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Mariano Aguirre, Francisco Ferrándiz The Emotion and the Truth: Studies in Mass Communication and Conflict HumanitarianNet Thematic Network on Humanitarian Development Studies The Emotion and the Truth: Studies in Mass Communication and Conflict The Emotion and the Truth: Studies in Mass Communication and Conflict Edited by Mariano Aguirre Francisco Ferrándiz Series technical editor Almudena Garrido 2002 University of Deusto Bilbao Documentos de Estudios de Ocio, núm. 22 This book is the final product of a seminar held at the Transnational Institute (TNI) in Amsterdam, in April 2001. The seminar was organized by the Peace Group of the Thematic Network on Humanitarian Development Studies (Humanitariannet). For the preparation of both, the seminar and the book, the Transnational Institute and the Peace Research Center (CIP) of the Fundación Hogar del Empleado, Madrid, played a very important role. We should like to record our thanks to Fiona Dove and the staff of TNI for hosting the seminar and providing the necessary resources for the success of the even. We also want to express our gratitute to Julia González, Humanitariannet Coordinator, University of Deusto, for the general vision of the project. Last but not least our thanks go to Margaret Okole, of the Refugee Studies Center, University of Oxford, for her meticulous and skilful copy-editing. M.A. and F.F. No part of this publication, including the cover design, may be reproduced, stored or transmitted in any form or by and means, whether electrical, chemical, mechanical, optical, recording or photocopying, without prior permission or the publisher. Publication printed in ecological paper Illustration of front page: Jason Reed / Reuters Photo provided by Alernet (www.alernet.org), the Reuters Foundation website for the humanitarian relief community © Universidad de Deusto Apartado 1 - 48080 Bilbao I.S.B.N.: 84-7485-836-4 Legal Deposit: BI - 2.292-02 Printed in Spain/Impreso en España Design by: IPAR, S. Coop. - Bilbao Printed by: Artes Gráficas Rontegui, S.A.L. Contents Introduction: Constructing Complex Knowledge on Modern Armed Conflicts Mariano Aguirre (CIP/Fundación Hogar del Empleado and TNI) . 9 Reporting with Judgement and Politics Jonathan Steele (The Guardian) . 15 Conflicts and the Right to Information Edouard Markiewicz (Media Action) . 21 Teaching Conflict Analysis: Suggestions on the Use of Media as a Resource for Conflict Analysis Magnus Öberg & Margareta Sollenberg (Uppsala University) . 27 The Prohibition of Propaganda Advocating War, Racism and Hatred under International Law: Inter-State Obligations with Far Reaching Consequences Hans-Joachim Heinze (University of Bochum) . 51 Humanitarian Intervention, Humanitarian Feelings and the Media Ivan Nunes (University of Coimbra) . 65 Sharing, Not Shouting, In The Face Of Hate Radio Jonathan Marks (Director of Programmes, Radio Netherlands) . 71 A Complex Relationship: The Media and NGOs Amanda Sans (Medécins Sans Frontiers, Barcelona) . 77 Why and How News Media, NGOs and Academics Get it Wrong Ladislas Bizimana (University of Bradford) . 83 Victims and the Media in Divided Societies: Some Thoughts about the Northern Ireland Conflict Stephen Ryan (University of Ulster) . 99 8 CONTENTS Drugs and Drugs Policies at the Roots of Conflicts Virginia Montañés (Transnational Institute) . 111 The International Media and the Lebanese Hezbollah in the Wake of the September 11th Attacks: Reporting or Supporting a Third Party? Victoria Firmo-Fontan and Dominic Murray (University of Limerick) . 119 From Lara Croft to the Kosovo Girl: Identity, Counterculture, and the Role of the Internet in Serbia during the Kosovo Conflict Robert C. Hudson (University of Derby). 129 Conclusion: Media on Fire Francisco Ferrándiz (University of Deusto) . 151 Introduction: Constructing Complex Knowledge on Modern Armed Conflict Mariano Aguirre After the end of the Cold War journalism became an important source of knowledge: political processes and changes became so fast that instant information was very relevant. In practical terms, to write a book needs more time than to write an article and even more than to send a report by television or radio. But a misunderstanding grew. As Debray says, currently there is a confusion of two universes: knowledge and journalism. To know that something has happened does not mean to know why it happened. Information is fragmentary and isolated. Knowledge is an act of synthesis that unifies the diversity of empirical facts by finding a principle of construction or a norm of understanding (DEBRAY, 2001, p. 271). Armed conflicts constitute one of the most important and crucial issues currently affecting the international system. Around 30 armed conflicts worldwide and nearly 300,000 resulting deaths a year have a powerful impact on the lives of millions of people and the political, economic and social structures of different societies in Asia, Africa, Europe and Latin America. The list of conflicts runs from Afghanistan to Colombia, in a long trajectory through Asia, areas of the former USSR, the Balkans, the Middle East, and countries of northern and subsaharan Africa (SOLLENBERG, 2001). Modern wars generate death, injuries, internal destruction of societal organisations and infrastructure, environmental stress, internally displaced people, refugees, emigrants and the collapse of countries often rich in resources. The disrupted fragile states generate massive horizontal and vertical migrations and a flow of refugees (around 25 million in the world), apart from the approximately 10 million internally displaced. These conflicts are internal and most have happened in these so- called fragile States. In these States the institutional system is weak or 10 MARIANO AGUIRRE non-existent. The legislative body doesn’t function or is dependent on the elites and doesn’t reflect the dynamic and needs of society and the citizens. There is no judicial system, no system of checks and balances and no holding of government to account. The official security forces, when they exist, operate in the particular interests of the elite that controls the State. One of the principles of the modern State, the legal monopoly of the use of force, is broken. There is a diversification and privatisation of violence and force. Along with the State forces there are paramilitary groups funded by governments, drug traffickers and landowners, guerrillas, self-defence groups, mercenaries, and international and national private security forces contracted by the private sector. The current wars are being fought less for ideological purposes than for economic aims. There are wars for natural resources (e.g., water, diamonds, timber) or for the control of governments. But most of the groups involve in modern wars have no defined ideology or vision of how to organise their societies. Even more, in some situations war is becoming a way to integrate and organise people and societies. Without any other chance of social and economic integration, millions of young people are becoming part of the structure of violence at different levels, from cheap criminality in the streets of Pretoria, Mexico City or Lagos to crude and real war in Sierra Leona, Angola or Chechnya. The modern system of war is chaotic at first sight but in fact is a tragic way of getting access to the basic goods for living. At the roots of this massive integration in violence and war as a tool for survival are growing inequality, massive poverty, uncontrolled exploitation of human and natural resources by the local elites and foreign actors, human rights violations and lack of democracy and social participation. Some authors consider that in some regions of the international system a transition is taking place from weak states to post-States or entities with another kind of structure. Other authors such think that for many of the modern African States the corrupted way of anarchy is a rational structure of power and violence and there is “a criminalisation of the State” (BAYART/ELLIS/ HIBOU, 1999). The consolidation of corrupted elites in some countries, and the fragmentation into illegal economic power groups, are generating growing uncertainty in Northern countries and financial and economic circles. Illegal economies don't pay taxes, and as far as violence goes hand in hand with illegality the international economic system can be weakened. The so-called shadow economies are stimulated in many cases by the legal actors but there is a sort of boomerang effect. The illegal financial sector and the global shadow economies are now partially under scrutiny after the terrorist attacks in the US in September 2001. INTRODUCTION: CONSTRUCTING COMPLEX KNOWLEDGE... 11 The terrorist religious group Al Qaeda have apparently developed a complex financial network over many countries using the globalisation of economic resources. Due to the impact of a global economic system that generates unjust distribution of wealth, inequality and extended poverty, millions of people have no other chance of prosperity except involvement in illegal activities. Some of them join violent criminal networks that traffick in such resources as diamonds, oil, timber, arms, drugs and people, as well as cars and even international aid (RENO, 2001). There is a growing combination of privatisation of violence, corruption, clientelism and criminal integration in international networks. A factor of special interest is the illegal economies. A return by social groups to identity —national, linguistic, ethnic, religious, racial—
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