The Politics of a Broken Promise: Risk Shifting Reforms in Bismarckian Pension Policies

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Politics of a Broken Promise: Risk Shifting Reforms in Bismarckian Pension Policies The Politics of a Broken Promise: Risk shifting Reforms in Bismarckian Pension Policies Furio Stamati Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Florence, 21 January 2015 (defence) European University Institute Department of Political and Social Sciences The Politics of a Broken Promise: Risk shifting Reforms in Bismarckian Pension Policies Furio Stamati Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Examining Board Professor Sven Steinmo, EUI (Supervisor) Professor Alexander H. Trechsel, EUI Professor David Natali, University of Bologna Professor Kent Weaver, Georgetown University © Furio Stamati, 2015 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author Abstract This thesis deals with a broken promise: namely, a broken pension promise. Looking at Italy and Germany in particular, it tells a story that is fairly common to retirement systems across the OECD. Over the last forty years, pension institutions have been facing major economic and demo- graphic challenges. This ‘affordability crisis’ has slowly eroded the confidence of large segments of the population in the old pension contract, while paving the way for the anti-welfare rhetoric and in- itiatives of more than a conservative policy entrepreneur. Cost containment reforms took root and clamped down on pension spending and, what is more, on public responsibility for individual wel- fare after quiescence. As a result, pension income is lower and riskier now than was expected when today’s pensioners entered the labour market. Most notably, it will be even more meagre and uncer- tain for tomorrow’s retirees. By comparing the Italian and German reform patterns, this thesis sug- gests that answering the puzzle requires focusing on two sets of interrelated transformations: the prominence of so-called ‘systemic risks’ and the changing ways of political representation. Risks hereby defined as ‘systemic’first emerged in Western political economies in the 1970s, only to turn into a recurring malaise during the following decades (Streeck 2011). Unlike the risks central to the post-war welfare state model, they far outreach the individual level, being borne by the community or by society as a whole. Furthermore, those risks proved somehow resilient to tra- ditional means of public intervention and management. Systemic risks, in sum, have originated a distinctive combination of functional and political effects, ultimately providing a functional as well as a political rationale to risk shifting reforms. Again, since the 1970s political representation has also changed. On the one side, the traditional mass party model has been replaced by new organisa- tional forms, while new parties and party families have emerged, activating novel issues and cleav- ages. On the other side, industrial representation in the corporate arena changed as well, becoming less organised all over the industrialised world. Systemic risks, then, have further influenced trans- formations in both the electoral and the corporate arenas, further eroding the political consensus for expanding social responsibility and socialising risks. It was, in other words, the co-evolution of problems and politics (to put it in Kingdon’s terms) to lead popular and strongly institutionalised pension systems to challenge the basic tenets of their pension promises, although this common story played out very differently across different countries as a result of the action of national institutional filters (policy legacies and the functioning of the electoral and corporate arenas). i ii To my Family iii iv Contents Abstract..........................................................................................................................................i List of Figures.............................................................................................................................vii List of Tables................................................................................................................................ix Acknowledgements.......................................................................................................................xi 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 1 1.1 The dependent variable .................................................................................................. 3 1.2 Argument of the thesis ................................................................................................... 6 1.3 Structure of the thesis ................................................................................................... 11 2. Pension Policies and the Issue of Retirement Risks ................................................................. 13 Introduction ............................................................................................................................. 13 2.1 Pension policies and indicators across the OECD ....................................................... 16 2.2 How do you recognize a risk shift when you see one? ................................................ 27 2.3 ‘Measures’ of public responsibility: volatility or acceptability? ................................. 39 2.4 ‘Tweaking’ the qualitative framework: the case of Bismarckian pension policies ..... 49 Concluding remarks ................................................................................................................ 54 3. Italy and Germany: the reform process and the risk shift ......................................................... 55 Introduction ............................................................................................................................. 55 3.1 Italy: the breakdown of risk pooling ............................................................................ 56 3.2 Germany: spreading losses, spreading risks ................................................................ 71 4. Understanding the Politics of the Broken Promise ................................................................. 103 Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 103 4.1 Italy: chronicle of an announced self-defeat .............................................................. 104 4.2 Germany: Middle-class politics 2.0 ........................................................................... 139 5. Conclusions ............................................................................................................................ 149 5.1 Two logics of pension reform .................................................................................... 149 5.2 The Politics of Risk Shifting Reforms ....................................................................... 153 References ........................................................................................................................................ 163 v vi List of Figures Figure 1.1 – The pattern of (risk-shifting) pension reforms .............................................................. 11 Figure 2.1 – Recent Evolution of Public Pension Spending in Selected OECD countries ................ 16 Figure 2.2 – Replacement Rates by Pension Pillar ............................................................................ 17 Figure 2.3 – Coverage of Minimum and Targeted Provisions in Selected OECD Countries (late 2000s) ..................................................................................................................................... 18 Figure 2.4 – Composition of Elderly (65+) Income........................................................................... 20 Figure 2.5 – Net Total Replacement Rates across the Earnings Distribution .................................... 21 Figure 2.6 – Poverty Rates among the Elderly, the very Elderly and Total Population .................... 21 Figure 2.7 – How Pensions Have Grown to their 2006 Value ........................................................... 22 Figure 2.8 – Decreasing Old-age Support Ratio (Inactive 65+/Working age POP) .......................... 23 Figure 2.9 – A Reward-reducing Reform: Increasing Retirement Ages ............................................ 24 Figure 2.10 – The New DB-DC Pension Mix in Selected OECD Countries in 2011 (Assets) ......... 25 Figure 2.11 – The New DB-DC Pension Mix in Selected OECD Countries in 2011 (Firms) .......... 26 Figure 3.1 – Projected Replacement Rates during the Pension Transition ........................................ 68 Figure 3.2 - Pension Spending Forecasts in Germany ....................................................................... 93 Figure 3.3 – Demographic risk shift in selected OECD countries ..................................................... 95 Figure 3.4 – Employees enrolled in occupational pensions, by scheme type .................................... 97 Figure 3.5 – Employees (Mio) enrolled in non-public pensions, by scheme type ............................. 97 Figure 3.6 – Who pays for occupational benefits, in percentage of private firms (2001-07) ............ 98 Figure 4.1 – Italy: Main Macroeconomic Trends 1970-1990 .......................................................... 117 Figure
Recommended publications
  • World History Week 3 Take Home Packet
    Local District South Students: We hope that you are adjusting to the difficult situation we all find ourselves in and that you are taking time to rest, care for yourself and those you love, and do something everyday to lift your spirits. We want you to know that you are missed and that we have been working hard to develop ways to support you. We want to stay connected with you and provide you with opportunities to learn while you are at home. We hope that you find these activities interesting and that they provide you with something to look forward to over the course of the next week. Stay home; stay healthy; stay safe. We cannot wait until we see you again. Sincerely, The Local District South Instructional Team and your school family World History Week 3 Take Home Packet Student Name_________________________________________________________________________ School________________________________________ Teacher_______________________________ Students: Each of the Social Science Learning Opportunities Packet was developed based on a portion of the standards framework. The mini-unit you will be working on this week, is based on these questions from the framework: ● What was totalitarianism, and how was it implemented in similar and different ways in Japan, Germany, Italy, and the Soviet Union? We encourage you to engage in the Extended Learning Opportunity if you are able. Over the course of the next week, please do the activities listed for each day. Week 3, Day 1 1. Read, “Life in a Totalitarian Country” and annotate using the annotation bookmark. 2. Answer the quiz questions. 3. Write a response to this prompt:Observe: How does the text describe the relationship between fear and totalitarian governments? Week 3, Day 2 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
    The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right.
    [Show full text]
  • The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: a Profile
    University of Windsor Scholarship at UWindsor Electronic Theses and Dissertations Theses, Dissertations, and Major Papers 1-1-1966 The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: A profile. Aldo U. Marchini University of Windsor Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd Recommended Citation Marchini, Aldo U., "The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: A profile." (1966). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 6438. https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd/6438 This online database contains the full-text of PhD dissertations and Masters’ theses of University of Windsor students from 1954 forward. These documents are made available for personal study and research purposes only, in accordance with the Canadian Copyright Act and the Creative Commons license—CC BY-NC-ND (Attribution, Non-Commercial, No Derivative Works). Under this license, works must always be attributed to the copyright holder (original author), cannot be used for any commercial purposes, and may not be altered. Any other use would require the permission of the copyright holder. Students may inquire about withdrawing their dissertation and/or thesis from this database. For additional inquiries, please contact the repository administrator via email ([email protected]) or by telephone at 519-253-3000ext. 3208. NOTE TO USERS Page(s) not included in the original manuscript and are unavailable from the author or university. The manuscript was scanned as received. it This reproduction is the best copy available. UMI Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE ITALIAN COkkUNIST PARTY 1921 - 196A: A PROPILE by ALDO U.
    [Show full text]
  • Challenger Party List
    Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against
    [Show full text]
  • TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL's RELATIONS with the EUROPEAN COMMUNITY
    TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL'S RELATIONS WITH THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY Juliet Antunes Sablosky Georgetown University Paper Prepared for Delivery at the Fourth Biennial International Conference of The European Community Studies Association May 11-14, 1995 Charleston, South Carolina This paper analyzes the interaction of the domestic and international systems during Portugal's transition to democracy in the 1970's. It focuses on the role which the European Community played in the process of democratization there, using transnational party activity as a prism through which to study the complex set of domestic and international variables at work in that process. The paper responds to the growing interest in the role of the European Community as a political actor, particularly in its efforts to support democratization in aspiring member states. The Portuguese case, one of the first in which the EC played such a role, offers new insights into how EC related party activity can affect policy-making at national and international levels. The case study centers on the Portuguese Socialist Party (PS) and its relationship with the socialist parties1 in EC member states, with the Confederation of the Socialist Parties of the European Community and the Socialist Group in the European Parliament. Its central thesis is that transnational party activity affected not only EC policy making in regard to Portugal, but had demonstrable effects on the domestic political system as well. Using both interdependence and linkages theory as its base, the paper builds on earlier work by Geoffrey Pridham (1990, 1991), Laurence Whitehead (1986, 1991) and others, on the EC's role in democratization in Southern Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Network Pa Erns of Legislative Collaboration In
    Network Paerns of Legislative Collaboration in Twenty Parliaments Franc¸ois Briae [email protected] Supplementary online material is appendix contains detailed information on the data and networks briey documented in the short note “Network Paerns of Legislative Collaboration in Twenty Parliaments”. Section A starts by reviewing the existing literature on legislative cosponsorship as a strategic position-taking device for legis- lators within parliamentary chambers. Section B then documents the data collection process, Section C summarises its results, and Section D contains the full list of party abbreviations used in the data. Section E fully documents how the cosponsorship networks were constructed and weighted, and lists some derived measures. e replication material for this study is available at https://github.com/ briatte/parlnet. e code was wrien in R (R Core Team, 2015), and the cur- rent release of the repository is version 2.6. See the README le of the reposi- tory for detailed replication instructions including package dependencies. e raw data up to January 2016 are available at doi:10.5281/zenodo.44440. CONTENTS A Background information on legislative cosponsorship . 2 B Sample denition and data collection . 4 B.1 Bills . 4 B.2 Sponsors . 10 C Descriptive statistics by country, chamber and legislature . 11 D Party abbreviations and Le/Right scores . 17 E Cosponsorship network construction . 27 E.1 Edge weights . 28 E.2 Network objects . 30 E.3 Network descriptors . 31 References . 35 1 A. BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON LEGISLATIVE COSPONSORSHIP Legislative scholarship oers a wealth of studies that stress the importance of collabo- ration between Members of Parliament (MPs) in the lawmaking process.
    [Show full text]
  • The Italian Communist Party and The
    CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY The Italian Communist Party and the Hungarian crisis of 1956 History one-year M. A. In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Candidate: Aniello Verde Supervisor: Prof. Marsha Siefert Second reader: Prof. Alfred Rieber CEU eTD Collection June 4th, 2012 A. Y. 2011/2012 Budapest, Hungary Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection Acknowledgements I would like to express my frank gratitude to professors Marsha Siefert and Alfred Rieber for their indispensible support, guidance and corrections. Additionally, I would like to thank my Department staff. Particularly, I would like to thank Anikó Molnar for her continuous help and suggestions. CEU eTD Collection III ABSTRACT Despite a vast research about the impact of the Hungarian crisis of 1956 on the legacy of Communism in Italy, the controversial choices of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) have been often considered to be a sort of negative exception in the progressive path of Italian Communism toward modern European socialism. Instead, the main idea of this research is to reconstruct the PCI’s decision-making within the context of the enduring strategic patterns that shaped the political action of the party: can the communist reaction to the impact in Italy of the Hungarian uprising be interpreted as a coherent implication of the communist preexisting and persisting strategy? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to reconstruct how the news coming from Hungary left an imprint on the “permanent interests” of the PCI, and how the communist apparatus reacted to the crisis.
    [Show full text]
  • Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2019 Codebook
    1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2019 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2019 (CPDS) is a collection of political and institutional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Handlungsspielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU- member countries for the period of 1960 to 2019. In all countries, political data were collected only for the democratic periods.1 The data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time-series analyses. The present data set combines and replaces the earlier versions “Comparative Political Data Set I” (data for 23 OECD countries from 1960 onwards) and the “Comparative Political Data Set III” (data for 36 OECD and/or EU member states from 1990 onwards). A variable has been added to identify former CPDS I countries. For additional detailed information on the composition of government in the 36 countries, please consult the “Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019”, available on the CPDS website. The Comparative Political Data Set contains some additional demographic, socio- and economic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD, Eurostat or AMECO. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source.
    [Show full text]
  • Table of Contents Introduction
    Table of contents Introduction .................................................................................................................... 3 1 Italy in the 1970s ...................................................................................................... 9 1.1 Introduction to the 1970s: years of economic, political and cultural changes during the early détente and its crisis .......................................................................... 9 1.2 Italy in the East-West conflict: the Italian case ............................................... 11 1.3 Italy in European Integration ........................................................................... 16 1.3.1 The European Monetary System (EM): Italy’s position ............................ 19 1.3.2 Towards the universal suffrage of the European Parliament: the Italian stance 21 1.4 The G7: its beginning and Italian efforts to be part of the members ............... 23 1.5 The Middle East issue in the Italian Foreign Policy: a failed attempt to lead an independent action towards Arabic regions................................................................ 28 2 Great Britain in the 1970s ....................................................................................... 35 2.1 Great Britain in the East-West conflict: highs and lows of a ‘special relationship’ ................................................................................................................ 36 2.2 Great Britain in the European Integration .......................................................
    [Show full text]
  • What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
    What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter Twenty-Four the Split in the Italian Socialist Party
    Chapter Twenty-Four The Split in the Italian Socialist Party The crisis in the VKPD, the symptoms of which had been accumulating for months, finally exploded on a question that did not directly concern Germany – the split in the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) at its congress in Livorno. On the one hand, there were no ‘national’ problems alien to a Communist Party or an individual Communist. On the other, the battleground was all the more favourable to the adversaries of Levi, in that the representatives of the ECCI understood the Italian crisis better than the German leaders did. The PSI had been the only social-democratic party in Europe to have stood aside in 1914 from the chauvinist current, although the renegade Benito Mussolini was prominent in it. The PSI had helped to organise the Zimmerwald Conference, and it played an important role there. It had been the first mass party to join the Communist International in 1919, even before the ‘Twenty-One Conditions’ were adopted. For that reason, it had retained in its ranks its reformists grouped around Turati. Its principal leader, Serrati, was in fact a left centrist, which had not prevented him from being one of the major figures at the Second Comintern Congress, in the course of which he had agreed with the ‘Twenty-One Conditions’, and had undertaken to apply them in Italy on condition that he would choose the time to proceed to expel Turati and his supporters. 476 • Chapter Twenty-Four However, his resolution seemed to weaken when he returned from Moscow. The defeat of the metalworkers’ militant strike in the North in September 1920, when the workers occupied and ran the factories, for which the ECCI denounced the role of the reformists, could have provided the occasion to expel them.
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019
    Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019 Codebook: SUPPLEMENT TO THE COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET – GOVERNMENT COMPOSITION 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set provides detailed information on party composition, reshuffles, duration, reason for termination and on the type of government for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member countries. The data begins in 1959 for the 23 countries formerly included in the CPDS I, respectively, in 1966 for Malta, in 1976 for Cyprus, in 1990 for Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Latvia and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia. In order to obtain information on both the change of ideological composition and the following gap between the new an old cabinet, the supplement contains alternative data for the year 1959. The government variables in the main Comparative Political Data Set are based upon the data presented in this supplement. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann. 2021. Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019. Zurich: Institute of Political Science, University of Zurich. These (former) assistants have made major contributions to the dataset, without which CPDS would not exist. In chronological and descending order: Angela Odermatt, Virginia Wenger, Fiona Wiedemeier, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, Sarah Engler, David Weisstanner, Panajotis Potolidis, Marlène Gerber, Philipp Leimgruber, Michelle Beyeler, and Sarah Menegal.
    [Show full text]