even two of the organizations have failed, and there can be no coordination between them when they are competing for the loyalty of the masses and the support of the rest of Africa and the world for their cause. With all of the internal problems, there remains the constant harrasment of the government. It has closed almost all legal avenues for the opposition and constantly devises new ways to stifle those which remain. It arrests, detains, bans, deports, or places under house arrest leaders of these opposition groups, and bans or censors their publications. It has destroyed the courts as a free institution, it controls education, and it is increasing its military strength because it fears revolution. At the same time, the opposition groups are preparing for violence since there appears to be no other alternative. The tension, fear, and hatred are increasing and are constantly whipped up. This becomes as especially difficult situation for the voices of moderation, who have trouble being heard, who are now in financial difficulty, and who are constantly harrassed by the government. What is left for the opposition in South Africa? It opposes the present governmental policy, as well as all of its proposals, and thus has put itself in the position that it cannot accept anything but a non-racial democracy. Non-violence does not seem to work. At the present time violence seems to have been accepted as the only means. That violence will be between white and non-white. VI. RACE RELATIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA Today South Africa is filled with racial prejudice and distrust. This distrust is built into the social system through an indoctrination process carcLod on in the public schools and in other governmental agencies. Not only is the school system completely segregated by race, but racial theory is taught. Jonty Driver, the president of NUSAS, confirmed this in several talks before the 16th National Student Congress at Indiana University. Color is not only a social barrier, it is also an economic barrier in the Republic and in South West Africa. Color determines not only where you get your schooling and the quality of that schooling or where you may live, but also limits the type of work which you can do. Because of this the normal class tensions aggrevate the racial question and are easily confused with it. An example of this is in Natal whose population, divided in South African categories, consists of Africans, Indians, and Whites. The Indians have been forced into the economic situation of the middleman who is hated by those of superior social position because of his success in business and hated by those beneath him (the Africans) because they feel that. they are being exploited. This feeling has led to racial crises in Natal, including the murder of Indians by rioting Africans, The South African government has pointed to this incident as another example of how different races cannot live together in harmony. There is, however, a large element of doubt whether this was purely a racial matter, or whether it was also part of the "class war.", The social system in South Africa has other disturbing effects. The fact that the system is there, and so powerfully so, has made a lot of people, who might otherwise have wanted to fight the system itself, fight for a position within the system. The government has instituted a system of classification for determining the racial makeup of individuals. To be called before the board for reclassification can be either a saving grace or a personal disaster, depending upon whether or not your classification is raised or lowered. The classification board puts people through the most degrading procedure and asks questions such as "Why are yourlips so thick?" or "Why is your nose so wide?" However, when there is a chance that you might change from coloured to white, or from African to coloured, many people have been willing to submit. The ills that such a monstrous body can project upon a society are readily seen. In terms of personal or group psychology alone, it destroys the whole basic fabric of society. This is not the whole problem of South Africa, but it is part of the compendium of racism and denial of personal and civil liberties in the Republic. The South African Government, since its take over by the National Party in 1948, has consistently maintained that one of the major causes of racial tension in South Africa has been the fact that the 3races have not been completely separated. The doctrine of separation, as Hertzog put it in 191Z, now known as either apartheid or "separate development" (as the government now prefers), has been held as the humanitarian method of resolving the racial crises which iave existed in South Africa since the 1600's.

There is, however, a contradiction between talking of the total benefits and the actual practice of racial separation. Although SABRA (the South African Bureau of Racial Affairs, an Afrikaner intellectual body) has consistently called for true and final separation and because of SABRA's close link with the National Party, the government has never seen fit to follow a course similar to that outlined by SABRA. The government talks of establishing industries in the native reserves (now to be called ), but instead establishs white owned industry just outside these reserves. The whole idea of the is to establish independent "Bantu" republics which would keep economic and political ties with the Rebpulic, but which would be self governing, with their own industry, etc. This would keep the number of Africansin the white areas to a minimum, and at the same time leave the Africans with their own area where they could develop according to their own traditions. There are several implausible results of this if it were ever to be carried out. One of the major results is that implied by the establishment of white owned industries just outside of "Bantustans." The African, through the socialand economic system which prevails, is te basis of the industrial work force in South Africa. To take the African out of the major industrial centers would leave no labor force--unless the industry were taken to the labor force. This is what is obviously happening. The Bantustans, now the basis of the apartheid policy, have been a cause for great political controversy in South Africa. They have been attacked by African and liberal leaders who want a non-racial society and by those who believe in complete racial separation. Those who want separation accuse the government of deceit because the government has not begun to live up to its financial commitment to develop the Bantustans and thus to make them viable, so that the African is kept in his own area. The government committed itself to an annual expenditure of $30, 000, 000 for ten years to develop the Bantustans, but as one observer of the South African economy has put it: with the government spending $180, 000, 000 annually for defense, there isn't much left over for the Bantustans. This is felt by some to be a compromising position, since it re- enforces the widely held view that the South African Government is trying to hold the African down and keep the basskap (master-slave) relationship which has existed in South Africa. The majority of African leaders totally reject the idea of the Bantustan. They hold strongly to the political philosophy of one man-one vote and to the social philosophy of a totally integrated society. This has led to political problems as the government has attempted to establish the first Bantustan. The government, despite widespread opposition, has pushed ahead with its plans for the Bantustans. The first one on the schedule was the , in Natal Province. The government, working with tribal chiefs through the bodies created by the Bantu Authorities Act, created a constitution and a legislative body for the Transkei. Elections were held in the Transkei in November, 1963. The two main candidates for the head of the Transkei offered a clear choice to the voters. One, Chief Kaiser Matausima, supported the Bantustan plan of the government. He is a black racist who believes in racial separation. The other, Chief Victor Poto, believes in a multi-racial South Africa, with a policy of one man-one vote. The result of the election was a total rejection of the government's candidate, Matauzima. The supporters of the other candidate won almost all of the 45 elected seats in the Transkeian legislature. However, the government candidate is the head of the government of the Transkei because the constitution provides that 65 government appointed chiefs sit on the legislature. Since the legislature elects the head, the government was sure to win, especially since the tribal chiefs hold their positions by the grace of the government of South Africa. The Bantustan is another part of the South African Nationalist plan to divide the African population and break communications between the various groups. Under the government controlled Bantu education, the African students are instructed solely in their "native" languages, as part of the attempt to separate the Africans into their ethnic groups. One part of the Banustan plan is to place the African population in Bantustans according to their ethnic background. This would be difficult since a very heavy percentage of the African population has never lived in the "native" areas and does not know the tribes from which they have come. However, the government presently has the ability to enforce this plan on the people because they do not have the power or the organization to resist. VII. EDUCATK)N Until 1953, education in South Africa was in the hands of the individual provinces, and t.,e racial question in educational institutions was handled according to the customs of the province. In 1953, the Bantu Education Act was passed by the Parliament. Since that time education for the African in South Africa has been controlled by the government--first under the Department of Native Affairs, then under the Department of Bantu Education. When first introduced the bill raised a storm of protest among both whites and blacks. While they wanted reform in education for the African, they opposed the principle stated by Mr. Vorwoerd: "to train and teach people in accordance with their opportunities in life, according to the sphere in which they live." A. Government Control of Education The impact upon African education in the Republic during the past few years is well summarized in the following section taken from the COSEC-WUS brochure entitled A Candle in the Nigit (pp. 4-8): "A pattern of living requires a theory of education both to provide its rationale and its means of implementation. Such is the doctrine of Christian National Education, which derives from the narrow racist tenets of Afrikaner nationalism and which was formulated in 1948 in the CNE "Charter" of the FAK which is accepted as the major policy statement which forms the basis of the Government's education policies. "In 1949 the Native Education Commission was appointed to enquire into 'the formultion of the principles and aims of education for natives as an independent race, in which the past and present, the inherent racial qualities, their distinctive characteristics and aptitudes are taken into consideration.' "In 1951 the above commission, known as the Eiselen Commission, recommended that all 'Natives' education be taken over by the Central Government, that no school for 'Natives' henceforth be established without the permission of the Minister of Native Affairs, and that the schools already in existence be taken over by the State or controlled by the State where only a partial subsidy is granted. (As most schools providing education for Africans require subsidisation, there remain few today that are not Government controlled. "The then Minister of 'Native' Affairs, Dr. A. F, Verwoerd, now Prime Minister, said in the debate on the Bantu Education Act, which was drawn up from the recommendations of the Eiselen Report: 'When I get control of Native Education, I will reform it so that the Natives will be taught from childhood to realize that equality with Europeans is not for them.o. ' and 'until now he (the African) has been subjected to a school system which drew him away from his community and misled him by showing him the green pastures of European society in which he was not allowed to graze. ' "The Bantu Education Act was passed in 1953. Lower Primary Education has now been extended to over a million African children, but of these only a small proportion proceed beyond a two year course in subjects such as the elements of reading and writing in the vernacular, gardening, housework and the location of Government agencies. Only about 3% again go on to secondary schooling. "In 1959 Parliament passed the Extension of University Education Act and the Fort Hare University College Transfer Act. In the public debates which preceded the passage of these two Acts, the present Prime Minister said that: 'The new Bantu Universities would not turn the Bantu into black Englishmen to struggle against the Afrikaner. I The Digest of South African Affairs, which is printed by the Government Information Office, said: 'From an ideological point of view the biggest achievement of the separate colleges will be the cessation of the particular liberalist indoctrination which is a prominent feature of the open universities.' "The Implementation of the two Acts in 1960 was swift and ruthless. Nearly Z00 African applicants were refused permission to enter the open Universities. The take-over by the Government of Fort Hare University College was completed by the dismissal of six members of the old staff for

'destroying the policy of Apartheid' and eleven student leaders were refused readmission to complete their degrees because of their political views. "The tribal colleges of Turfloop. for Sothos, and Ngoye for Zulus, Belville for 'Coloureds, Malkays and Griquas' were established and Fort Hare College became the Xhosa College. Draconian disciplinary regulations were promulgated in the Government Gazette. Without the express permission of the Rector of the Colleges students may not form representative organizations, receive visitors, circulate publications for which students are wholly or partially responsible, hold collections, make press statements or form other societies. "However, not even the reformatory-like conditions nor the geographical isolation of these institutions have prevented the general dissatisfaction of the students from becoming manifest and disturbances have broken out. The Fort Hare students, for example, dissolved their students' representative council which they regarded as being impotent, and an attempt to regain the rights they had previously enjoyed, particularly affiliation to the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS), was summarily crushed by the Rector aided by severe intimidation exercised by the political branch of the and by the appearance near the College of large numbers of armed police reinforcements. "It seems, then, that the education policy of the Nationalist Government must be seen as the instrument whereby it hopes to mould and control rigidly the minds of the younger generation in preparation for their participation in the so-called 'Christian' National South Africa, ruled according to the racist policies of the Union Government. Article 15 of the CNE statement is inexplicably bound up with the pattern of living which today prevails in South Africa. "For many non-white and the key-note of life is despair, frustration and bitterness. But yet, 'in the sombre darkness which envelops the South African academic world,' there are those who, by their courageous adherence, in principle, and more important, in practice, to fundamental human values, are making a memorable gesture of faith." The South African Government continues to enact laws which place increasingly tighter controls over all forms of social, political and educational endeavors. The latest such legislation, currently being debated in the South African Parliament at the time of writing, is the "General Law Amendment Bill" (more commonly known as the "Sabotage Bill.") During May and at the time of writing, students were demonstrating against the bill throughout South Africa. In Natal, a mass protest took place. In Johannesburg, some 2, 000 students joined a protest march of 2, 000 to the City Hall, which the police broke up with a tear gas attack. In , students formed the main contingent in another protest. On May 28th of this year, NUSAS sent a statement to the Coordinating Secretariat, indicating the seriousness of this proposed legislation and appealing to all national unions to give immediate solidarity with the NUSAS protest movement against this government endeavor. The statement reads: "The South African Government has finally shown its true fascist colours. It has just introduced into Parliament a Bill which is probably the most vicious piece of legislation ever to have been introduced in any country in time of peace, apart from Nazi Germany prior to the Second World War. "The Bill, the 'General Law Amendment Bill' (more commonly known as the 'Sabotage Bill'), sets the final seal on intimidation, victimisation, reprisal and authoritarian restriction of any genuine opposition to apartheid. "This Bill has been drawn up by the euphemistically - entitled Minister of Justice, who is a known Nazi. During World War II, he was interned for Nazi sympathies and activities and is now showing his true nature by the introduction of this Bill, which reflects the pattern of legislation of the Hitler regime. "Complete povers are given to him - with no appeal to a court of law: 1) To ban any meeting - not only political ones - but any meeting, of a private or public nature, and he may ban any gathering of students within the universities if in his opinion 'any of the objects of "communism" may be served by such a meeting. ' Z) To confine any individual who, in the Minister's view, may or is like to further any object of communism, to total house arrest and isolation or a specific area, without trial, for as long as the Minister pleases. Such a person may be ordered to have NO COMMUNICATION WITH ANY OTHER PERSON IN ANY WAY (including legal advisers). 3) If a university lecturer is banned by the Minister, it will be illegal, according to this Bill, for any student to take notes from his lectures given after the ban or at any time in the past. 4) 'Sabotage, ' which is dealt with in only one of the Z sections of the Bill, is given such a wide definition that it becomes clear that the purpose of the Bill is to blot out ruthlessly, by physical means or by banishment and isolation, all effective opposition. '5) If. a person writes a political slogan on a wall which is public property, that person is 'guilty of sabotage' and is liable to the DEATH SENTENCE with a minimum sentence of five years if the death sentence is not imposed. 6) If a person enters a post office or public building which may be reserved, in terms of the vicious , for one particular race group, such a person is 'guilty of sabotage' unless HE can prove that he did not enter such a building with the intention inter alia 'to encourage any political aim' or 'to embarrass the administration of the affairs of State. ' This means that if he cannot prove he did not intend to encourage political change, he is liable to a death penalty. Thus 'embarrassing the State' and passive resistence to it and its policites is termed 'sabotage. ' The penalty is death. "These are only a few of the provisions of the Bill. Students, through NUSAS, are coordinating their unequivocal opposition to this Nazi measure. Mass student gatherings have been held at the Universities of the Witwatersrand, Cape Town and the two sections of the University of Natal in Durban, and at the Pietermaritzburg section as well. Students are working actively with various civil defence committees to manifest radical opposition to the Bill, and have participated in mass protest marches, which have been attacked by fascist thugs. "A few things are clear: a) All fascist governments have used the 'communist' smear against radical opposition. b) This Bill has almost nothing to do with sabotage in the accepted sense of the word. Its purpose is to crush with all the force of a police state the machinery of NON-RACIAL OPPOSITION to apartheid. c) The government threats are being airnd at student organizations and their leadership, whom this Bill will directly affect. d) We appeal to National Unions, through COSEC, to make the nature of this Bill known to their student membership and the public, in order that maximum international pressure may be put on the South African government. e) The police state in South Africa has arrived. For those National Unions wh9 might consider this to be emotive language, may we say that if a definition of a police state is as follows: 'a state in which personal liberties and the basic freedoms can be taken away from a man by the head of the police (Minister of Justice) without any conviction or sentence by a proper court, without any right of appeal against the decision' then South Africa is a fully-fledged police state. We do not believe the language is emotive. We believe it to be accurate. The marching of young thugs in the streets has already begun, and unarmed women who have demonstrated their peaceful opposition to this Bill, have been attacked, and abused by white hooligans. The plce state is here. t We look to students of the world to r ally to the side of freedom and democracy, and to make every effort to stir public opinion against the oppression of apartheid, so that the future of South Africa for all its inhabitants may be peaceful and democratic, and so that it may take fts place rightfully amongst the nations of Africa in pursuit of our common continental interests."

B. Bantu Education - What Price Indoctrination7 The present system of Bantu Education in South Africa must be seen as part of the whole picture of closely interrelated apartheid legislation over the last thirteen years. Bantu Education is often examined in isolation from other legislation and trends in the society, but a study of the motivation behind it, its method of implementation and, finally, the actual operation of the Department, leads one to conclude that Bantu Education is part of what has been called the total blueprint for blockout. In fact, the Bantu Education Act was passed by Parliament in the same year as the Bantu Authorities Act. Bantu Education as 'community schools,' i under the control of these very 'Bantu Authorities, ' which might establish them or which it might be mandated to supervise by the government. Thus, the link between the Bantu Education Act and the Bantu Authorities Act is very close, and the emphasis on tribal divis ions as it is found in the Bantu Authorities Act, is also found in the Bantu Education Act. Indeed, in the Senate on Z6th June, 1959, Mr. Maree, Minister of Bantu Education, said: "The University College of Fort Hare Transfer Bill, like the Extension of University Education Bill, has very close connections with all other legislation of this government which deals with the development of the Bantu as separate national groups in South Africa. This Bill is closely related to the Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act, the Bantu Authorities Act and the Bantu Education Act." The pattern of educational policy, then, since 1948 should be seen as one interrelated whole, and this pattern must, I believe, be seen as part of the general policy of State-apartheid, for without its being seen in this perspective, the real intentions could be overlooked. For the majority of persons in South Africa, Bantu Education is seen as the last and final menace. Until 1954, the forms of control over Africans were, in the main, physical- -designed to limit movement and association. The Bantu Education Act went one step further. It was designed to control the direction of thought and the boundaries of knowledge of the African child, limiting his lines of communication, curtailing language contacts, introducing separate syllabi and the consequent introduction of separate examinations. Statements of this kind are often criticised as being over-cynical and without foundation. I don ot believe that we have any reason to be other than cynical and critical of Bantu Education--its motivation, its implementation or its practice--and I will attempt to show that this, is the case, and that the trends over the last 8 years point to this very conclusion. It is often difficult to gauge motivation. It is more difficult to do so when dealing with administrators and legUtatars; but perhaps the statements 7Adrian Leftwich. Bantu Education - What Price Indoctrination. Paper presented by President of NUSAS, on November'Zl, 1961. made by members of the Nationalist Party before and during the debate on Bantu Education, and before and during their term in government, will provide some clue to their intentions, and indeed, to their general framework of reference for most enactments which have in any way dealt with the problem of race zelations. Mr. J. N. le Roux, Minister of Agriculture, said in Parliament in 1945. during a debate on education (Hansard 5.11.45): "We should not give the Natives an academic education as some people are prone to do. If we do this, we shall be burdened with a number of academically-trained Europeans and non-Europeans, and who is going to do the manual labour in the country? I am thoroughly in agreement with the view that we should so conduct our schools that the Native who attends school will know that to a great extent he must be the labourer in this country." Would one be over-harsh if one said that there is a hint in this statement that Mr. le Roux was advocating edudation for exploitation? In June, 1954, the present Prime Minister, then Minister of Native Affairs, when speaking on the Bantu Education Bill, and criticising the mission schools, said: "The school must equip him (the African) to meet the demands which the economic life of South Africa will impose upon him.,, (From 'Bantu Education Policy for the Immediate Future, ' published by the Information Service of the Dept. of Native Affairs and being Dr. Verwoerd's speech in the Senate on June 7, 19S4) and further: "If the Native in South Africa today in any kind of school in existence is being taught to expect that he will live.his adult life under a policy of equal rights, he is making a big mistake." (Hansard, Vol. 83, col. 3586). Finally, to summarise all this and to express it in its crudest and yet most direct form, Dr. Verwoerd said (Hansard, Vol. 83, col 3576): "Above all, good race relations cannot exist when the education is given under the control of people who create the wrong expectations on the part of the Native himself, if such people believe in a policy of equality.... It is therefore necessary that Native education should be controlled in such a way that it should be in accord with the policy of State." One could go on ad infinitum, but my hope is that these few quotations can give some idea of the motivation behind the Bantu Education Act.

The great attention which is drawn to Bantu Education by its critics, often tends to cloud the nature of education for Africans before the Act was passed and before the Department was established. This was not satisfactory either, and while one must hastily add that although there were vast differences between the type of education provided for whites and for Africans, the syllabi and examinations at least were the same, and thus there was a general norm or a standard, and it could be this as a whole which might be criticised. There were, however, unfortunate aspects as well. The first schools in this country for Africans were the mission schools, and the earliest was set up in 1789 near Kingwilliamstown by Dr. V. D. Kemp of the London Missionary Society, and it was only many years later, in the Cape initially, that there was any government subsidisation of these schools, or indeed government schools. The Transvaal and Orange Free State, needless to say, with the policy of "no equality in Church and State," lagged far behind in this field, and when, later, in the 1920's, the Cape was spending approximately L214, 000 on African schooling, the Orange Free State was spending L4000 (from the Report of the Commission on Native Education 1949 /51, U.G. no. 53/1951) Even then and later, particularly in the period before World War II, the underlying philosophy as expressed was similar to the present Bantu Education Department policy statements. The Departmental Commission on Native Education, reporting after its study in 1935/36, stated: "The education of the white child prepares him for a place in the dominant society, and the education of the black child for a subordinate society... The limits of Native education form part of the social and economic structure of the country." How similar that is to some of the statements quoted earlier, but in a sense this is true--for the Africans, and indeed all non-white persons in this land, are regimented to a subordinate position, and thus education has been geared to fit this pattern. This emphasises the point I made at the start, namely that the practice of educational apartheid and in particular Bantu Education, is intimately tied up with the segregatory social patterns which are dominant in this country. The story of African education up to the end of World War II is one which shows an increasing demand for education, increased enrollments and a gross lack of funds, the amounts available not being able to cope with the needs. At that time the same principle that has been reverted to today--the financing of African education out of monies paid by Africans only--was in operation. It was only in 1945 that J. H. Hofmeyr altered this fiscal policy so that the funds for these purposes, which were drawn from the Consolidated Revenue Fund, were not dependent on African contribution. It is interesting to note that in 1949 the amount spent per head on each African child was a meagre 67 per annum, while for whites it was L50 per annum. The proportions today are considerably worse, the expenditure on white having risen by more than LZO p. a., while on Africans, not more than L3. At that time, 40% of all school-age African children were in schools, and half of them were in the sub-standards. 10% reached Std. Z, 3-4/Z% reached Std. 6 and 1/ Z% reached J. C. --an insignificant number reached Matric. This tremendous imbalance in the system has been even more exacerbated by the operation of the Bantu Education Act, but perhaps this is what is wanted, for as Dr. Verwoerd himself has said, when criticising the former system: "Education has served to create a class of educated and semieducated persons without the corresponding socio-economic development which should accompany it. This is the class which has learnt to believe that it is above its own people and feels that its spiritual, economic and political home is among the civilized community of South Africa, i.e. the Europeans, and feels frustrated because its wishes have not been realised." ('Bantu Education: Policy for the Immediate Future,' p. 17). Verwoerd's solution, therefore, was not to alter radically the socio-economic or political conditions of the majority of people in South Africa, but to change the educational system in order to maintain the status quo. One of the first acts which the Nationalists did when they came to power on their wave of emotionalism and racialism, was to appoint the "Commission on Native Education 1949-51" (U. G. no. 53/1951), more infamously known after its chairman as the Elselen Commission, and the terms of reference of this Commission give a fairly clear idea of the sort of conclusions that were desired by the government. Two of the five clauses of the terms of reference are sufficient to show this: "1) The formulation of the principles and aims of education for Natives as an independent race, in which their past and present, their ihherent racial qualities, their distinctive characteristics and aptitudes, and their needs under ever-changing social conditions are taken into consideration. "Z) The extent to which the existing primary, secondary and vocational educational system for Natives and the training of Native teachers should be modified in respect of the content and form of syllabuses, in order to conform to the proposed principles and aims, and to prepare Natives more effectively for their future occupations." These terms of reference clearly lay down principles in themselves, principles eagerly adopted by the Commission which, having accepted the premises relating to 'independent races' and 'inherent racial characteristics' etc., found it easy to suggest the grotesque educational superstructure which has been following the implementation of the Commission Report through the Bantu Edcuation Act.

The Commission Report tells us a great deal more than the Act itself, for the Act (Act. 47. 53), which is a one, consists to a considerable extent in the delegation of authority to the Minister. The main aim of the Act was to provide a separate form of education for Africans--not only physically separate from whites, but philosophically and educationally different to 'white schooling' in terms of basic aims and content. There was also a very significant change from the formerly decentralised method of educational administration to centralisation of control, something which one can see being repeated in the Union Education Advisory Council Bill, and also in the proposed transfer of education for Coloureds to the Coloured Affairs Department. We fear that in the latter case there will be a special brand of 'Coloured education' along similar lines to Bantu Education, and hence, with the alarming trends in white schools in the Transvaal and Orange Free State, the balkanisation of education along racial and ideological lines will be complete. The act transferred all educational administration from the Provinces (where, in the case of the three northern Provinces, it had been under the control of Native Education Departments, while in the Cape it had been administered as part of the Educational Department of the Province) to the Department of Native Affairs, as it was then called, and consequently to the specially-created Department of Bantu Education. In addition, various types of school were categorised and new syllabuses and regulations were drawn up. The types of school are these: 1) Government Bantu schools, which were brought under the immediate control of the Department either as specially-created schools or having been taken over from the Churches--such as Lovedale and St. Cuthberts. These schools are under the control of school boards consisting of parents and nominated members, many of whom are illiterate and who have little or no control over finances. It is interesting to note that the fabulous Cuthbert Collection in the Lovedale school was, when the Department took over the school, sold, and replaced by books chosen by the Department. 2) Community schools, which were formerly by the Churches, having been built by the community in the district, and which are under the control of the local Bantu Authorities, which in themselves consist only of persons recognised by the government and thus acceptable to them. 3) Farm schools, which are run by white farmers for their labourer's children, and which have to be registered by the Department--the farmer or his school manager being classed as a 'competent official'--a point to which I would like to return later. It is again interesting to note that in 1950 there were more farm schools in the Orange Free State than government schools, there being 544 of the former and 312 of the latter. Government regulation of 20. 7.56 relating to the establishment of farm schools has one section which "Where there is need for a farm school registration will not depend upon the existence of a school building. Any suitable building on the farm will be acceptable." 4) Mine and schools are established on a similar basis as the farm schools and have to be registered. 5) Private schools. There are also a few private schools, mainly Catholic and Seventh Day Adventist. In the case of the former, the Bantu Education syllabus is taught and their examinations taken, while in the case of the Seventh Day Adventist schools, there have, we understand, always been separate syllabuses and examinations. As far as teacher-training institutions in this category are concerned, it was reported in 'Daily Dispatch' of 8.1.59: "In future only two of the Roman Catholic church's 6 teachertraining colleges will remain and their degrees are not recognised by the State." This has been substantiated by the Secretary of the South African Catholic Bishop's Conference. Indeed, in the Gatholic schools, the Bantu Education Department has insisted on their syllabus being followed, although there are now no subsidies provided. 4Z Catholic Schools have been forced to close, 16 of these being high schools. Also 3 training Colleges have been forced to close. This has all been done 'in the name of and by the will of the community. While on this point, it is sobering to read of the ways and means used by the government to bring pressure to bear on the Churches to hand over their schools and training colleges to the Department. In 1954, the Minister of Native Affairs, speaking in Parliament, said (Hansard no. 17, col. 6222 3. 6. 54): "If there is a church which is prepared to maintain schools entirely at its own expense, then that is their own affair. They have to be registered. For that purpose a church which can train its own teachers, but also entirely at its own expense, or if it wants to use some of the teachers trained in our own normal colleges, it can do so. We on the other hand shall not necessarily employ persons who have trained at such schools." The ominous note and the veiled but sharp threat are not hard to detect and are in the main levelled against those schools which are maintained by the Churches concerned. Under this category of private schools, the subsidies provided for them before the Act were gradually withdrawn until 1958, when subsidisation ceased entirely.

6) Then there are the scheduled schools, which are a smaller group which have not been classified, e.g. hospital schools. 7) Finally, there are the night schools and continuation classes which have to obtain permission to continue, and the history of these endeavours over the past few years constitutes a paper in itself. It will be sufficient to say that these schools have had to face tremendous odds. They have been instructed to close down, and those that have been able to avoid the axe have had all subsidisation withdrawn. The Cape Non-European Night Schools Association, for example, has conducted a magnificent campaign of fund-raising activities and has kept some of its schools open. SHAWCO--the Students' Health & Welfare Centres Organisation of the University of Cape Town--has also been able to continue, though under very trying conditions. The farm schools, according to a publication brought out by the S. A. Institute of Race Relations, were to have syllabuses which would include 'the basic idea of teaching the child in order to fit him for his farm work. I There were 1230 of these farm schools in 1955, while there were 400 government schools, and the farmers or the farm school managers, who were regarded as 'competent authorities, ' may organise the children under a teacher to do manual work on the farms. Indeed, this is in effect stated in regulations promulgated under the Act--'Any teacher who, during or after school hours is engaged in approved activities on or off the school grounds which do not constitute part of the curricula, shall be regarded as being on duty. I It is believed that many children on farm schools are used for labour purposes on these farms, and indeed this is borne out by a masterfully put understatement on this question by the Minister of Bantu Education: "We have made it compulsory that where the farmer wants these facilities, part of the school instruction of these children on the farm of the European farmer must be trained in the normal activities of the farm, in order to encourage a feeling of industriousness on the part of those children and particularly to sharpen in their minds the fact that education does not mean that you must not work with your hand, but to point out to them specifically that manual labour and also manual labour on a farm, is just as good a formulative and development level as any other subject is. In order to do this we create the opportunity so that if there is any farmer who has a farm school on his farm and who wishes to make use of the school children under the supervision of the teacher to assist with certain farm activities, this can be arranged to fit in with the cirriculum and the plan of development which is envisaged or provided for that farm school. ' (Senate, 2. 6. 59, Hansard 12, col. 3463, quoted in "A Survey of Race Relations in South Africa" SAIRR, Johannesburg 1958-59). There is little need to comment on this glib statement. The meaning is clear. Children on farm schools may have to (and it is known they do) do manual labour--free--for the farmer. great and ft Le syllabus which was adopted in 1955 for the higher primary course lays nphasis on the need for the children to appreciate their tribal past, present re, and the universal direction which is being given to education in most a today in terms of the real 20th century needs, is being ignored. In addiinordinate importance is attached to the physical training of the pupil. I 3m the Higher Primary Syllabus 1956: " .... Where a large measure of manual dexterity will be required the pupils in their future occupations, the school must provide adeately for the necessary training." I have never seen such a directive nor such a generalisation as to the future )cations of pupils in any school syllabus statement. As far as Social Studies is concerned, the following is the directive given in e same syllabus: "Knowledge and understanding of the factual content of the subject will only have value when connected with the achievement of the following aims: the realisation by the Bantu child that he is a member of a particular community and that he is bound by various ties to particular groups of people in that community as they are represented for example in HIS home, HIS school, HIS church, HIS residental area and HIS tribe." (The words 'his' are all in italics). There seems to be a desire to project on to the African child a consciousness, hiich he should never lose, that there are certain things which are his and his alone. e must never forego them nor adopt others. Is this not the basis of Afrikaner tionalism--'eiesoortigheid' and love of one's own? It is difficult not to believe .at there is a desire on the part of the government and their educational 'experts' , stimulate this same attitude amongst African children and amongst separate -ibes, and in order that, by the existence of such attitudes, the abnormality of the cclusive Afrikaner nationalism can be justified as good and right. I would like to turn now to the allocation of time per subject at the lower rimary level, i. e. Std. I and 2. Religious instruction and devotion are together allocated 175 minutes per week, hile physical education and manual work (needlework, gardening, handwork) are Lven 395 minutes per week. Singing is given 90 minutes per week, while the three Lnguages--English, and the mother-tongue--are given 210 each-- thIs comLred with 395 minutes for physical training of various kinds.. This time allocation Is quite out of balance and the concentration of time on the iiysical subjects rather than theoretical ones is surely most injurious as far as cademic progress is concerned. This is a convenient point to discuss the most calamitous aspect of Bantu Zduation--the moth.r.-tongue language-medium.

Before the introduction of the Act, approximately 5-6 hours per week from Stds. 1-6 were devoted to English or Afrikaans--mainly English. Now, according to the Departmental policy, this time has been halved, making it compulsory for there to be an equal amount of time devoted to English and Afrikaans as well as the mother-tongue, and thus the confusion resulting in the child and the lack of adequate language training in either English or Afrikaans has most unfortunate effects. The aim of the government is to have complete mother-tongue education from sub-standard through to university degrees, and the mother-tongue as a medium of instruction is being gradually applied higher and higher up the scale of classes. In the primary schools, the mother-tongue is the medium of instruction, English and Afrikaans at 2-1/2 hours each a week being taught as languages, and once Std. 6 has been passed, half of the subjects must be taught through the medium of English and half through the medium of Afrikaans, though a few schools have obtained exemption to teach through one language owing to the lack of qualified teachers, The policy of the Department is to increase the mother- tongue as a medium of instruction progressively after Std. 6 right through to Matric. The general elimination of English seems also to be policy, and it should be remembered that mother-tongue instruction means that only one of the many Bantu languages is being taught, so that through this system and the slackening of education in English (or Afrikaans), the tribal group is cut off from communication with other African language groups, firstly through the inability to speak other African languages and secondly, through the decreasing standard of English which was formerly the main common language. The emphasis, as with government policy in general, is on tribalisation, and teachers to whom I have spoken find that the children who have reached Std. 7 after 6 or more years of mother-tongue instruction, can hardly construct a full and gramatically-correct sentence in English. Those persons who have been concerned with Bantu Education and who have now ceased teaching under the Department, consider the introduction of the mother-tongue as a medium of instruction as the most evil aspect of the system,, for the result is complete confusion and extremely low standards in either of the official languages. It shouldbe mentioned that there is already a separate 'Bantu Education Junior Certificate, I and it is planned to have a separate Matric. However, with a separate J. C., the change-over from the Separate J. C. stream to the normal Matric stream for the student who is to go on to Matric, is extremely difficult, and mainly through the poor language standards, the Matric passes have dropped considerably. In 1953 the percentage pass was 47. 3%, and in 1960 it was 17.9%. That there is a desire to cut off the lines of communication with ideas which would normally be communicated through the English language is, I believe, obvious, and the very circumscribed nature of the syllabus, the tribal emphasis, the mother-tongue instruction and the totally inadequate allotment of time to English and Afrikaans, seems to provide evidence for substantiating this

The position of teachers under the Bantu Education Act and its regulations is most insecure. There is no pension allowance and it has been the experience of many teachers formerly employed by the Department of Bantu Education, that they have been dismissed from their jobs shortly before their date of retirement, thus making them ineligible for these pensions, This has happened on a number of occasions, No teacher may claim his salary increment as a right (Government Notice 841 of Z2nd April, 1955) but this increment depends on the availability df funds. In addition, Government Notice 86/1955 reads in part: "Any subsidy payable ..... in respect of any teacher... may be withdrawn or reduced after notice of one month without reason given." This same principle applies to a teacher's leave of absence, which he may not claim as a right and is dependent on whether the Department sees fit to grant this or not. Conditions such as these do not apply to white teachers in government schools. Their salary increments can be claimed of right; their leave of absence can be claimed of right and no salary paid them may be reduced 'without reason given. ' The question of financing Bantu.Education is a complex one, and there is not sufficient time to deal with this fully* other than mention its inadequacy and point out the injurious economics which have-been introduced to accommodate these desperate inadequacies. The administrative policy is that all financing of Bantu Education or any ex" tension of the educational facilities, apart from L6. 5 million from the Consolidated Revenue Account which was pegged at that amount in 1954, must come from monies paid by Africans through the various taxes. This does not amount to much more than LZ-1/z million extra, and what increases there have been in African ta xation have been used for the establishment of the tribal colleges and not for school education. The funds are insufficient and it should be remembered that, unlike white children, schooling for Africans is neither free nor compulsory, yet the govern. ment maintains that it is pursuing a policy whereby 'it Is diminishing illiteracy in a systematic manner with considerable success' (letter from the Minister of Bantu Education's private secretary to NUSAS President of 10th May 1961). The economies which were introduced were these. Firstly, the former 4-hour sessions in the sub-standards (where there are 45.5% of all schoolgoing children i.e. 5% more than 1949) were cut to a 2-1/2 hour session, in order that two groups of pupils could be handled by one teacher during the day. That is the double- session system, and the government prides itself on the consequent increased enrollment, considering quantity rather than quality to be the criterion. The teacher therefore has two sets of pupils for the same class, using the same books, the same desks and the same materials. The ttrain on the teacher can well be imagined.

White children in the Cape are subsidised to the extent of L6.18. 0 per annum. A second economy, in order to obtain more teachers, was to reduce the teacher- training qualifications. Formerly J. C. plus 2 years' teacher-training was the minimum for lower primary, but this was altered to a Std. 6 pass plus 3 years' general training, and consequently the standard of teaching has dropped rapidly. It should be pointed out that in white schools, the absolute minimum is Matriculation plus 2 years' training, and no one has suggested that this be altered. Both of these economies must have effects which have not really been felt. yet. The Act came into operation in 1955, just 7 years ago, and those pupils who commenced their education in that year and who have been able to battle through to higher standards, have not yet reached J. C. or Matric. When they do, one will be able to gauge more accurately the real effects of this sieve of Bantu Education. A teacher has anticipated that in 3 or 4 years' time, owing mainly to the poor language standards, no pupils will pass a Matriculation examination. That one group of persons in this country who are economically depressed and with little chance under this system of increasing their economic power, should be expected to pay for education extensions is nothing short of oppressive. A country with the comparative wealth of So'.th Africa should, if it is realised or wanted to realise that education is an , ensure free and compulsory education for all on a non-differentiated and non-racial basis. This would be both an educational and sociological investment for a future harmonious and nonracial society which will surely come. Education for all in this country, we believe, should be financed out of one education fund, supported by all, irrespective of race, creed or colour, and it should be free, compulsory and non-racial for all. I have not been able to deal with all the aspects of Bantu Education in detail, and there is much more one would have liked to have said, but I hope that this has served as a background to the trends which are visible in the system of education. That it is the intention of the government to introduce a separate Matric and consequent upon that, separate University degrees, is a real possibility for the near future. There would be nothing more damaging and this would set the final seal on a brand of inferior education for Africans in this country. When Minister Maree said at a stryddag meeting at Kempton Park in May, 1961, that money has been spent on Bantu Education "not out of love of the black man, but for the future of the whites," there was a grain of twisted truth in what he said, for very little that this government has done in the field of education, particularly for Africans, can convince one that they have been any other than as good as their word. If what Disraeli said of education in England is true - "Upon the education of the people of this country the fate of this country depends" - then the future for a fully developing and non-racial South Africa is, to say the least, bleak.

VIII. STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA In South Africa there are two student groups, the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) and the Afrikaanse Studentebund (ASB). ASB is slightly larger in total number of students than NUSAS, although it has only four affiliated universities. However, ASB is not accredited by the ISC for two reasons: first, ASB alleges that a national union of South African students is impossible, if one accepts the principle of apartheid, for black men and white men cannot sit together in a union; second, ASB is not open to all students in the territory, since Africans and Coloureds are barred by the constitution of ASB. The National Union of South African Students was founded in 1924. It is a federation of students' representative councils, and all students at its affiliated centers are automatically members, unless they choose not to be. It encompases 166 institutions, and 17, 000 students at the present time. It is a bilingual organization (English and Afrikaans). Its educational policy is a non- racial one, and it is opposed to Bantu education, university apartheid, Christian National Education, press censorship and other limitations upon such freedoms as the right to associate, assemble, speak, and to move without governmental interference of an administrative nature. Fort Hare and other institutions coming under the Department of Bantu Education have been barred from association with NUSAS in any way; association is punishable by expulsion from classes for any student hazarding it. '1NUSAS was founded at an inaugural conference held in Bloemfontein in 19Z4. The moving spirit in its foundation was Mr. Leo Marquard, a Rhodes Scholar from Grey University College in Bloemfontein, who became the first president. "The centres affiliated to NUSAS at that time were the four English medium University centres: the University of Cape Town, University of the Witwatersrand, Natal University College (now University of Natal), and Rhodes Uni. versity College (now Rhodes University); and the four Afrikaans Universities: University of , University Pretoria, Grey University College (now University of the Orange Free State) and University College (now, University of Potchefstroom, for Christian Higher Education). "The concept upon which NUSAS was based was the same as that of most national unions of students all over the world. That was that students have certain common interests as students, and that a body should exist for advancing these common interests. As a student at one of the eight affiliated institutions, one automatically became a member of the national union, irrespective of what language one spoke, or of one's religious or cultural affiliations. "For nearly 10 years NUSAS functioned on this basis, on which it still bases its claim to be a national union of students. "But barely 5 or 6 years had passed before signs appeared that some students at the Afrikaans centres were dissatisfied with the idea of a national students' union. The concept of a racially, culturally and linguistically homogenous organization grew up and gained ground at the Afrikaans cetres. The suggestion was put forward by its protagonists that it would be preferable to have a series of organizations, each catering to the interests of separate sections, English speaking, Afrikaans speaking, Jewish, than to have a single meeting ground. "At a mass meeting in August, 1933, the Students of Grey University College decided by a majority of 81-Z7 votes that its Students' Representative Council should sever its connection with NUSAS. In a report on the day following the mass meeting, it was stated that the objections to NUSAS were that it was too English, too imperialistic and too nagrophillistic in colour, and that it contained elements such as the school which was in favour of international socialism."8 Potchefstroom and Pretoria also disaffiliated in 1933, and Stellenbosch followed in 1936. The first three to leave formed the ANSB, a predecessor of ASB. Stellenbosch attempted to remain affiliated to both, but when given an ultimatum by the ANSB, it left NUSAS. The majority of the arguments used against NUSAS in all four cases were based on Afrikaner nationalism, and racial and religious prejudice. Ever since the Nationalists came to power in1948, they have been attempting to destroy NUSAS. A few examples of the government's attitude towards NUSAS show the problems that the national union faces. The Rector of the so-called University College of the North has informed NUSAS as follows: In reply to your request to be allowed to draw our students into benefits accruing from membership in your organization, your attention is drawn to the following--At this stage in our development no organization othe r than the Churches will be allowed to organize on our campus from outside. Neither will our students be allowed the concern themselves with such organizations until I am satisfied that esprit de corps and tradition has been firmly rooted. For the foreseeable future and in general it stands to reason that organizations which have proved to be against our University College can scarcely hope ever to be invited to organize our students for us, or for their own purposes. A news circular received from NUSAS indicates further problems involved in making contact with the students of Fort Hare University College, which has now also become a government-controlled tribal college. This report indicated that John Shingler, former NUSAS President, during a 'month-long visit to all NUSAS centers, paid a call at Fort Hare. On his 8 Neville Rubin, History of the Relations between NUSAS, the Afrikaanse Studentebond and the Afrikaans University Centres, National Union of South African Students, 1959, pp. -Z. first trip to Fort Hare, he renewed old student acquaintances in the town of Alice, in which the university college is located. On his way to Alice, a car carrying Special Branch detectives, forced his car to pull up to the side of the road and, having established their identity, the Special Branch men proceeded to search Shingler's car. When asked what they were searching for, the Special Branch men replied that they were merely doing a routine check for narcotics and illicit liquor. A part of this "routine check" was to read through every single letter, paper and document which was in the car, to read through Shingler's pocket book and to examine his wallet, to search under seats, and carefully leafing through a bible which was found. After three quarters of an hour of searching, Shingler's party was released. On his return to Alice a few days later, Shingler visited the campus of Fort Hare, where DuPreez, the registrar of the tribal college, made it quite clear that he was neither prepared to discuss student affairs with him nor- was he prepared to consider the possibility of an address to the student body. Having met a few prominent student leaders on the campus, Shingler went off the campus to hold discussions with these students. It was decided then that they return to the campus buildings. Here they met DuPreez, the registrar, again who threatened that, if they did not leave the college precincts, Shingler would be removed by the police forcibly. At this juncture, the students moved off to the house of the principle, Professor Ross. Having asked for the reasons for the prohibition of NUSAS at Fort Hare, Shingler received a reply from Ross the nature of which indicated that the principal was basing himself on a cabinet decision. Professor Ross warned Shingler that he was "treading on dangerous ground," when his right in taking up such an attitude was questioned. During this discussion, Professor Ross also referred to the students at Fort Hare as "my children" and to himself as their guardian, and he accused NUSAS of being of no benefit to them, since it merely "agitated." But when he was asked the reasons for NUSAS' popularity on the campus, Professor Ross found no reply. It has been learned since over 100 students at the small University College have applied to NUSAS for individual membership in the organization, despite the ban placed on this by the South African government and despite the penalties which can be imposed on individual students as a consequence of doing so. Further information on the expulsion of students from the University College of Fort Hare since it was taken over by the government was given by Mrs. V. M. L. Ballinger, a Liberal Party M. P., during a parliamentary debate. According to her information eleven students were refused readmittance to the University College because their readmittance was not considered in the best interest of the college because of their political activities. Ballinger also indicated that while the University of Rhodes had been prepared to accept these students, the government refused to permit it to. first trip to Fort Hare, he renewed old student acquaintances in the town of Alice, in which the university college is located. On his way to Alice, a car carrying Special Branch detectives, forced his car to pull up to the side of the road and, having established their identity, the Special Branch men proceeded to search Shingler's car. When asked what they were searching for, the Special Branich men replied that they were merely doing a routine check for narcotics and illicit liquor. A part of this "routine check" was to read through every single letter, paper and document which was in the car, to read through Shingler's pocket book and to examine his wallet, to search under seats, and carefully leafing through a bible which was found. After three quarters of an hour of searching, Shingler's party was released. On his return to Alice a few days later, Shingler visited the campus of Fort Hare, where DuPreez, the registrar of the tribal college, made it quite clear that he was neither prepared to discuss student affairs with him nor was he prepared to consider the possibility of an address to the student body. Having met a few prominent student leaders on the campus, Shingler went off the campus to hold discussions with these students. It was decided then that they return to the campus buildings. Here they met DuPreez, the registrar, again who threatened that, if they did not leave the college precincts, Shingler would be removed by the police forcibly. At this juncture, the students moved off to the house of the principle, Professor Ross. Having asked for the reasons for the prohibition of NUSAS at Fort Hare, Shingler received a reply from Ross the nature of which indicated that the principal was basing himself on a cabinet decision. Professor Ross warned Shingler that he was "treading on dangerous ground, " when his right in taking up such an attitude was questioned. During this discussion, Professor Ross also referred to the students at Fort Hare as "my children" and to himself as their guardian, and he accused NUSAS of being of no benefit to them, since it merely "agitated." But when he was asked the reasons for NUSAS' popularity on the campus, Professor Ross found no reply. It has been learned since over 100 students at the small University College have applied to NUSAS for individual membership in the organization, despite the ban placed on this by the South African government and despite the penalties which can be imposed on individual students as a consequence of doing SO. Further information on the expulsion of students from the University College of Fort Hare since it was taken over by the government was given by Mrs. V. M. L. Ballinger, a Liberal Party M. P. , during a parliamentary debate. According to her information eleven students were refused readmittance to the University College because their readmittance was not considered in the best interest of the college because of their political activities. Ballinger also indicated that while the University of Rhodes had been prepared to accept these students, the government refused to permit it to.

In March, 1960, the students at Fort Hare finally were free to elect their own students' representative council, after repeated remonstrations by both students and NUSAS. This SRC has, however, been advised by the Rector of the college that its cooperation was expected in the implementation of government policy. NUSAS, being allegedly an organization which gave students 'no material benefit' and'encouraged them to oppose the government, ' was banned from the campus. A student meeting condemned this decision of the Rector, but tie ban has yet to be lifted. Since the beginning of September, 1963, the government has renewed its efforts to destroy NUSAS through a campaign of slander and intimidation. On September 2, for example, Dr. Albert Hertzog, Minister of Posts, Telegraphs and Health complained of NUSAS: "The doctrine of equality is preached: the white man must accept the primitive black man as his equal." Communist domination of NUSAS is charged--an allegation, interesting enough, which contrasts with NUSAS's criticism of violation of academic freedom in East Germany and Cuba. The South African Broadcasting Company has joined the anti-NUSAS campaign; and recently, the South African Police raided the NUSAS office in Durban. The intent of these moves is clear--to frighten students away from NUSAS and to prepare the ground for an eventual banning of NUSAS. The Sabotage Act of 1962 empowers the government to treat as a criminal virtually any person who openly criticizes government racial policy. When NUSAS President Jonty Driver spoke to the 16th National Student Congress in Bloomington, Indiana, the latest wave of attacks on NUSAS had not yet begun. But he knew that NUSAS could not long escape the government's growing campaign of harrassment of all opposition groups. Driver said: "The leaders of my government say they are defending Western Civilization. If this is Western Civilization, we want no part of it. "There are no easy answers to what i happening in my country, South Africa. We are at the start of a revolution which may change the fate of a and of the world. What the students and people of this country do will go down in history; and I hope, for all our sakes, that the verdict of history will be that the students and the people of this country did, and will do, what is good and what is right." national union of south african students NUSA J nasionale unie van suid-afrikaanse studente TELEFOON 2.7831 TIIPHONE ST. GEORGESSTUAAT 141 ST. GEORGL STII KAULS HAWAS CAKAAAD CA TOW JDA/T 17th October, 1963. To: SRC Presidents Express NUSAS Office raided by Special Branch Dear Sir/Madam, We wish to bring to your attention the fact that between 9 am and 12 am today, 4 members of the SA Security Police raided the NUSAS Office, removed documents and read all correspondence. The four police officers had a search warrant which entitled them to look at any material in the office and to search the persons of NUSAS personnel for evidenct of co-operation with various organisations, including two banned political parties* The General Secretary and the President were present during the whole time of the search, and NUSAS' legal advisers also came into the office at the start of the search. 8 documents were removed. All of these were publications which had been received through the post by NUSAS. The publications included magazines on youth affairs, an analysis of the attitude of the Communist Party towards religion, an analysis of Communist front youth organisations, resolutions of the 7th IUS Congress, etc. Two documents relating to the 90-Day clause of the General Law Amendment Act 1963 were taken away. The Security policemen gave the NUSAS President a receipt for these documents. Although the bulk of the police officers' time was, taken up in reading correspondence, no correspondence was removed. The name of one scholarship applicant was taken. The President has given details to the Cape Times., Cape Argus and Die Burger. A verbal statement was issued to Cape Argus and the formal statement issued to Cape Times is attached. The President has informed senior Executive members of the raid and has cabled the Coordinating Secretariat of National Unions of Students asking for protests to be sent to the SA government. Yours sincerely, JONTY DRIVER President

IX. REPORT ON SOUTH WEST AFRICA9 Historical Background South West Africa is a large territory of some 300, 000 square miles. considerably larger than , and has a population officially estimated in 1960 of 57Z, 000 made up of 477, 000 Africans, ZZ, 000 "coloureds" and 73, 000 "Europeans." It is bound on the north by Angola and Northern Rhodesia dnd on the east by the British Protectorate of Bechuanaland. To the west lies the Atlantic Ocean and to the south the Cape province of South Africa. Administratively, South West Africa is divided into the "Police Zone" (roughly the area conquered by the ) and the "Tribal Area" (comprising mainly Ovambeland and Okavangeland Kaokeveld in the far north of the territory of South West Africa). Within the "Police Zone," European law and policing prevail; outside it, local administration is largely in the hands of the tribal authorities. The Africans in South West Africa consist mainly of the Heroros, the Nema people, the Borg Darnaras and the Bushman. Before the arrival of the Europeans, these tribes lived in a fair degree of prosperity, despite tribal conflicts and territorial, disputes which occasionally arose. The Germans came to South West Africa at the end of the and stayed there until the end of the First World War. The period under German rule was characterized by deceit, trickery, rape and robbery on the part of the German rulers. Within a short period, they reduced the Heroros people. * from 80, 000 to 15, 000 men, women and children; and deprived them by stealth and force of their lands and herds and homes. 10 9 Working paper No. D/9, for the 10th International Student Conference. 10 Michael Scott, The Orphans' Heritage, p. 7.

The Mandate of the League of Nations In 19Z0, South West Africa was placed under the Mandates System. The Mandate over South West Africa was conferred by the principal Allies and Associate Powers--Britain, France, , Italy and Japan. (Italy and Japan lost their rights at the outbreak of World War I). At that time, the British Crown acted for the as a whole, since the Statue of Westminster had not yet come into being. The Mandate was, therefore, conferred "upon his Britannic Majesty to be exercised on His behalf by the Union of South Africa. "11 In accepting to exercise the mandate over South West Africa, South Africa accepted without exception the duty to safeguard and promote "to the utmost the material and moral well-being and the social progress of the inhabitants of the Territory, ,JZ especially the economic advancement of the population of the Territory. Instead, South Africa has, by policy, legislation and practice acted in direct contradiction to the duty which she has assumed as Mandatory of South West Africa, as the following pages will show. In the period between the First and Second World Wars, South Africa, acting in terms of the Mandate, submitted annual reports to the Permanent Mandates Commission which was set up to supervise the application of the Mandate. Although the natives under the Mandates System had the right of petition, they were not told of this right and therefore did not exercise it. The Move for In 1934, South African began to press for the incorporation of South West Africa into the Union as the fifth province. The Permanent Mandates Commission opposed the move, partly on the grounds that such a move was contrary to the Mandate, and partly because it would conflict with explicit provisions in the Constitution of the Union concerning attachment to the Union of territories which formed part of the British Empire. When the League of Nations was dissolved and the United Nations was created, South Africa continued its campaign for incorporation. Upon the dissolution of the League of Nations, the Mandates System of the League of Nations was merged with the Trusteeship System of the United Nations. All the former Mandatory Powers, with the exception of South Africa, thereupon submitted trusteeship agreements. South Africa, on being asked to submit a trusteeship agreement, refused; and for 16 years since the United Nations came into being the Union Government has refused to accept the new system of international supervision. It has maintained, and maintains to this day, that the Mandate was legally ended when the League of Nations ceased to exist, although the International Court of Justice clearly ruled in July, 1950, that the Mandate, 11 Agreement concernirg the Mandate over South West Africa, December 17, 19Z0 12 Article ZZ of the Covenant of the League of Nations given as a "sacred trust of civilization" to South Africa, did not lapse with the dissolution of the League inasmuch as the fulfilment of this Trust did not depend on the existence of the League. In 1946, the Union Government conducted a so-called referendum with the hope of deluding world opinion that the majority of the population in the Territory was in favour of incorporation. The fact, however, is that the natives. who had signed a document approving incorporation, in fact "voted against incorporation and for being brought under British rule" and the African chiefs had specifically asked for "a postponement of all discussions about the proposed incorporation until a completely impartial commission has been appointed, has inrestigated the facts and has made its report to the United Nations."13 International Status Under the United Nations For the last 15 years, the question of South West Africa has been on the agenda of the United Nations. During that time, the International Court of Justice has rendered three advisory opinions, each of which having been accepted by the United Nations General Assembly by the appropriate resolution. The basic opinion is that of the Uth of July, 1950; the others were delivered on the 7th of June, 1955 and the 1st of June, 1956, and deal with questions arising out of the fundamental principles laid down by the lth of July, 1950 opinion. The three opinions are summarized below: First Opinion The Court ruled that "South West Africa is a territory under the International Mandate assumed by the Union of South Africa on December 17, 1920."' In rejecting the Union's contention that the Mandate lapsed with the dissolution of the League, the Court pointed out: "The Mandate was created in the interest of the inhabitants of the territory, and of humanity in general, as an international institution with an international object - a sacred trust of civilisation. '' The Court held the territory had an international status, and pointed out that "if the Mandate lapsed, as the Union Government contends, the latter's authority would equally have lapsed." The Court also affirmed the Union's international obligations under Article 22 of the Government of the League of Nations and under the Mandate, including the duty to render annual reports and to transmit petitions from inhabitants of the Territory, and confirm as well the power of the United Nations to exercise supervisory functions and to receive the annual reports and petitions. The Court stated that "it cannot be admitted that the obligation to submit to supervision has disappeared merely because the supervisory organ has ceased to exist, when the United Nations has another international organ performing simi, 13 Petition of Chief Kosea Kutako submitted to the United Nations in 1947. lar, that Inte: ,h not identical, supervisory functions." The Court further held iternational Court of Justice replaced the Permanent Court of nal Justice in adjudging disputes in accordance with Article 7 ndate and Article 37 of the Statute of the Court. However, the d that the Union was not bound to place the Territory under the tions Trusteeship System. (Six Judges of the Court dissented from this conclusion.) Finally, the Court held that the Union acting alone lacked the competence to modify the international status of the Territory, saying that "the competence to determine and modify the international status of the Territory rests with the Union of South Africa acting with the consent of the United Nations." Second Opinion The Court was requested by the Ninth General Assembly for an advisory opinion concerning a rule of voting procedure adopted by the Assembly at that session. The rule provided that questions relating to reports and petitions concerning South West Africa are "important" questions within the meaning of Article 18, paragraphZ, of the United Nations Charter and therefore required a two-thirds majority vote. On June 7, 1955, the court affirmed the validity of the rule, holding that the Assembly had correctly interpreted the Court's ruling of 1th July, 1950. Third Opinon During its 10th session, the General Assembly on 3rd December, 1955, requested an advisory opira on the question whether it was consistent with the Court's opinion on l1th July, 1950, for the UN Committee of South West Africa to "grant oral hearings to petitioners on matters relating to the Territory of South West Africa." The Court ruled on 1st June, 1956, that it would not be inconsistent with its earlier opinion for the General Assembly to authorise a procedure for the granting of oral hearings by the Committee on South West Africa to petitioners who had previously submitted written petitions. The Courts conclusion proceeded from the fact that "the general purport and meaning of the opinion of the Court of 1th July, 1950, is that the paramount purpose underlying the taking over by the General Assemly of the UN of the supervisory functions in respect of the Mandate for South West Africa formerly exercised by the Council of the League of Nations was to safeguard the sacred trust of civilisation through the maintenance of effective international supervision of the administration of the Mandated Territory." Since the Union Government failed to cooperate with the Committee, the Assembly considered it necessary to authorise the Committee to grant oral hearings to petitioners. The Assembly's right to exercise the effective supervision of administration of the Territory entitled it to authorise the Committee to grant oral hearings, if the Assembly "was satisfied that such a course was necessary for the maintenance"' of such supervision. In 1953, a special committee, known as the Committee on South West Africa, was established by the United Nations to study the situation in South West Africa in the way of exanining petitions and reports sent to the United Nations and of transmitting to the General Assembly a report concerning conditions in the Territory, as well as negotiating with the Union Government in order to implement fully the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of July l1, 1958, regarding the question of South West Africa. Since its inception. the Committee his submitted eight reports to the General Assembly. In 1957, the Committee on South West Africa was asked to examine possible steps which members of the United Nations, either acting individually or collectively, could take to ensure South Africa's fulfilment of the Mandate. The Committee suggested two possible courses of action:. invoking the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court, which, in the opinion of the Court, South Africa, in terms of the Mandates System, is obliged to accept, or taking direct measures against South Africa. The Committee on South West Africa did not specify the forms of action that should be taken. The legal battle against South Africa, however, entered a new phase on 4th November, 1960, when the Government of Liberia, acting on the recommentdation of the Second Conference of Independent African States, held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in June 1960, applied to the International Court of Justice for an adjudication in a contentious proceeding the international obligations of the Union of South Africa concerning the Territory of South West Africa. The matters in dispute are summarized as follows: The subject of the dispute concerned is the continued existence of the Mandate of South West Africa and the duties and performance of the Union, as Mandatory, thereunder. Liberia insists that the Mandate is still in force; that the Union still continues to have duties thereunder; that the United Nations is the proper supervisory organ to which annual reports and a petition should be submitted by the Union, and whose consent is a legal pre-requisite and condition precedent to modification of the terms of the Mandate; and that the Union has violated and is violating Article 3Z of the Covenant of the League of Nations and Articles Z, 4, 6 and 7 of the Mandate. The Union disputes and has disputed the above contentions and such dispute has not been, and cannot be, settled by negotiation. In placing the dispute before the International Court of Justice for an adjudication in a contentious proceeding, the Government of Liberia, as one of the signatures of the League of Nations is$ in fact, invoking a binding judge- ment of the International Court on the parties concerned, i.e. the Government of Liberia and the South African Government. The South African Government has agreed to the adjudication and technically is committed to accepting the jurisdiction of the International Court. Apart from the question of whether or not South Africa would actually accept the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice, the extent of political subterfuge which the South African Government has resorted to in order to retain its control over South West Africa, and to deprive it of the international status which it has, prompts the question of whether or not the South African Government might resort to delaying tactics to prevent an early judgment on the question and to continue its political oppression and economic exploitation of the Africans in South West Africa. While a decision is awaited from the InternationalCourt of Justice, the United Nations Trusteeship Committee has by an overwhelming vote called for general elections to be held in South West Africa leading to the independence of the Territory. This recommendation follows on the heel of a recommendation made by the Committee on South West Africa in October 1961, to the effect that South Africa's mandate over South West Africa should be immediately terminated and the South African regime in South West Africa should be replaced with a direct or indirect United Nations administration. The present recommendation calls for a special seven-man mission to visit South West Africa by 1st May, with the task of achieving the following objectives in consultation with South Africa: a) Evacuation of all South African military forces with the exception of the civilian; b) release of a 11 political prisoners without the distinction of party or race; c) repeal of all laws maintaining apartheid, or racial segregation; d) preparation of general elections to the Legislative Assembly, to be held as soon as possible under United Nations control; e) guidance for the Government on preparing the Territory for full independence after the elections have been held. The resolution also urged South Africa to allow African exiles to return to South Africa without fear of detention or imprisonment. The need for recourse to immediate action at this jurture seems justified when it is considered that "short of compulsive measures within the purview of the Charter, the situation in South West Africa in the present circumstances cannot be solved in a manner that willprotect the lives of the inhabitants of the Mandated Territory and ensure the maintenance of international peace and security in Africa." The question now is whether South Africa will cooperate with the United Nations in ensuring a peaceful transition of South West Africa to full independence or will choose to incur the compulsory measures within the purview of the Charter. Article 41 of the Charter authorizes the Security Council to apply sanctions, the boycott and ostracian, to enforce its decisions. If these measures are insufficient, Article 42 authorizes the use of armed force. Political Conditions The administration of South West Africa by the Union Government is based on the policy of compulsory segregation. The rigid enforcement of this apartheid policy has in practice resulted in an increasing inequality of rights in all phases of life among the races. The right to vote is the exclusive monopoly of the "Europeans", and the Africans cannot participate at the political level of the government, including the Administrator, the Legislative Assembly and the Executive Committee, although they constitute overwhelmingly the larger part of the total population of the Territory. Under this policy of apartheid, the welfare and interest of the Africans are completely subordinated to the policy of "white supremacy." Apart from the administration of its internal fiscal arrangements, the Territory, in other respects, is to all intents and purposes a part of the Union. The Union Government exercises control over railways and harbours, defence, aviation, customs and excise, the integrated public service, immigration, currency, control over banking institutions, import control, price control, the police and the administration of Africans. Legislative authority over a territory is vested in the Union Parlianent, the territorial legislative assembly, the Governor General of the Union, the Administrator of the Territory, and the Union M nister of Bantu Administration and Development. Administrative authority is vested variously in the territorial Executive Committee elected by the Legislative Assembly, on which the Administrator serves as chairman, and the Governor General, the Union Minister of Bantu Administration and Development, the Administrator and other agents of the Union Government. Union Government policy applies in almost all respects to South West Africa as much as to the Union itself. In accordance with the Union Government's policy of apartheid in urban areas, the Union Governxrent is attempting to move the Africans in the native reserves in the urban areas to places on the outskirts of to wn; it was in the course of forcibly removing the Africans from their location in Windhoek to another on the outskirts of the town in December. 1960, that eleven Africans were killed and 46 injured when police fired on demonstrators. Africans are required to carry "reference books" or "passes" as Union Africans, though the provision of the "" differ to some extent between South Africa and South West Africa. The oppressive nature of the "pass laws" is well known, and it is sufficient here to mention a few pertinent facts. An African must have a pass in his possession at all times. It is an offence if an African leaves his pass in his coat which is six feet away from him. If an African cannot produce his pass on demand by the police, he will be convicted; and even if he tells the police the pass is in his coat which is beyond six feet away from from hin, he will be arrested and convicted and fined from L 3 to L 6 or sentenced to 14 days to one rmonth's imprisonment. The general effect of these laws is that Africans have no automatic right to work or reside anywhere in a territory - a permit is required even for residence in the native reserves and there is no freedom of movement from one part of the country to another. Even from their native resexves, Africans are subject to sunxnary banishment without trial. Africans are excluded from participation or even any semblance of participation in the Government of the established local units within the Territory the nmnicipalities and the nmanagement board areas. The sole slight approximation of any kind of participation is to be found in the limited advisory role of the Native Advisory Boards with respect to the locations, native and native hostels, and even this n-Inimal control is carried out under the firm control of the Administration. Despite the difficulties presented by the pass system in force in the Territory, the Africans have organized themselves into political groups to fight for their freedom and national independence. Of the nationalist movements working in South West Africa, there are two which are most significant - namely the South West African Peoples Organization (SWAPO), and the South West African National Union (SWANU). The South West African Peoples Organizatiom first known as the Ovanbonland Peoples Organization, is under the presidency of Sam Nujoma. The South West African National Union is under the presidency of Jariretundu Komonguizi. Both organizations have the aim of removing all racial discrimination in South West Africa, placing the territory under direct trusteeship of the United Nations and the ultimate independence of the territory. Both organizations are open to all South West Africans irrespective of race, colour or creed. Social Conditions Contrary to the duty which it has assumed as Mandatory of South West Africa, which is to safeguard and promote the material and moral well-being, the social progress and the development of the people of the Territory, the Union Government has created a variety of situations, in which the overwhelming majority of the population are progressively being excluded from participation in the expanding possibilities of the industrial and agricultural economy of the Territory; are subject to unwarranted restrictions regarding their place of study, place of abode and place of work; are subject to arbitrary arrests often without any warrant; are subject to banishment without trial; are denied most of the social benefits available in the Territory; and are forced to accept an education which Is qualitatively inferior to that provided for the "Europeans" who form a small minority of the population.

No opportunity exists for the training of the "Non-European" inhabitants and by law, administration, regulation and practice the Africans are not allowed to advance to positions where they might threaten the jobs of "Europeans." Under the Job Reservation Act they may by law also be dismissed from employment in favour of Europeans. The most recent information available on salary rates in the Territory show large discrepancies between the wages paid to "Europeans" and to "NonEuropeans" employed in the same profession. A good example is found in the teaching profession. For European teachers in African schools, the salaries range from L435 for men (L390 for women) to L1, 000 for men (L870 for women) per annum. By contrast, the maximum salary available to the NonEuropean teachers is L230 for men and L198 for women per annum. In the field of public health, the Union Government provides hospital facilities within the "Police Zone" and subsidizes the limited facilities available outside the "Police Zone" which are, for the most part, provided by the religious missions. The limited facilities provided outside the "Police Zone" and within the Native Reserves are, however, very inadequate and patients from these places often have to travel hundreds of miles by motor lorries to the nearest hospital in the "Police Zone. t Even serious patients are not exempted from the pass laws and have to obtain passes if they want to obtain facilities in the hospitals in the "Police Zone." Under the Native Administration Proclamation of 192Z, which has been officially described as the principal pass law, no person other than a "European" is allowed to enter the "Police Zone" and no employer is allowed to bring an African into the "Police Zone" as an employee without a permit. In practice, only male Africans are normally allowed into the "Police Zonev' the majority of them being the recruited labourers, By regulation, African women are not allowed to leave the Reserves. Recruited malesmust, while in the police zone, carry an identification pass and must return to their homes on expiration of their contracts. Within the urban areas, Africans must be in employment or possess a permit to seek work or have a visitor's permit or have a licence to work as a casual labourer. Africans with permits to seek work who do not find employment within a specified period must normally leave the area. All Africans in urban areas, except those in domestic service must live in Native Locations and "European" owners or occupiers of land within five miles of the urban boundary may not allow Africans to reside or congregate on their land. If the number of Africans in a given should exceed the reasonable labour requirements, the surplus Africans, including permanent residents of the area, tray be forced to leave. Even within the Native Reserves, Africans require permission to change their residence or to gather in public assembly whenever ordered to do so by an authorised person. No African may be in any public place within the municipal area between specified hours usually between 9.00 p.m. and 4.00 a.m.

Educational Conditions The system of education in the territory of South West Africa is established and controlled in accordance with the terms of the Education Proclamation 19Z6, as from time to time amended. Under the proclamation, the "general control, supervision and direction of education" is vested in the Administrator. The Administrator carries out his functions with respect to education in the Territory through a Department of Education. The Director of the Department is appoinited by and subject to the direction and control of the Administrator. In accordance with the generally prevailing doctrine of "apartheid," the educational system of the territory is organized in three separate divisions; separate schools are maintained for "Europeans," Africans and "Coloured" persons. In May, 1958, the Administrator constituted a Commission of Inquiry into Non-European Education. The report of the Commission became available during 1959. The Commission suggested, inter alia, that consideration should be given to the transfer of African education in the Territory to the Department of Bantu Education of the Union of South Africa, such a transfer being envisaged after the introduction of the Bantu educational system in the Territory under a separate branch of the Territorial Department of Education. The Commission also favoured an eventual transfer of "Coloured" education to the Union of South Africa Department of Coloured Affairs. In early 1960, Bantu education was introduced into two secondary schools for Africans in South West Africa - Augustineam and Doebra. This was to have been followed by the introduction of Bantu education in all African schools in South- West Africa in January 1961. However, owing to strong opposition from the Africans, this plan was put off until 1962. Nevertheless, the intention remains and the building of a separate school for the Ovambos at Katutura would seem to suggest that the Administration would go to any length in order to implement the system of Bantu education in the African schools in South West Africa. Primary and Secondary Education The minimum education required for "European" children within the Territory involves compulsory attendance until the age of 16 and completion of "Standard VIII," meaning completion of the tenth school year. The schools for "European" children offer courses of instruction similar in scope and content to those given for children in the same age groups in the , United States and the continental countries of Western Europe. By contrast, education for Africans and "Coloured" children is not compulsory. Although segments of the African and "Coloured" population have requested compulsory education, the Administration has adhered to the view that the African and "Coloured" population is not ready for such a step. The schools for "Non-Europeans" fall into three groups: Government schools, missionary schools accorded recognized status, and mission schools which do not have "recognized" status. In the case of "recognized" mission schools, the Territorial Government pays the salaries of the teachers, provides the equipment and assists in the maintenance of the school buildings and the provision of books and papers. The Government Schools and the "recognized" mission schools provide a course of instruction for "Non-European" children up to and including "Standard VI, " representing the completion of the eighth school year. The instruction actually reaches "Standard VI, 11 however, only when there are sufficient pupils to make the addition of classes and teachers appear justifiable to the Territorial Administration. Opportunity for education beyond "Standard VPI for Africans and "Coloured" people is almost negligible. As of 1959, out of a total estimated "European" population of 69, 000, there were approximately 15, 523 pupils going to school. On the othe r hand, the number of African children attending school was estimated at 32, 624 out of a total African population of 464, 000. In terms of percentages, this represents a school attendance by "European" children constituting approximately 22% of the total "European" population, and school attendance by African children representing 70 of the total African population. The school system for "European" children includes not only the infant school, and the elementary school, but also complete education at the high school level, i.e. through "Standard X, " representing the completion of the twelfth school year. For "Non-European" children, however, there are only two high schools in the entire Territory, one for African children at Augustineum and the other for "Coloured" children at Doebra. Vocational Training There appears to be only one institution above the level of the high school in the entire Territory of South West Africa. This is the Neudam Agricultural College, which provides a two year course, solely for "Europeans. "1 "Natives" may be trained as teachers at two teacher training schools within the Territory. One, the Augustineum, is maintained by the Territorial Government at Okahandja; and the other is a Roman Catholic School at Doebra. In the 1958 report of the Territorial Commission of Inquiry into "NonEuropean" Education, it was stated that the Territorial Government intended to start training programmes for male and female at the Government Hospital at Windhoek. In the budget speech of the Administrator for 1960, the Administrator stated that training courses for "European" nurses had definitely been introduced, and that for this purpose the State-aided hospital in Windhoek had been taken over as a state hospital. However, despite the statement in the 1958 report of the Commission of Inquiry, there appears to be no facilities within the Territory for the training of "Non-European" nurses.

1igher Education No facilities exist within the Territory for higher education, The territorial administration has established a policy of extending financial assistance, in the form of bursaries, to needy and deserving students to enable them to pursue their higher education in the Union. Those bursaries may be in the form of loans, or in the form of free grants and are normally granted for advanced training in teaching, agriculture, geology and civil engineering. In the year 1953 a54, and again in the year 1954-55, 36 students received such bursaries for study in the Union. While the evidence is not clear, there do not appear to have been any "Non-European" recipients of the bursaries. At the beginning of 1953, Berthold Himurnuine, a young Herero, was notified by the African Protectorate Trust that a scholarship was being provided for him to study in the United Kingdom. Berthold was one of the few who had passed the matriculation examination, having taken a correspondence course. After successfully taking his matriculation examinations, Berthold became a teacher at St. Barnabas Mission School in Windhoek location, and in 1951 was made headmaster of the school. He taught children in the morning and adults in the evening and was also trying to obtain his Bachelor of Arts Degree by correspondence course at the time when he was offered the scholarship. On 23rd January, 1953, the Director of the Department of Education of Oxford University wrote to him saying that a place had been found for him and that the necessary financial support had been secured. Berthold was urged to arrive at Oxford at the end of April of that year. Having received the good news, Berthold proceeded to apply for a passport, but despite repeated attempts to get a firm reply, he was not told until 4th May that his application for a passport had been refused. No reason was given for this refusal. In order to circumvent the issue, the Secretary of South West Africa was quoted in the local press as saying that the granting of passports rested with the Union Government, while the Minister of the Interior had also been quoted as saying that he knew nothing about the application. Representations were made from Oxford University to the South African High Commissioner in London in July, and not until 12th November was a firm reply received which simply reaffirmed that South African Government's decision to refuse a passport to Berthold Himumuine. No-reason was given for the refusal. Although the Chief of the Herero people, Hosea Kutako, had recommended Berthold highly and Oxford University felt that Berthold was qualified enough to receive a scholarship, the Union Government had seen it fit to refuse a passport to Berthold and to deny him the opportunity of taking up further studies in the United Kingdom. In the summer of 1959, another South West African student by the name of Hans Beukes, who was going to take up further studies in Norway almost suffered the same fate. Hans Beukes was studying at the University of Cape Town, one of the topen" universities that was soon to be closed, when he was offered a scholarship by the National Union of Students of Norway to study in

Norway. Hans was granted a passport by the South African Government and the Norwegian students made ready to receive him. Then, as he arrived at the port city of for departure by ship to Norway, South African authorities stopped him, seized his passport and then officially withheld it from him. To justify this action, the Union Government used all sorts of excuses and even went so far as to accuse Hans Beukes of having engaged in "subversive activities." Despite the setback, Hans, however, was determined not to have his ambition thwarted by the arbitrary caprice of the Union Government. When three students of the United States, who had been touring in South Africa to obtain a first-hand impression of the "apartheid" problem in South Africa offered to transport him out of South Africa in the rear portion of their Volkswagon car, Hans agreed and together they drove across South African roads and finally crossed into the British Protectorate of Bechuanaland where Hans was safe and was able to continue on his journey to Norway. A less determined student than Hans would not have hazarded the method of departure which Hans used to get out of South Africa and would have again given the Union Government the satisfaction of perverted victory. Although the case of Hans was one success among many attempts, the courage and strength of his determination was an inspiration. Hans was not only able to take up his scholarship in Norway but was also able, through his dramatic escape from South Africa, to alert world opinion to the conditions in South West Africa. X. REFUGEES Dar es Salaam: Where Exiles Plan -And Wait HARVEY GLICKMAN Among the predictable corollariep of revolution is the proliferation of refugees and exiles. For the representatives and followers of the banned or exiled revolutionary parties of central and southern Africa, Dar es Salaam has become the political mecca of the 1960's. In increasing numbers they have come to set up modest offices and to plan what they firmly believe will be the final stage in the liberation of the continent from the domination of Europeans. There are four categories of these exiles: (1) About 120 professional and amateur politicos who have escaped their homelands to carry out specific activities on behalf of their respective political organizations in South Africa and those African territories still under colonial rule; (2) about 250 students (180 of them in Dar es Salaam) seeking education denied them at home, although the line separating students from amateur politicians sometimes shifts; (3) "post-revolutionary" refugees, mainly peasants, fleeing the violence that has accompanied a shift in power in Rwanda and a cultural assimilation program in Southern Sudant and (4) an estimated 100,000 migrant workers and settlers from , the vast majority of whom are not "political." With traditional African hospitality, and a sense of its historic role as the first independent state in East Africa, Tanganyika has somehow made room for them all. Although it does not have the resources of Africa's older centers of anti--such as Ghana and EgyptTanganyika's role in this revolutionary decade is rendered unique by its proximity to the areas where frustra. tion is greatest. Harvey Glickman, on leawn from his tochhg post at haverford College, is currently doing research for .e book on Tanganyika. From 1960-62, Profier Glickman edited Africa Report's book deportment.

Dar es Salaam is, first of all, the terminus of the "underground railway" created to ease the passage of escapees from South Africa, South West Africa, and Mozambique. Flight from territories to the South has become more difficult in recent months, due to greater cooperation between the immigration authorities in Bechu&naland and in the Federation, on one hand, and the South African police, on the other, and because the Portuguese are fortifying their frontier with Tanganyika. Moreover, it is not the present policy of any of the parties in central and southern Africa to sponsor political exiles at this time, except for students and handpicked professionals. Nonetheless, this city remains the goal of many Southern Rhodesians and South Africans, as it once was for many Africans from Northern Rhodesia. Indeed, some refugees come across Tanganyika's frontiers from these areas without necessarily obtaining the official seal of approval of their respective nationalist parties. As a result, the various political leaders may not always know the extent and character of their constituents. Besides these exiles from colonial Africa, Tanganyika has also sheltered 15,000 Rwandans, mostly Watutsi, who fled during the Bahutu uprisings in September 1961. Much less overtly, the Tanganyika Government has also harbored a handful of the estimated total of 200,000 Southern Sudanese who have become fugitives In protest against the measures undertaken by Khartoum since 1958 to Arabize the Christian-pagan south. Dar es Salaam is also the headquarters of the Pan African Freedom Movement for East, Central, and Southern Africa (PAFMECSA), the coordinating committee of the governments of seven independent states and the parties of 12 colonial territories which meet from time to time to discuss common problems and intra- African foreign policies. Indeed, PAFMECSA is described as "the brain-child of Julius Nyerere," and the organization's Acting Secretary for its first three years was I. M. Bhoke Munanka, Financial Secretary of TANU and now Parliamentary Secretary to Tanganyika's VicePresident Rashidi Kawawa. PAFMECSA's headquarters are a rambling old German mansion, appropriately facing Independence Avenue. The political offices-In-exile in Dar es Salaam receive some help from PAFMECSA's Freedom Fund, dis" pensed by the present Secretary Genergl, Mblyu Koinange (one of the "grand old men" of Kenya nation. alism). The money is not spent pro. miscuously and several of the party representatives complain that PAFMECSA supplies them with little more than mimeograph paper and time to use the mimeograph machine. The last sizeable disbursement of the Freedom Fund went to the joint election campaign of UNIP and the African National Congress of Northern Rhodesia. Statistics Are Unreliable Maintenance of a central register of refugees attached to party offices in Tanganyika is also a responsibility of PAFMECSA headquarters, but the party representatives do not supply sufficient particulars to make it useful. The "master" register of political refugees is in the Tanganyika Government's Home Office. It is compiled from police reports on incoming persons at border posts. The Tanganyika governing party, TANU, supposedly maintains its own independent register of political refugees, but it does not include Rwandan refugees scheduled for resettlement. Resettlement affairs are handled by a special assistant in the Vice-President's Office. Since the Tanganyika borders are difficult to seal-on either side--none of the lists reflect the precise number of refugees in Tanganyika at any one moment. How They Survive Where the role of the Tanganyika Government has been crucial is in facilitating the sheer survival of refugees. About half the Rwandans have been wholly maintained by the government at two camps near the Rwanda border, while most of the remainder have been permitted to "squat" nearby; a few have come to a refugee camp in Dar. The Tanganyikan Government has already spent over $200,000 in caring for the Rwandans, but several international agencies--the UN Association, the League of Red Cross Societies, the World Council of Churches, and the UN High Commission for Refugees--have now responded to the government's plea for help in carrying this burden. The Rwandans are kept alive largely by surplus American grain and what they can grow themselves. The UNHCR has taken up the problem of resettlement. Ban&fide refugees-political exiles and students denied education at home--are eligible for a government allowance of $2.94 a week. If they stay at the government-operated Mgulani camp in Dar es Salaam, they receive free room as well. The Mozambiquans maintain their own camp near the border. Upkeep of Mgulani, which houses about 100 persons, costs the government some $14,000 a year, of which Oxford Famine Relief has contributed $4,200. Other refugees live in and around the city, sometimes four and five to a room. Eighty-three Southern Rhodesans and 75 South Africans form the largest refugee groups In Dar. A small number find jobs, but for most of them Dar es Salaam is the clear- Ing house for scholarships to the United States, the UAR, Lebanon, , Norway, West Germany, Poland, Yugoslavia, the USSR, Czechoslovakia, Communist China, Ghana, Nigeria, Uganda, Ethiopia, Liberia, and Bulgaria. The last-named three countries were recently linked in a curious episode. Four Southern Rhodesians, one Northern Rhodesian, and three South Africans arrived in Liberia to begin studies. After expressing dissatisfaction with the conditions they found, they departed before their work began. On their way back to Dar via Ethiopia, the Southern Rhodesians, apprehensive of ZAPU castigation, decided to accept scholarships to Bulgaria. (Addis Ababa is now a major entrepot for Africans desiring an education in Soviet Bloc countries.) The incident should not be taken as indicative of a special preference for Communist education, but it does illustrate the strong preference that most refugees have for studying outside Africa. Some of this demand is met by scholarships provided by the US State Department, about 45 a year to Lincoln University in Pennsylvania. Finding scholarships for the refugees is complicated by the fact that most of them arrive in Tanganyika without the necessary preparation to pursue full-time studies elsewhere. To train students in the English language, history, and mathematics, a center has been set up within walking distance of Mgulani. Under the sponsorship of the African-American Institute, this Special Training Center is currently operated by three Harvard students who have come to Dar under Harvard's "Project Tanganyika" and a VISA volunteer from the American Friends Service Committee. A headmaster, paid by the AfricanAmerican Institute, has just arrived. Other Educational Assistance To facilitate the education of refugees, the Tanganyika Government provides those selected for scholarships with travel documents and well even permit them to become Tanganyika citizens. The only restrictions are that refugees must remain in the good graces of their political leadership in Dar and that they refrain from public statements. Political leaders are supposed to release statements to the press only after they have been checked by the Tanganyika Information Service, but this rule is not always followed in practice. Finally, Radio Tanganyika furthers the liberation movement by broadcasting regularly to Southern Rhodesia in English and in indigenous languages, using several ZAPU supporters in Dar as commentators. Salisbury newspapers regard these broadcasts as significant influences on the local political scene. Certainly the pre-election broadcasts from

T iganyika to N'orthern Rhodesia and Nyasaland during 1962 had a wide listening audience. How Much Favoritism? In general, Lhe Tanganyika Government plays no favorites in its treatment of rival parties represented in the capital, or in caring for the needs of their followers. TANU has sent money to both the African National Congress and the PanAfricanist Congress in South Africa. Similarly, it shows no preference between the South West African Peoples' Organization and the South West African National Union. All parties are helped to find similar office quarters; indeed the furniture and the wall partitions, where they exist, are identical. On the other hand, TANU has not been averse to influencing the course of decolonization, in instances where one party appears more compatible with the aims and character of TANU than another. Thus, TANU has lent speakers to the AfroShirai Party in Zanzibar and has given moral support and, it is rum. ored, Land Rovers to KANU in Kenya. In 1961, TANU openly supported the formation of the Mozambique African National Union from among several hundred of the thousands of Mozambiquans in Tanganyika, and the September 1962 union of MANU with two other Mozambique parties to found FRELIMO had the blessing of TANU. FRELIMO's President Ed uardo Mondlane now lives in Dar and has his main office here. TANU sided with the deposed Mwami of Rwanda, and the government permits a number of retainers, relatives, and friends of the Mwami to live in Dar es Salaam. The life and activities of the refugee. In Dar are, of course, influenced by political events at home. The.supporters of Kenneth Kaunda's United National Independence Party are no longer exiles, and the director of the Dar office states that there 'are no imore refugees as such from Northern Rhodesia in Tanganyika. About 600 Northern Rhodesians remain, however, organized in eight branches and two sub-branches all over the coun try; there are six Northern Rhodesian students at the refugee training conter. UNIP operates an efficient publicity center, and UNIP representative Robert Makasa (recently replaced) has served as chairman of the Affiliates Committee and Refugee The activities of Southern Rhodesia's Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), aside from publicity, are less clear. Every week for the past several months there have been rumors that ZAPU President Joshua Nkomo would shortly establish a "Zimbabwe" government-in-exile, but this has not yet happened despite the fact that there appear to be no more than one or two officers of ZAPU left in Southern Rhodesia at this writing. FRELIMO Bustles The FRELIMO office, on the other hand, bustles with enthusiasm. VicePresident Reverend Uria Simango claims 9,000 p~rty . , ik ,(Vetr 50 branches, inside and outside Mozambique. A "crash program" of scholarships for refugees assumes highest priority at present. FRF LIMO receives no funds from the Tanganyika Government for its work, and Dr. Mondlane has been seeking aid in the United States. Although information on conditions in Mozambitlue flows regularly into the office with the tide of refu. gees, the Portuguese Secret Police have reportedly limited the success of FRELIMO's efforts to smuggle trained agitators back into Mozambique. Nonetheless, Dr. Mondlane seems convinced that open rebellion will break out in Mozambique within the year. South Africans Await Violence The two South African nationalist party offices in Dar, although formally separated after the dissolution of the South African United Front in January 1962, remain linked in an informal way. The PAC representative, Guar Hadebe, is the uncle of the ANC representative, James Hadebe. Their political communication is, however, confined to PAFMECSA meetings. Neither now receives financial aid from the Tanganyika Government, though the ANC office carries on an information program with funds from South Africa. The last large donation to PAC in Dar came from an American trade union official in 1961; today the office and the representative exist on a day-to-day basis. Although PAC and ANC do not cooperate, they are agreed that the violent stage of South African politics is immediately ahead and that most hands are needed at home. While it is the policy of both parties to discourage their followers from leaving South Africa, their repreentatives do seek scholarships for a small number of selected students. There have been as many as 100 ANC supporters in Dar at one time, but usually less than a dozen from PAC. South Western Mark Time The offices of the two South West African parties occupy the same building, next to a hairdresser. It is difficult to discover any differences in their programs or objectives, at least as put forth in Dar es Salaam, and the chief divisive seems to be a tribal one. SWANU is dominated by Herero, SWAPO is Ovambo. The SWANU office in Dar remains in its formative stages, involving only six people including the family of the national organizer, Nathaniel Mbwaea SWANU has sent several students to the Special Training Center, although Mbwaea himself learned English at a private "tutorial college" after coming to Dar in 1961. Recently Mbwaea received one of the neu~y- riatd UTN hoLrz-kups for South West Africans. With another SWANU man, he will begin work soon at Lincoln University. But SWANU still publishes no bulletins and asks for no money from PAPMECSA. SWAPO, on the other hand, receives $5 a month from PAPMECSA to run its office, and distributes sev. eral leaflets (to other party offices as well as to outsiders) published originally in Cairo. About So SWAPO adherents are in Dar at present, most of them in school. Plans for the Future Of all the parties, only FRELIMO and SWAPO seem to use their offices as actual centers for agitation, "plotting," and "mobilization." The ZAPU office may eventually house a government-in-exile, but the strategic center of ZAPU seems to travel with President Nkomo. When he is in Dar, it is in one or two private apartments. With the break-up of the Federation and the establishment of an African government in Northern Rhodesia, ZAPU might find it more convenient to centralize its foreign operations in Lusaka. Indeed, PAPMECSA's Koinange speculated that the new National Liberation Bureau, authorized by the Charter of the Organization of African Unity, which emerged from the Addis Ababa summit conference, might be moved from Dar to Northern Rhodesia after that territory attains its independence, "so as to be nearer the theatre of war." The point remains, however, that the Addis Ababa conference decided to locate the Liberation Bureau and the Coordinating Committee of the Bureau in Dar es Salaam. The Secretariat will be administered by Sebastian Chale, formerly Tanganyika's United Nations representative. Five African countries are committed 'to donating an initial $2,800,000 to be dispensed by the Committee. Representatives of the nine member states of. the Committee -Algeria, CongoLeopoldville, Ethiopia, Guinea, Nigeria, Senegal, Uganda, Egypt, and Tanganyika-were scheduled to meet in Dar in late June or July. Events move quickly in Africa. But for the present, Dar es Salaam remains the nerve center for southern Africa. It may soon be the staging ground for a unified African libera. tion movement.

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