Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar

Matthias Alexander Castrén

with a Short Word List

Edited and commentary by Ulla-Maija Forsberg Ostiacica

Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar with a Short Word List by Dr. M. Alexander Castrén St. Petersburg. Printed by the Imperial Academy of Sciences. 1849.

☙❧

Available through Eggers & Co., commissioner of the Academy. In Leipzig, by Leop. Voss. (Price 75 Silver Crowns – 25 [Ngr.])

☙❧

Printed for the Imperial Academy of Sciences (and Letters). In December 1849. Permanent Secretary P.H. Fuss.

40 Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar

1. “Finnish” in this context is equivalent to the later term Finno-Ugric, which refers to both languages and peoples. One of Castrén’s main tar- gets was to show a kinship between the Finn[o-Ugr]ic and Samoyedic languages. He was also studying the idea of a huge language family later referred to as Ural-Altaic (incl. additionally the Uralic, Turkic, Mongo- lian and Tungus languages). 2. This latitude must be erroneous; 56 might be right. The southernmost parts of the modern Khanty-Mansi Auton- Preface omous Okrug lie approximately on the 58th northern latitude. 3. Today’s Khanty-Mansi Auton- The Ugric Ostyaks form together with their kinsmen, omous Okrug stretches farther the Voguls, the most eastern and in the whole Asia to east to the border of Kras- the only branch of the widely spread and many times nojarsk Okrug. The Khanty- splintered Finnish1 family. They are still until this day Mansi (in the beginning called the main inhabitants in the old so-called Yugric Land Ostyak-Vogul) National Okrug that [A.C.] Lehrberg describes as follows: “it stretched was established in 1930 to cov- between the 36th2 and 67th northern latitude from the er approximately the same northernmost Ural mountains eastwards over the lower area. In 1977, it became an au- Obʹ all the way to the river Nadym, which flows into the tonomous okrug and from 2003, “Jugra” is also an official Gulf of Obʹ, and to Agan, which flows into Obʹ on the up- appendix of the name. per side of Surgut3; it also covered the areas by the lower Irtyš and by [the rivers] Tavda, Tura and Čusovaja; in the south it bordered the Tartar parts [of land] and in the north the land of the former Samoyeds. It was thus a remarkable part of northwestern Asia, and covered large parts of the modern Governments of Tobolʹsk and Permʹ.” Today, in the Government of Permʹ, there are only

41 Ostiacica

4. According to the Census from 2010, the number of Ostyaks (Khanty) in the Khanty-Mansi ☙ VI ❧ Autonomous Okrug is 19,068 and Voguls (Mansi) 10,977. To- about 700 Voguls of male sex, in the Government gether they constitute only 2.1% of Tobolʹsk, the number of Voguls increases to 5025 of the Okrug’s population. The [according to Köppeni 5235] and of Ostyaks to 18,657 biggest ethnic groups today (according to Köppen 18,840) individuals of both sex- are Russians (973,978) and Ta- 4 tars (108,899). The whole popu- es . These Asiatic Finns still stay almost on the same lation of the Okrug in 2010 was low level of civilization as were the Europeans in Taci- 1,532,243. The number of speak- tus’ time. Even though many, especially Vogul, fami- ers of the Khanty and Mansi lies have recently settled down, most of them are still languages today is significant- wandering around from forest to forest, from one river ly lower than the ethnic num- to another. They live in miserable Yurts [huts] made ber. from timber, peat, birch bark or reindeer fell. Their 5. The exact area where the com- main source of livelihood is hunting in winter and mon ancestor of the Ugric lan- fishing in summer. Some keep cattle, only few live of guages was spoken is, of course, farming. Most of them are in name already Christians, not known. Lately, it has been but have still a lot of trust in their shamans. argued that the expansion cen- The idea that the Ostyaks and Voguls are closely tre would have been on the Eu- related to the Hungarians who originate from Ugria5, ropean side of the Ural moun- has been presented already since Herbertstein’s time. tains, from whence the speak- “This isJuharia (Juhra, Jugra), from where the Hun- ers of the Ob-Ugrian proto-lan- garians have occupied Pannonia, led by Attila, sub- guage would have moved east- dued many European provinces. The Yugras have still wards and merged with some today the same language as the Hungarians; whether aboriginal peoples of Siberia. this is right, I do not know” Herbertstein Rerum Mos- covit. commentar. Basil. 1571. Gyarmathi is of almost the same opinion, and Klaproth argues in his Asia Polygl[otta] p. 190 that the Ostyaks and the Voguls speak a language “which of all the Finnish languages resembles most the roots of the modern, largely mixed Hungarian”. This view is also confirmed through

i. the total population in Russia in 1838.

42 Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar

6. Rather: millennia. According to Honti (1979: 23), the split of ☙ VII ❧ the Ugric branch of the Finno- Ugric family took place around my own investigations. Even though the Ugric lan- approx. 1000 BC. The ances- guages today have a great deal of differences from tors of today’s Hungarians Hungarian, these differences are, anyhow, a natural left their area in the modern Baškortostan, so-called Magna consequence of a separation, in which the peoples 6 Hungaria, and began to travel have lived already for centuries . During this time, the southwest around 500 AD. Hungarian language has adopted many foreign ele- 7. The number of root mor- ments, and the Ugric languages, on the other hand, phemes common to Hungari- have changed their original character as a conse- an and the Ob-Ugric languag- quence of diverse influences from outsidei. However, es (existing in either Khanty or we can see in the Ugric languages and in Hungarian Mansi or both) but unattested many root words7 and even some grammatical ele- in other related languages is, ments8, which do not appear at all in the other related according to UEW, ca. 100. languages, or if they do, very seldom. 8. E.g. a set of postposition-based The academic community may probably look local cases (*‑nä), instrumental forward to a more detailed description of the affinity (*‑l), locative (*‑t(tA)), and the of the languages mentioned by a native Hungarian, verbal ending of 1 person plural who has recently arrived from his philological-ethno- *‑k°. (Liimola 1963, Honti 1985, graphic journey to the Ostyaks and Voguls. What con- 1998, Kulonen 1993.) cerns my studies in the Ugric languages, I have only been able to look at them as a side issue, as during my many years’ stay in Siberia I was able to stay by the Ostyaks only for a few weeks. During this short pe- riod of time, I gathered not only various ethnographic and topographic data but also a small amount of material from the very little knownii Ostyak languageiii.

i. See my travelogue in Bulletin historico-phil- ol. de l’Acad. Impér. des sciences de St-Péters- burg, Part III. No. 19, 20 ii. I know the Vogul language only from a hand written catechism. I have, however, not used this material in the present study because it contains too many mistakes. iii. What is found in the works of Gyarmathi, Pallas, Klaproth and others, consists only of in- significant and erroneous word lists.

43 Ostiacica

9. Etymology is today mainly used to refer to the study of the origins of words. Here it refers ☙ VIII ❧ to knowledge about the language (its structure and origin). I wanted to publish this material soon after that, but 10. This is the relatively uniform discovered then various deficiencies in my notes, and group of dialects also known because of these I thought I would postpone the pub- as the southern Khanty dialect. lication of this work as I was hoping to be able to visit It has been extinct since the second half or middle of the the Ostyaks again and supplement my notes on my 20th century, but is preserved way back from Eastern Siberia. Unfortunately, I could for the academic community not fulfil this plan, because I was already at that mo- thanks to the abundant mate- ment in such bad health that I had to forget all my rials collected by Antal Reguly, scientific tasks. That is why I nevertheless find it nec- Heikki Paasonen and especial- essary to publish my original notes and hope that in ly K.F. Karjalainen. Based on spite of all the shortcomings and errors in them, they the exact phonetic notes and will not be completely unwelcome and worthless for a thorough description by the the experts of the Finnish and Tartar languages. latter, the phonology and mor- My present work on the Ostyak etymology9 is phology of the dialect(s) is well mainly based on the dialect spoken in the Irtyš area10. known. In addition to this, there are still two main dialects spo- 11. The Surgut group of dialects ken by the river Obʹ: the dialect of Surgut11 on the upper comprises the western sub- and the dialect of Obdorsk12 on the lower Obʹi. Of these group of eastern Khanty dia- two, the latter is little known to me, and my notes from lects. There are still some hun- the Surgut dialect are also highly incomplete. Never- dreds of speakers today. The theless, I have provided the most important character- main subdialects today are istics of this dialect in this work, and, additionally, the those of Agan, Tromagan and reader will be shown some minor differences, which Pym. Other eastern dialects are those of Vach and Vasju appear either on the upper or lower side of the town of gan. The eastern dialects have Surgut. Abbreviations referring to the dialects as well a much larger internal varia- as other languages are the following: tion than the southern dialects. 12. Obdorsk represents the third main group of Khanty dia- i. See my travelogue in the Bulletin hist. phil. lects, the northern group. This mentioned above. is also composed of various dialects, including a dialect con- tinuum along the river Obʹ between the southern and northern dialects (Nizjam, Šerkaly). The middle northern dialects are represented by the Kazym dialect, and Obdorsk together with the Šuryškary dialect constitute the northernmost group. The northern dialects

44 Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar

have the greatest number of native speakers today. ☙ IX ❧ 13. = Saami 14. = Mari S. or Surg. means: the dialect of Surgut 15. = Komi US — U. Surg. — the dialect on the 16. mainly = Nenets upper side of Surgut 17. = Selkup LS — L. Surg. — the dialect on the 18. Castrén calls the Khanty non- lower side of Surgut past tense the future. It also has Finn. means: Finnish the function of the present. Lapp. — Lappish13 19. The preterite or past tense Cher. — Cheremis14 in Khanty is the unmarked Zr. — Zyrian15 tense in the southern dialects Hu. — Hungarian and thus a kind of basic form, Sam. — Samoyedic16 hence the translation with the O.Sam. — Ostyak-Samoyedic17 German basic form infinitive. Tu. — Turkic (Turkish) In the English translation, I use M.T. — Turkish or Tartar the unmarked basic form for in Minusinsk both. Ru. — Russian.

In order to avoid misapprehension, I still wish to point out that 1) I translate the future tense in this work with the German present tense18 and the preterite with the German infinitive19; 2) I have left out from the word list all pronouns, all numerals and those particles that are not root words, because they can be easily found in the grammar; 3) in the word list, synonymous words from different Ostyak dialects are compared with each other only in cases when they are related not only by their meaning but also phonetically.

Helsinki, 14th of November 1849

Dr. M. Alexander Castrén

45 Ostiacica

20. In the English version, the Os- setian characters are replaced by simple Latin phonetic ones ☙ X ❧ with some exceptions: by <ȡ> (and its palatalized counter- Errata part), Castrén means a sound that is a kind of a combination Page 7 row 1 read kathl instead of kuthl of d and l. It is a voiced vari- — 63 — 21 — panden — pandeu ant of <ȶ,>, an unvoiced lateral — 88 — 22 — mīt-xui — mīxtui /ʌ/ phoneme in Surgut dialects (which in Khanty loan words in Mansi is actually replaced with The reader will kindly forgive any other typographic dl); so there is no phonetic sign errors that might have slipped in after the author has for it. Similarly, <ȶ,> sounds left the printing house. like a combination of t and l. The characters in this pub- lication are mainly the ones Castrén has used in his manuscript. The original characters in the last version of the manuscript are: Vowels: a, e, i, o, u, y, ö; Consonants: b, v, d, ‘d, ḋ, “d, f, g, ģ, h x, j, k, ḱ, l, ĺ, m, n, ñ, ǹ, p, r, s, ŝ, c, ĉ, ʒ, ʒ̑, t, ‘t, ẗ, “t. 21. In all of the Khanty dialects, the vowels have two vowel lengths. Contemporarily they are, though, described as reduced (marked with ̆) vs. full vowels (without marking). In the English version, they are marked according to the original (Castrén) as short vs. long (the phonemic form may be given in the comments between slashes //). In the manuscript, especially in the paradigms, the diacritics ´, ` and ^ are used to mark the accent of the word. In the printing phase, these markings have been taken away and only partly replaced with the length symbol. In the original Swedish manuscript, Castrén describes the Khanty vowel system in a way that very much resembles

46 Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar

the modern way of thinking (see also § 6). The description in the manuscript is the following: “Ostyak has a double system of vowels, in which the first is characterized by a wide and open, the second by a dark, closed and narrow- er sound. Based on their pro- I Phonetics nunciation, the vowels can be (Sounds) divided into open ones, which are a, e, i, o, u, y, ä, ö and closed ones, to which belong â, ê, î, û. The difference between these A. Description of the sounds two systems cannot be found in each separate case, because § 1 To mark the sounds of the Ostyak language in the vowels in Ostyak, espe- this work, mainly the following characters of cially the closed vowels, do the Ossetian alphabet, introduced by Sjögren, will be not have enough strength and used20: firmness; instead, they are pronounced sometimes with a Vowels: a, e, i, o, u, ü, ö darker, sometimes with a wid- Consonants: b, d, ȡ, d,ˊ ȡ,ˊ g, ǵ, x, j, k, ḱ, l, l,ˊ er sound, and in many cases so m, n, ŋ, ń, p, r, s, š, c, č, ʒ, ǯ, t, ȶ, t,ˊ ȶ,ˊ w that one single sound can allow several special ways of mark- There are also long vowels21 in Ostyak, which ing.” It seems that Castrén has § 2 heard the difference between we mark with a horizontal line above them: , , ā ē full and reduced vowels, but he ī, ō, ū, ǖ, ȫ. has been too insecure about his § 3 In addition, the language also has double vow- observations to describe them els or diphthongs that can be marked with two in the grammar as a system. vowels. It seems that the first vowel can be either short For the vowel systems in the or long vowel; whereas the latter is always short and southern and Surgut dialects, in the most cases i or u22. Sometimes the short e also see p. 13 of the Short Grammat- appears as the latter part of a diphthong, as doesa , but ical Description. more rarely23. According to my undoubtedly very de- 22. These are not diphthongs but ficient observations, the double vowels in Ostyak are: combinations of a vowel (any ai, āi, ei, ēi, oi, ōi, ui, üi, au, āu, eu, ēu, iu, īu, ou, ōu, ae, of them) and the consonants j oe, ue, ie, ea. and w. There are no diphthongs in the § 4 Some of these vowels mentioned above appear 23. only in specific dialects. So by Irtyš, the pureö phoneme system of any Khan- is seldom heard24, and ü is in all the dialects a sound ty dialect. In the manuscript, we which is rare and changes easily to a Russian ы. The find: “being affected by the accent, the short vowels are not only lengthened in a normal way, but relatively often also changed into diphthongs. Thus,

47 Ostiacica

in accented syllables, a changes to ae or ai, e and i to ei, o to oi, u to ui and so on, e.g. njatxá, ☙ 2 ❧ njatxaet or njatxait, joura or jou rai ‘slanted’, kesä ‘glove’, pl. ke consonants marked with ȡ, ȶ, ȡ,ˊ ȶ ˊare lacking in the säet or kesäit, ét or eit, xo or xoi, Irtyš dialects. In all the dialects, ʒ and c are very rare25 xui, ‘man’, etc.” The fact that the 26 diphthongs do not appear in the and in many areas ǵ and ḱ are replaced by d ˊand t.ˊ last version of the manuscript (or § 5 On the other hand, the language shows many the printed grammar) is due to sound nuances that we have not marked at all, the decision to leave the accent because in part they are very unstable and can in part unmarked. In the paradigms in also be described with common rules. These will be the manuscript (see the com- discussed in the following chapter. mentary regarding page 33/79), we can see that the accent was, B. Pronunciation of the sounds in the end, not shown in a sys- tematic way, which definitely a) Pronunciation of the vowels led to this decision. The reduced ̆ appears in one 24. ö § 6 In Ostyak, like in many of the related languages, of the southern dialects, DT the vowels have on one hand a pure, open and (Demjanka, informant Tajla- clear pronunciation, and on the other hand a dark and kov) (Honti 1984: 21). unclear one. It is understandable that the pronunciation 25. They are not phonemes in any of vowels is always purer in open syllables, and again of the Khanty dialects. in closed syllables darker and more vague27. Especially All four of these represent the 26. the vowel in short final syllables is very indefinable and same phoneme, /tˊ/. Sometimes, unsure. In case of following a syllable with a long vow- particularly in the South and 28 consequently in Paasonen’s el , the vowel of the final syllable is a kind of schwa, texts and lexicon, they are i.e. its pronunciation disappears completely or changes 29 marked with velar palatalized into a dark e; e.g. tūrum, tūrm, tōrem ‘God’ . consonants. § 7 The general pronunciation ofa , ā is exactly the 27. Castrén is describing here the same as in Russian and German; e.g. ańaxa ‘step- difference between full and re- mother’, ār ‘many’, aj ‘luck’. There are, however, two duced vowels. They both can, particular modifications of this sound. however, appear in open as a) The first one approaches a deep sound resem- well as in closed syllables. bling o, which is also found in other languages. 28. The English translation de- In Ostyak, this modification may appear in long or scribes the situation as it is; short syllables, in the end of the word as well as in the German text (which is also the root; e.g. opa, aba ‘elder sister’, ńot, ńat ‘arrow’, a translation) talks about the pox, pax ‘son’, por, par ‘drill’, jot, jat ‘lazy’, ōgot, augaȶ long vowel in the following ‘sleigh’, sōdop, sātep ‘blade, edge’, pōs, pās ‘glove’30. (instead of preceding) sylla- This a sounds in many dialects largely already like o, ble; yet it uses the verb voraus gehen, which means ‘precede’. 29. The schwa ǝ/ / is very common in non-initial syllables; in pronunciation, it often gets its

48 Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar

nuance according to the sur- rounding speech sounds, which is very well shown in this exam- ☙ 3 ❧ ple. The phonemic form of the and therefore we also mark it mainly with this char- word is /turǝm, torǝ̑m/ (with a full vowel in the initial syllable). acter. In the Surgut dialects, this modification, even 30. Many of the examples have a though the pronunciation is more like a, follows exact- 31 32 reduced vowel: ŏpĭ ‘elder sis- ly the same etymological rules as o; e.g. pās ‘gloves’ , ter’, păx, pŏx ‘son, boy’, pŏr pūsem ‘my gloves’, sārt ‘pike’, sūrdem ‘my pike’, cf. ‘drill’. In those words that have mōk ‘egg’, mūkam ‘my egg’, pōm ‘grass’, pūmem ‘my a full vowel, there is often dia- grass’. The purea usually changes to i; e.g. tās ‘ware’, lectal variation, just as it is said: 33 tīsem ‘my things’, sāp ‘brook’, sīpem ‘my brook’. ńɔt, ńot ‘arrow’, pɔs, pos ‘glove’; b) The other modification concerninga is closer to the word for ‘sleigh’ represents e and also appears in many other languages. In a variation where the north- the stem, this modification is difficult to distinguish ern (Kazym) dialect has a mid- from the German a. In short final syllables, it sounds dle vowel (corresponding to o or almost like a dark e, and changes into this in many u in other dialects): Kaz ǫxǝt, O dialects34; e.g. jirnas, jernes ‘shirt’, kerap, kerep ‘vehi- uxǝt; this sound, interpreted as a cle’, āra, ārex ‘song’, ādaŋ, ādeŋ ‘morning’, anǯa, anǯe, diphthong in Surgut, might be a anǯex ‘rose hip’. step towards the middle vowel. 31. i.e. the paradigmatic vowel al- § 8 The vowele is in Ostyak the same open sound as in the other Finnish, Mongolian and Turkic ternation languages. By the Obʹ, it sometimes sounds almost as 32. The word is in the singular; Castrén’s translation in plural, open as the Finnish ä, and the same pronunciation can probably because of the plural be found by the Irtyš in word-final positions; e.g.kēle (dual) character of the word. ‘reindeer fell’, pegde ‘black’, peste ‘sharp’. However, ac- 33. In the Surgut dialects (in nom- cording to my observations, only the short has this e inal paradigms), å and o alter- open sound, whereas the long ē is, at least in most nate with u, whereas ä and e al- cases, pronounced with a more closed sound resem- ternate with i (Honti 1984: 32). 35 bling the French é fermé . The closede changes easily 34. Phonematically, this is /ǝ/ in to i, while, on the other hand, the dark, open e varies non-initial syllables. with ü and the Russian y; e.g. jēnget, jīnget ‘round bas- 35. The long, i.e. full vowelse and ket’, jēndemˊ , jīndemˊ ‘sing’, nēbek, nīpek ‘paper’, tēȡes, i are both counterparts to the tīlis ‘moon, month’, edem, üȡim ‘(to) heat’, teda, tüȡex short, i.e. reduced ĕ. ‘winter’, tet, ȡüȡ ‘fathom’. This change occurs espe- 36. /ɣ/; it is hard to see how this cially afterj and g36. should be understood. The ex- § 9 The pronunciation ofi is generally the same amples do not provide any evi- as in the Germanic languages. However, every dence for this argument. In the now and then it has a more closed sound and is pro- word for ‘fathom’, ü originates nounced almost like the Russian ы; e.g. jig ‘father’, from the very ancient phases of the language (at least Pro- to-Khanty and Proto-Ugric); in the word ‘winter’, it is a late and maybe sporadic change (phonematically tĕlǝɣ < *tälwä).

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37. At least in these examples, the vowel is reduced. In the northern dialects, these words con- ☙ 4 ❧ tain an ǐ, while in the southern and Surgut dialects the jiwem ‘come’. This modification, too, seems to appear word for ‘father’ is The jĕɣ. mostly in short syllables37. form Castrén gives for the verb The vowel in Ostyak has no modifications. It ‘come’ is contradictory: in all § 10 o dialects the stem alternant always sounds like the German o in the words in e.g. the past tense, as here, Gott, offen, Donner. with the stem-final consonant § 11 In the general pronunciation, the vowel u sounds ‑w, has the vowel ŭ (stem alter- as deep as the Finnish or Russian u. In Irtyš, I nation: South, Surgut [?] jĕ- ~ have observed in this vowel a modification, which is jŭw-, North jĭ- ~ jŭw-). The very near to the Swedish u or the Mongolian ü. Ac- modification here is thus not cording to my observations, this modification is al- the full vowel i but a reduced ĕ. ways long, but appears most often in monosyllabic 38. mscr. kul´ words; e.g. kul38 ‘devil’, kunč ‘nail’, unč ‘Salmo nelma 39. There are both full unč( , tüš, (a fish)’,tuš ‘beard’, tuŋ ‘summer’, suŋ ‘corner’, keu püt, süt) and reduced vowels ‘stone’, teu ‘lake’, kui ‘swamp’, kur ‘leg, foot’, kut ‘mid- (kŭl,ˊ kŏnč, tŏŋ, sŏŋ, kŏj, kŏr, kŏt) dle (point)’, put ‘kettle, pot’,sut ‘grindstone’.39 in these examples. In the words § 12 The seldom-appearing vowelsü and ö are reg- for ‘stone’ and ‘lake’, it is the ularly pronounced as the ü and ö in German. word-final w (kew, tĕw). Most However, ö alternates often with the darke , and ü with of these full vowels represent the dark i resembling the Russian ы; e.g. köǯe, keǯe ü, as discussed in § 12. ‘disease’, pöm, pem ‘bath’, könjep, kenjep ‘miserable’, The southern dialects have no 40. l̄ök, lēk ‘track’, lüŋkim, liŋkem ‘cover’40. Both vowels ö but instead an opposition be- ü and ö are very likely to disappear completely in the tween u and ü in the full vowel paradigm (see § 11). This obser- future. At the same time, the Russian ы will develop further, replacing and destroying not only these two vation might concern the Sur- 41 gut dialects even if not said to but also many other sound nuances. be so. The reduced vowelö ̆ is attested in Surgut dialects, in b) Pronunciation of the consonants Trj and Tra it is represented by two phonemes, a closed and a § 13 The Russian characters б, д, г, х, к, л, м, н, п, half-open one. р, с and в correspond to the German b, d, g, ch, 41. Interestingly, Castrén has not k, l, m, n, p, r, ss (Swedish s) and w. Between vowels, noted the difference between of which both or at least the preceding one is short, /a/ and /ä/ in any of the dia- j sounds like ij; as e.g. in ajaŋ (or aijaŋ) ‘happy’. Os- lects. tyaks who speak Russian often pronouncel like the

50 Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar

42. both variants (of l and s) and allophones These “smooth” consonants are ☙ 5 ❧ 43. allophones of /p/ and /t/. The hard Russian л whenever it is followed by a hard vowel same concerns the palatalized consonant , which represents or the darker modifications ofe and i; e.g. in lep ‘two- dˊ the phoneme / / (see also note pointed arrow’, ‘bay’. In , a very smooth, lisping tˊ lox s 26). In the words in which they nuance can sometimes be heard; e.g. in suŋ ‘corner’, 42 are shown, they always ap- sēwes ‘rear of the boat’ . It may further be noted here pear between vowels or in na- that that a word-finalp is often followed by an aspi- sal + stop combinations, thus ration and thus sounds like pf or f; e.g. ēndep ‘belt’, the examples at the end of § 13 jīndep ‘needle’. are phonematically /entǝp/ and § 14 The smooth consonantsb , d are seldom pro- /jintǝp/ (as for the second sylla- nounced as weakly as the German b, d, but with ble schwa, see note 34). harder sounds pronounced between b, d and p, t, as also 44. In fact, in all the positions in attested in Lappish, Samoyedic and many Tartar lan- which they appear (non-ini- guages43. The case withg is partly the same; it should tial), they represent the same be noted, however, that this character covers two dif- phoneme, /ɣ/. One of its real- ferent modifications that diverge significantly accord- izations is the voiceless x (χ), ing to their pronunciation and their variations44. which, on the other hand, is a separate phoneme but only in a) Followed by a hard vowel (a, o, u), g is mostly, and additionally when preceded by a short hard the context given in § 15. vowel always, pronounced like an aspiration, as in in 45. phonematically /toɣos/, /jĕɣ/,

غ ᡍ Turkish, in Mongolian and g in Lappish; e.g. tōgos /mĕɣ/, /pĕɣ/, /tĕɣ/, /ăńaɣa/, / / (tōghos) ‘friend’. The same modification can also be ńoɣrǝm phonematically / /, / /, heard in syllable- and word-final positions, regardless 46. meɣǝt ujɣǝt /peɣǝttǝm/, /joɣatǝm/, /čŏɣatǝm/ of which vowels it is connected with; e.g. in jig ‘father’, meg ‘land’, peg ‘strange’, teg ‘tail’. According to its pronunciation, this modification comes very close to x, and is also easily switched into that; e.g. ańaga, ańaxa ‘mother-in-law’, ńōgrem, ńōxrem ‘carve’, jig, jix ‘father’.45 b) Preceding a smooth and light vowel, g generally has the same sound as the German g; e.g. mēget ‘breast’, uigit ‘meadow’, pēgettem ‘I bath’. Sometimes g also seems to be pronounced before a hard vowel without aspiration; e.g. jogadem ‘(to) lose’, čugadem ‘crumble’46. In a harder pronunciation,

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47. The sound changek > x in front of a back vowel has taken place in several dialects of ☙ 6 ❧ both Khanty (southern and northern) and Mansi (northern, this modification sounds almost likek and often partly eastern), and Hungarian changes into this; e.g. , ‘sing’, , also shows the same tendency, ārgem ārkem kergem ‘fall’. as the representative of *k in kerkem There are also two modifications of , of which front of a back vowel is h, e.g. § 15 k *kala > Hu. hal, Khanty South one corresponds to the German k and the other The former appears especially in front .ق xul, Surg. kuʌ, Mansi North to Turkish 47 xūl. of light vowels, the latter in front of hard vowels . In 48. This should bekūȶem /kuʌəm/. Irtyš, the aspirated k changes often intox ; e.g. xanǯem, 49. in the manuscript: h Surgut kanǯem ‘write’, xūdem, S. kūdem48 ‘hear’. The 50. This is controversial and hard Surgut dialects do not accept word-initial x, but al- to understand; yet surely h is ways use the aspirated k instead. 49 not a phoneme in any of the § 16 With x we mark the sharply aspirated sound, Khanty dialects. which in German is marked with and in 51. There are no traces of a pro- Russian likewise with <х>. The weak Germanh is nunciation like this in the latin Ostyak unknown. In the Surgut dialects in word- er observations of Khanty. In final positions, the aspiration is not very strong; yet Surgut dialects, there are pho- it seems not to be a specific sound50. Occasionally, nemes /k°/ and /ɣ°/, labialized one can hear a weaker aspiration in word-initial posi- velar stop vs. fricative, but they tion in front of w, which has also appeared earlier in do not occur word-initially. Swedish (e.g. in the words hvem, hvad)51; however, this 52. This is a phonetical co-articu- sound nuance is so rare and unspecific that it does not lation not marked by any other need a character of its own. collector. § 17 In addition to what was said about w in the preceding paragraph, it can still be noted that word-initial w in front of any vowel is followed by a half u; e.g. wēdem or wuēdem ‘bone marrow’, wēda or wuēda ‘reindeer’. In the middle of a word, this kind of pronunciation is rare, but in the same way as j between vowels changes into ij, w is also occasionally pronounced as uw according to the same rule; e.g. kowa or kouwa ‘cuckoo’, xowat or xouwat ‘for a long time’, nowa or nouwa ‘white’, towottem or touwottem ‘(I) row’.52 Cf. § 13. § 18 The consonantsȡ and ȶ denote two aspirated sounds, of which one is pronounced like dl or dhl and the other like tl; e.g. āȡaŋ or adlaŋ (adhlaŋ)

52 Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar

53. Cf. note 20. Castrén writes the voiced variant between vowels and in connection with the ☙ 7 ❧ voiced variants of stops, the unvoiced variant mainly in ‘morning’, kaȶ or katl (kathl) ‘day’53. Sounds re- syllable and word-final posi- lated to these also occur in the Finnish and Lappish tions; phonematically /aʌəŋ/ languages54. and /kǎtəʌ/. In Castrén’s notes, § 19 The lettersš , c, č, ʒ and ǯ all mark sibilants and there is thus no difference be- they are pronounced in the following way: tween the word-final sequenc- š like sch Russian ш es ‑ʌ and ‑təʌ. c ts ц 54. ʌ is a phoneme in Moksha Mor- č tsch ч dvin. In the Saami languages, ʒ ds дз there are unvoiced variants of ǯ dsch дж laterals and nasals followed by stops due to preaspiration of the stops. Additionally, ʌ is 55 § 20 With ŋ we mark a nasal, which is written in a phoneme in Forest Nenets, German with ng; e.g. weŋ (weng) ‘son-in-law’, which is spoken in the neigh- suŋ (sung) ‘corner’, ōŋet ‘horn’. The same sound appears bourhood of the Surgut Khanty in Finnish, Lappish and many other related languages. dialects. 55. in the manuscript ng (Swedish § 21 There are many sounds in the Ostyak language that are softened withj , and these are marked as version), ñ (German version) follows: d,ˊ ȡ,ˊ ǵ, ḱ, l,ˊń, t,ˊ ȶ.ˊ They are pronounced almost 56. There are three palatalized like dj, ȡj, gj, kj, lj, nj, tj and ȶj56. phonemes in the Surgut dialects (/ń/, /tˊ/ and /ʌ́/), two in the south (/ń/ and /tˊ/) and three in C. Alternations of sounds the north (O) (/l/,ˊ /ń/ and /tˊ/). Out of the sounds presented a) Alternations of vowels here, d,ˊ ǵ and ḱ are allophones of /tˊ/ and ȡˊ is an allophone of § 22 In Finnish and other related languages, the vow- ȶˊ = /ʌ́/. Cf. also note 26. els are separated into three classes: hard or ma- 57. This refers to the suffixal vow- jores (a, o, u), smooth or minores (ä, ö, ü) and light or els. mediae (e, i). In these languages, there is vowel harmony that never allows hard and smooth vowels to appear together in the same word but a) only hard vowels alone, smooth vowels alone or light vowels alone, or also b) hard vowels with light ones and smooth vowels with light ones. To follow these rules of vowel harmony, the Finnish language operates in such a way that the final vowels57 are always adjusted to the vowel of the stem.

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58. There is still vowel harmony in part of the Surgut dialects (Trj) as well as in the easternmost ☙ 8 ❧ dialects (VVj). In these dialects, the schwa (ǝ), the most com- § 23 As the Ostyak language has nearly lost its mon suffixal vowel, also has smooth vowels due to Russian influence, the two variants, one more front rules based on the trifold character of vowels also have and one more back. The vowel 58 harmony is inherited from Pro- little importance . However, they are obeyed in the to-Khanty (Steinitz 1950, Honti sense that e.g. hard and smooth vowels never appear 59 1984). together in the same diphthong . The root words also 59. There are no diphthongs in thoroughly avoid this kind of mixture, cf. e.g. końar 60 Khanty, cf. note 23. and köńer ‘arm’ , pāgart and pȫgert ‘timber’, šudai 60. ‘elbow’ and šĭgȡei61 ‘partridge’62. Obviously, the vowel change 61. Here we see the character <ĭ> in the final syllable is due to the rules of vowel har- in the original text. It is not mony mentioned above. provided in the character list § 24 These rules are often left unheeded in derived on p. 1/47. words and in suffixes, especially in the Irtyš dia- 62. Phonematically, a and e in lects. Many suffixes have here adopted their specific these words represent the final vowels, which are not subject to change based schwa(s) /ə̑/, /ǝ/. on the stem vowel. Additionally, a long vowel in the final syllable is not easily affected by the preceding vowels, and the aspirated consonants x, g, k are, especially in the Surgut dialects, nearly always followed by a hard vowel, even if there are smooth vowels preceding them. If the final syllable has a stronger stress, it also requires a harder vowel, regardless of the vowel of the stem. There are, however, also suffixes in which the hard a (o) alternates with the smooth e. The former follows a hard vowel or a light vowel connected with a hard one, while the latter may also follow a smooth vowel, a light vowel, or a smooth vowel connected with a light one. These rules mainly apply to the Sur- gut dialects; in the Irtyš dialects, hard consonants are also often followed bye . § 25 If the stem has a long ā, ō or ū followed immediately by an aspirated g, the vowel in the suffix occurs afterā as a short a and after ō or ū as a short o; e.g. ńāgam ‘smile’, cāgat ‘plank board’, tāgat ‘linen’,

54 Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar

63. This is simply a question of phonetic assimilation of the schwa. / / might be a conso- ☙ 9 ❧ ɣ nant that is so weak in itself wāgat ‘thin’, ńōgos ‘sable’, ōgot ‘sledge’, pōgor ‘islet’, that the assimilation is stronger in words where it occurs be- sōgot ‘plane (for shaving)’, mōgoŋ ‘pregnant’, jōgot tween the vowels. ‘bow’, lōgom ‘still, tranquil’, mūgot ‘liver’, pūgot ‘vil- 64. This, again, means assimilation lage’, sūgom ‘thread’. All the other long vowels, even of the schwa to the consonants afterg , are followed by e, and occasionally i is followed in the syllable, especially to the by i; e.g. pȫgert ‘timber’, mēget ‘breast’, čēget, čīgit ‘tin- final labial consonant. Inter- der’. These rules, which in many Tartar languages are estingly, the word for ‘thread’ obeyed much more extensively, permit many excep- /sūɣǝm/ would be expected to tions in Ostyak.63 have a similar pronunciation § 26 A similar vowel harmony also sometimes occurs (sūɣum). when the long vowel is followed by d (ȡ) and r; 65. This, too, is essentially assimi- e.g. sōdom ‘the river Salym’, sōdop ‘sheath’, sōrot ‘sea’, lation. In the case of /χăt-χăr/, sōrom ‘dry’, mōrom, māram ‘fold’. r can even be fol- the full vowel (in /χɔt/) also lowed by u, in cases where the first syllable has anū ; changes into a reduced one (si- e.g. tūrum ‘God’, tūrup ‘sparse’64. multaneously with the loss of stress). § 27 Cases in which the vowel harmony affects in the way that the stem vowel alternates according to 66. This paradigmatic vowel the following vowel are very rare. This kind of change change is typical of the east- occurs occasionally, when the stem is split and loses its ern dialects, in which it has stress due to division or in compound words; e.g. xui evolved from the Proto-Khan- ty corresponding system (Hon- or xaját ‘man’, xōt ‘tent’, xāt-xár ‘bottom of the tent’65. ti 1984: 31–32). It is also used in In general, the stem vowels in the Finnish-Tartar § 28 other Khanty dialects as well as languages do not show any specific alternations, in Mansi, but only with a few and this has been considered typical of the whole class so-called thematic verbs. This of languages. The Surgut dialects are in this sense a alternation is inherited from peculiar counterexample, because here the stem vow- proto-Ob-Ugrian and it is con- els alternate almost as easily as in the Germanic lan- sidered the starting point of the guages. It deserves to be noted, especially because the more developed Proto-Khanty target of the change is not the short vowel, which is system. occasionally unstable in other related languages, but mostly the long vowel in the stem66. This kind of change occurs mostly a) in nouns combined with a singular possessive suffix

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67. The vowel alternation is the phonematical å : u, o : u. 68. In the imperative, the alterna- ☙ 10 ❧ tion å ~ u has a third alternant, the velar i. b) in verbs in the past tense indicative, as well as par- 69. = näŋk : niŋkam (with ŋ) ticiples, and occasionally also in the imperative. The words with all repre- 70. In the forms mentioned, the changes are: sent the paradigmatic vowel al- § 29 and the deep into ; e.g. ‘grass’, ternation ä : i (as Castrén did 1. o a u pōm pūmem not make a difference between ‘my grass’, ōŋk ‘resin’, ūŋkam ‘my resin’, sōm a (å) and ä); i.e. ämp : impem, ‘scale (of fish)’,sūmem ‘my scale’; āȶ ‘year’, ūȶem ‘my täs : tisem, wäsǝɣ : wisɣam year’, sārt ‘pike’, sūrtem ‘my pike’, mōnt,ˊ mānt ˊ‘sto- (wisɣäm). ry’, mūntemˊ ‘my story’, āmetȶem ‘I set’, past ūmdem; 71. Honti (1984: 32) gives the alter- nōbaȶȶōjem ‘I float’, pastnūpȶōjem ; āgaȶȶam ‘I vomit’, nation ɔ̈ : ü but only in the east- past ūgoȡem. In general, both the imperative and the ernmost (VVj) dialects. past participle behave like the past tense67; however, if 72. This happens occasionally in the stem has a deep a, occasionally in the imperative connection with derivative suf- we can hear a modification ofu which is sometimes fixes in all dialects (Honti 1984: near to ü, sometimes to ы68; e.g. jāntȶem ‘I sew’, past 31). jūndem, imperat. jūnde (jǖnde, jīnde); āretȶem ‘I divide’, 73. The form of the word in the past ūrdem, imperat. ūrde (ǖrde); āmesȶem ‘I sit’, past south is imə (loc. iməna) and ūmsem, imperat. ūmse (ǖmse). the correct translation is ‘(old) 2. a, e into i; e.g. āt ‘night’, ītem ‘my night’; āmp woman’. In this case, both a ‘dog’, īmpem ‘my dog’; nānk69 ‘larch’, nīnkam and e are phonetic realizations ‘my larch’; tās ‘ware’, tīsem ‘my thing(s)’; wāsex ‘duck’, of the phoneme / /. Howev- ə wīsxam ‘my duck’70; ńēwer ‘lather’, ńīurem ‘my lather, this word represents a flex- er’; lēk ‘track’, līkam ‘my track’; āȡemȡem ‘I lift’, past ion type that has some specif- ; ‘I drink’, past Sometimes the ic vowel alternations in all dia- īȶmem jēntȶ ˊem jīndem.ˊ a lects; see note 78. in the past tense remains unchanged and the imperative gets the ī; e.g. jāŋetȶem ‘I spin’, past jāŋdem, imperat. jīŋde. 3. ȫ into ǖ; e.g. kȫr ‘oven’, S. kǖrem ‘my oven’; kȫń ‘arctic fox’, kǖńem ‘my arctic fox’71. N.B. As far as I know, a similar vowel alternation also occurs in the Irtyš dialects, exceptionally in derived words; e.g. namas ‘sense’, namasem or numem ‘remember’, kāt ‘two’, kīmet ‘second’. According to my observations, i, u and ü in the Surgut dialects do not alternate in this way72. § 30 While the vowels in the stem are stiff and in- variable, the vowels in non-initial syllables are

56 Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar

74. This is not a stem-finala but the ending of the imperative form, and in the past tense, is ☙ 11 ❧ e a part of the suffix. unstable and subject to change. We do not wish to 75. In the Surgut dialects, the 3rd show all changes of this kind, but only to provide person plural forms have the ending ‑ ; here, too, belongs some of the most important ones. When doing so, we iʌ i to the suffix. In the wordāȶniȶ refer mostly to the Irtyš dialects. /aʌŋiʌ/, the occurrence of 1. When the stem-final vowel isa , it is replaced instead of <ŋ> seems to be a ty- in inflexion by a shorte ; e.g. īma ‘mother’, loc. pographical error. 73 74 īmena ; āda ‘sleep!’, past ādem . 76. These Irtyš examples do not 2. When a follows the aspirated consonants x, g, k, show the alternation in a non- it remains unchanged; e.g. ańaxa ‘stepmother’, initial syllable; the variation in dat. ańaxaja; toga ‘bow’, dat. togaja, etc. these words is lexical. 3. Additionally, a also remains unchanged in certain 77. See note 75. cases after other consonants, like in the future 78. This concerns a set of single tense indicative 1st and 2nd person sing., in nominative words, i.e. it is a question of plural, in front of 1st and 2nd person suffixes, etc. flexion type; the correct translation of ( ) is ‘(old) 4. In the Surgut dialects, a changes easily into i; e.g. imi imə kara ‘field’,kariȶ ‘their field’;āȶŋam ‘I sleep’, 3rd woman’; another word of the person past āȶniȶ75. This vowel alternation also some- same flexion type isewə ‘girl, times occurs in the Irtyš dialects; e.g. kādn (kat) ‘two’, daughter’: (Kr. KO) ewem ‘my kīmet ‘second’; mā ‘I’, dual mīn, etc.76 daughter’, eweŋətam ‘my two In all dialects e often changes intoi ; e.g. panem ‘I daughters’, ewitam ‘my (many) 5. daughters’ (Honti 1984: 133); have put’, 3rd person pl paniȶ77; īmet ‘mothers’, basically, in this flexion type, īmidam ‘my mothers’78. This change occurs most often the stem ends with a reduced after and the smooth . j g vowel, which in certain forms 6. On the other hand, in the Surgut dialects, i can alternates with a full one. occasionally change into e; e.g. kilsi ‘barbel 79. Rather, in syllable- and stem- (fish)’,kilsem , kilsen ‘my, your barbel’. final positions, the consonants 7. Between two vowels, i and u change into j and j and w are weakened to semi w; e.g. ai ‘happiness’, ajaŋ ‘happy’, keu ‘stone’, vowels. The etymological coun- keweŋ ‘stony’79. terparts of the word kew ‘stone’ § 31 The shorta is often subject to elision, espe- in many related languages also cially in cases where two similar vowels meet show the consonant, e.g. Fi. in in compounds of two separate words; e.g. aŋaŋa kivi ‘stone’. instead of aŋa-aŋa ‘grandmother’. The same hap- 80. These words for weak colours pens to both vowels mentioned in front of many are also compounds: the latter formative elements; e.g. nowa ‘white’, nowoxtep part ‑oxtep (‑oχtəp) is an ad- ‘whitish’, werde ‘red’, werdoxtep ‘reddish’80. More jectival derivative of the word over, word-finala and e following a long syllable oχət ‘surface’; i.e. “with a red/ white surface”.

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81. This means the vowel ǝ/ / in the second syllable. The correct translation is 82. ☙ 12 ❧ ‘come’. 83. All the examples are words are very easily lost, and in common speech they of- which have / / in the second ǝ ten disappear; e.g. ēne or ēn ‘big’, sīra, sīr, Surg. sār syllable of the stem: , menǝt- ‘before’. aɣət-, jŏχət-, teɣət-, oŋət, poɣər, There is also a particular type of elision in the jarət-, ewət-; this alternation is § 32 not dependent on the full vs. middle of the word that is very influential and reduced character of the first extensive. This elision has the following rule: in the 81 syllable vowel. middle of the word, any short vowel can disappear 84. This is because it only concerns when there is a long vowel in the preceding syllable the vowels of an original sec- if the two consonants beside them can be joined to- ond syllable /ǝ/. gether without help of a vowel; e.g. mēndem instead 85. In the words muraχ and χulax of mēnedem ‘bend’; āxtem instead of āgadem ‘vomit’; the second syllable vowel is jōxtem instead of jōgodem ‘go in’82; tēgdem instead full, i.e. not /ǝ/. of tēgedem ‘fly’; ōŋdet instead of ōŋedet plural of ōŋet ‘horn’; pōxret instead of pōgoret, plural of pōgor ‘islet’, etc. Dialectally, this elision can also occur immediately after a short syllable; e.g.jaradem or jardem ‘forget’; ewedem or eudem ‘cut, carve’.83 N.B. 1. This elision rule does not apply to compounds; e.g. tūduš (actually tūt-uš) ‘flint pouch’, pl. tūdušet84. 2. The elision is also sometimes absent in single words, especially if the consonants to be joined are too many and heterogeneous; e.g. pēteŋ ‘cloud’, dat. pēteŋa or pētŋa; ēpsendem (not ēpsndem) ‘smell’; ēsemdem (not ēsmdem) ‘suck’; mūraxat (not mūrxat) ‘cloudber- ries’; xūlaxat (not xūlxat) ‘ravens’85. 3. Additionally, in connection with this kind of elision, the consonants involved can be either hardened or smoothened, sometimes they can be elided, too. § 33 In order to facilitate pronunciation, sometimes short vowels can be added at the end or also in the middle of a word; e.g. pūma-xar (instead of pūm-xar);

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86. The first word (along with the words on the list without ref- erence to dialect) represents ☙ 13 ❧ the Irtyš dialect. This abbrevi- ‘mown meadow’ wāga-pēlek (instead of wax-pēlek) ‘one ation is thus unnecessary (and false!). kopeck’; xūdamet ‘sixth’ (instead of xutmet); mōgoŋ, The differences in the first syl- Surg. ‘pregnant’, etc. The language does not seem 87. mōkŋ lable vowels show the result to have any specific rules for additions like this. of historical sound changes, § 34 If we compare the Irtyš dialect to both Surgut which have led to different dialects, we can see many sorts of vowel differ- phonemes. The ones in the sec- ences both in the stem of the words and in the suffixes. ond syllable again show pho- Here is a short overview of these: netic realizations of the re- 86 1. a, e; e.g. LS. kera ‘sterlet (fish)’, LS.kari ; es- duced vowel phoneme /ǝ/. tem ‘let, release’, US. asȶem; kawa hammer’, LS. 88. This is the paradigmatic vowel kewi; eder ‘clear’, S. ater, kerap ‘vehicle’, S. kerep; jirnas alternation ä ~ i in Surgut. ‘shirt’, S. jernes; šermat ‘headstall’, S. širmetˊ87 89. This is an attested and regu- 2. ā, ē; e.g. ājem ‘glue’, S. ējem; ēbet ‘smell’, S. āpeȶ; lar sound correspondence be- čawer ‘hare’, US. tēwer; pāgart ‘timber’, LS. pēwert. tween the dialects. Suffixal variation; the words 3. a, i; e.g. opa ‘elder sister’, S. opi; aŋa ‘mother’, S. 90. aŋki; lūla ‘a seabird’, S. lūli; īma ‘woman’, S. īmi. without the finali (= j) show the simplification of the suffix. 4. ā, ī; e.g. jāndemˊ , jēndemˊ ‘drink’, S. jīndemˊ ; tāsem ‘my things’, S. tīsem88. 91. Essentially the same alternation as in no. 6, with a syllable- 5. a, o; e.g. jaradem ‘forget’, S. jorodem; adaša ‘stallion’, S. odoša; aidem ‘find’, S. ojodem; kowa finali (= j). Essentially the same alterna- ‘cuckoo’, LS. kawi. 92. tion as in no. 4, with a syllable- ā, ō; e.g. ōŋet ‘horn’, S āŋet; ōŋdep ‘gaff, spear’, S. 6. finali (= j). āŋdep; mōrom ‘fold’, S. māram; sōm ‘fish flake’, S. sām; sōjem ‘mountain brook’, S. sājem; sōrt ‘pike’, S. sārt; ōš ‘sheep’, S. āč89. 7. a, u; e.g. warŋai ‘crow’, S. urŋi. 8. ā, ū; e.g. sūpos ‘knitting needle’, US.sāwas ; āxtem ‘vomit’, S. ūgodem. 9. a, ü; e.g. aŋasem ‘take off one’s shoes’, S.üŋacem. 10. a, ai; e.g. joura ‘slanted’, S. jourai; ńatxa ‘spruce’, S. ńatxai; ańaxa ‘stepmother’, S. anjakai90 11. ai, oi; e.g. poi ‘aspen’, S. pai; poidek ‘willow grouse’, S. paitek; moitet ‘soap’, S. maitek91. 12. āu, īu; e.g. nāurem, ńīurem ‘jump’92.

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93. The actual representation in Surgut is ö, ɔ̈ (cf. nr. 17). In the latter vowel, the labiali- 94. ☙ 14 ❧ zation is a feature in the consonant, the Surgut (Trj, Tra) e, i; e.g. keredem ‘return, come back’, S kirigȡem; phoneme : phonematically / 13. ŋ° kiser ‘playing cards’, OS. keser; jermak, jirmak jeŋ°ǝt/. ‘silk’; jirnas ‘shirt’, S. jernes; pete ‘bottom, ground’, S. 95. The correct translation is ‘child’. pite. 96. The first example shows the 14. ē, ī; e.g. nēbek ‘paper’, S. nīpek; tīliš ‘moon, same feature as explained in month’, S. tēȡes. note 94 but with the rounded e, o; e.g. ket ‘word’, S. koȶ; weŋ ‘son-in-law’, S. 15. 93 ɣ° phoneme: (Irtyš (Kr.) kew woŋ; kergem ‘fall (down)’, S. korgem . vs. Surgut (Tra) käɣ°; the latter 16. ē, ū; e.g. ēne, ūna ‘big’. the combination aw vs. ew (the 17. e, ö: e.g. pem ‘sauna steam’, S. pöm; keńer ‘arm’, word ‘child’ has a full vowel in US. köńer. both syllables, even if marked 18. ē, ei; e.g. ēssig, eissig ‘old man’, ēt, eit ‘item’; ēdem as “short” here) ‘leave (behind)’, S. eidem. 97. Cf. notes 94 and 96: the alter- 19. ē, eu; e.g. jēŋet ‘spinning wheel’, S. jeuŋet94 nation is South ‑w vs. Surgut 20. ē, au; e.g. mēget ‘breast’, S. maugeȶ. ‑ɣ°: actually nĕw ~ nŏɣ°, tĕw ~ 21. ei, oi; e.g. tej ‘top, tip’, LS. toi. ʌŏɣ°. 22. ei, üi; e.g. tei ‘pus’, S. tüi. 98. The verb ‘come’ is one of the 95 23. eu, au; e.g. keu ‘stone’, S. kaux; ńaurem ‘young ’, so-called thematic verbs that S. ńeurem96. have two or more vowel al- eu, ou; e.g. neu ‘branch, twig’, LS. noux; teu ternations in the stem; how- 24. ‘bone’, S. ȶoux97. ever, they appear in different i, u; e.g. jiwem, juwem ‘come’98; šudai ‘partridge’, inflective forms: injuwem ‘I 25. LS. šigdei. came’, the vowel is u; the var- , ; e.g. ‘hat’, S. ; ‘tow line’, S. jün- iant i does not occur in this 26. i ü mil mül jinda form (past) but instead in jitǝm dex; linda ‘bullfinch’, S.lünti . ‘I come’ (present/future). 27. ī, ǖ; e.g. kīda ‘sister-in-law, brother-in-law’, S. 99. Simplification of the suffix; see kǖdi. note 90. 28. i, ai; e.g. warŋai ‘crow’, S. urŋi; jeterŋai ‘caper- caillie’, S. jeterŋi; kuŋnai ‘elbow’, S. kunxŋi99. 29. o, u; e.g. tuŋ ‘summer’, S. ȶoŋ; turt ‘root’, LS. tort; tunt ‘goose’, S. ȶont; unǯa ‘spruce’, S. onǯex; puŋat ‘side’, S. poŋaȶ; pusem ‘wash (clothes)’, S. pos- sem; numem ‘remember’, S. nomem. 30. ō, ū; e.g. xūt ‘cough’, S. kōȶ; xūlax ‘raven’, US. kōlak; mūrax ‘cloudberry’, S. mōrak; ōmsem ‘sit’, S. ūmsem; pūden ‘nettle’, S. pōȡen.

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100. The labialization is, again, a feature of the consonant: “US.” ‑ vs. “LS.” ‑ . However, the ☙ 15 ❧ ɣ ɣ° rounded consonants k°, ɣ° and 31. o, ö; e.g. końar, keńer ‘arm’, US. köńer. ŋ° are attested in all Surgut dialects. 32. ō, ȫ; e.g. kōr ‘oven’, S. kȫr; koń, kȫn ‘arctic fox’. In the German mscr., is clas- , , ; e.g. ‘flesh, meat’, S. ; , 101. ŋ 33. o ō oi ńōgo ńōgoi ōdaˊ oidaˊ sified as a light consonant and ‘sour’. the “N.B.” is the following: In o, ou; e.g. nox (US.), noux (LS.) ‘twig’; ńox ‘moose’, the Surgut dialects, has si- 34. 100 h LS. ńoux; tox (US.) ‘lake’, toux (LS.) . multaneously the character of 35. ō, au; e.g. jōgot ‘bow’, LS. jaugoȶ; pōgor ‘islet’, S. both a hard and a smooth con- paugor; ōgot ‘sledge’, LS. augoȶ. sonant, e.g. jandham ‘to sing’ 36. oi, ui; e.g. toi, tui ‘top, tip’, tui ‘finger’, LS.ȶoi. (unclear, looks like “singen”). 102. With the exception of g = /ɣ/ b) Alternations of consonants and ŋ, the “smooth” consonants are voiced (or medial) In order to provide general rules for alternations § 35 allophones to the correspond- in consonants, we divide them into three classes: ing “hard”, i.e. unvoiced stops A) Hard: k, x, ḱ, p, t, t,ˊ ȶ, ȶ,ˊ c, š, c, č. and affricates, and they occur B) Smooth: g, ǵ, ŋ, b, d, ȡ, d,ˊ ȡ,ˊ ʒ, ǯ. in word internal positions be- C) Light: j, l, l,ˊ m, n, ń, r, w. tween vowels or following a nasal ( , , , ) or liquid ( , ) N.B. As an exception, ŋ has simultaneously the char- m n ń ŋ l r . acter of both a light and a smooth consonant.101 103. So they, in fact, make up a group of their own. § 36 There is a rule to be observed, in Ostyak as well as 104. g = /ɣ/ is the phoneme here in other languages, that the smooth consonants and x its word-final voice- may not appear either in word-initial or word-final less allophone. In the observa- position, whereas the hard and light consonants can tions of many other scholars, occur in both these positions102. However, the vowel the voiced g = /ɣ/ also appears consonants j and w change into i and u in word-final word-finally. position, and word-initially they are very common103. 105. This is an inflected form, seemingly kät ‘2’ + Px2Sg “your N.B. 1. Among the smooth consonants, ŋ and the aspi- two”, i.e. ‘the two of yours’. rated g can occur in word-final position, although the latter changes easily tox ; e.g. jig, jix ‘father’; meg, mex ‘clay, land’, mag, max ‘honey’104. 2. If there are two consonants in the end of a word, may neither of these be smooth. Only exceptionally sometimes the first of these can be smooth; e.g. kādn or kātn ‘two’105.

§ 37 Smooth consonants are equally rare in syllable-final positions inside one word, as they are

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106. In the first example, there is a phonetic free variation of Sur- gut / /. In the latter ex- aʌʌəm ☙ 16 ❧ ample, the first variantmaxta [ ] is from Irtyš and the măχtə in word-final position. In the Irtyš dialects, onlyŋ and latter [Trj ] from magdi măɣʌi ̮ appear often in syllable-final position; e.g. Surgut. g jigdeŋ ‘stepfather’, ‘ (dace)’, 107. Consonant! megdeŋ cyprinus dobula megder 108. There is no rule or tendency in ‘angleworm’, ōŋdep ‘gaff, spear’,jēŋdem ‘spin’, where- the distribution of /k/ and /ɣ/ as in the Surgut dialects, other consonants can also ap- in this respect. pear, e.g. üȡȡim ‘I (will) heat’; āȡȡam ‘I (will) sleep’. 109. I.e. the smoother (voiced or § 38 In syllable-initial positions, a hard consonant medial) variants occur between must always be preceded by a hard one and a vowels or in combination with smooth consonant by a smooth one.; e.g. āȡȡam or a nasal or liquid (cf. note 102). āȶȶam ‘I (will) sleep’, maxta, magdi ‘laurel willow’106. 110. This is a rule which obvious- If the preceding syllable ends with a vowel or a light ly has not been easy to formu- consonant, either a hard or a smooth consonant can late; e.g. in this example, the initiate the following one. There are no specific rules consonant t is not followed by in these cases, yet it seems that a condition can be a “hard” but by a “light” con- given according to which a smooth vowel107 follows a sonant. We only need one rule, long syllable and a hard one a short syllable; e.g. jukan which is formulated in note ‘lot (fate)’; jōgot ‘bow’.108 109, and this is only for allo- § 39 According to the sound harmonic rules in Os- phones. tyak presented in §§ 36–38, the consonants 111. This would be, though, exact- are either hardened or smoothened. The smoothen- ly the same free variation as ing occurs especially when a flexion ending is added, in āȡȡam vs. āȶȶam above, cf. in compounds, in the frequent cases with additional note 106. vowels, etc.; e.g. ‘vehicle’, pl. ; 112. Phonematically: jeńtˊǝm — kerap kerabet pēlak ‘I drank — I (will) ‘half’, pēlget; xōdoxta instead of xōtoxta ‘roof’; āxtem jeńtˊtǝm 109 drink’; in the past tense, be- or ũgodem ‘vomit’ . On the other hand, the conso- tween a nasal and a vowel, the nants are always hardened when they are word-final, allophone is medial (or voiced). as well as in the middle of the word following a hard 113. free variation in one context consonant; e.g. pēdem ‘horsefly’, pl.pētmet (instead (between vowels) of pēdemet)110, tūbat ‘basket’, pl. tuptet (instead of tūbadet); jōxtem (instead of jōgodem) ‘go in’; ōmattem (instead of ōmaddem) ‘I (will) sit’111; tāptem (instead of tābedem) ‘feed’. § 40 In Ostyak, the smooth and hard consonants corresponding to one another are the following;

b and p; e.g. lībet ‘leaf’, pl. līptet. d — t; e.g. jādam ‘seine net’, pl. jātmet. ȡ — ȶ; e.g. ńāȡem ‘tongue’, pl. ńāȶmet.

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114. The examples represent two different alternations: in the first one the phoneme / / is ☙ 17 ❧ k represented by a medial be- dˊ and tˊ; e.g. jēndemˊ ‘drink’, fut. jēnttemˊ 112. tween two vowels (phonetically { }), whilst in the second ȡ ˊ— ȶ;ˊ e.g. siȡaˊ or siȶaˊ ‘gunpowder’113. jiGəm one the phoneme /ɣ/ is repre- g — k, x; e.g. jigem ‘set (a bow, a trap)’; fut. 114 sented by its voiceless allo- jiktem; ńagam ‘laugh’, fut. ńāxtam . phone followed by a voiceless ǵ — ḱ; e.g. senḱ ‘bast’, senǵem ‘my bast’. stop (backward assimilation). ŋ — nk, nx; e.g. seŋem ‘hit’, fut. senktem; In these cases, both the com- 115 115. jāŋam ‘walk’, fut. jānxtam . binations ŋk and ŋχ have been (ʒ — c) sporadically simplified be- ǯ — č, š; e.g. ūš or ūč ‘cloth’, ūǯem ‘my cloth’, tween vowels. This does not mungolǯem ‘I bound’, 1. prs. Pl.116 normally happen in Khanty mungolšmen. dialects. The normalized verbs are seŋk- and jăŋχ-, respective- N.B. The hards has no smooth counterpart in the ly. language and thus cannot occur together with a 116. First person dual! All examples smooth consonant. represent the phoneme /č/. 117. Up to this, they are combinations that truly exist in these § 41 A sequential rule after those concerning smooth- ening and hardening of the consonants in Os- positions, cf. 120 below. tyak is, as in most of the related languages, the very 118. ʌ and its counterpart l in the important rule that two consonants are not allowed northern dialects form a sylla- either in the beginning of a word or syllable or in the ble of their own when used as a personal ending, like here pre- end of them. Only in word- or syllable-final positions sent tense 3Sg. are there sometimes sequences of two consonants, 119. These two have in the pho- when one of these, and most often the former, is a liq- nematic system, a schwa be- uid or sibilant, or ŋ or ȶ. We have observed the follow- tween the consonants; i.e. they ing combinations of two consonants: lt, lt,ˊ mt, nt, nȶ, are not combinations of two nt,ˊ nȶ,ˊ rt, ts, sȶ, ȶt, lš, nš, nč, nk, nḱ, nx, tn, dn, mp, kŋ, rm, consonants but sequences of rn, rx; e.g. peltčēm ‘I exchange’, polt ˊ‘tallow’, teremt- C1əC2. tem ‘I spread (out)’, tunt ‘goose’, mōntˊ ‘story’, kunȶˊ 120. Combinations of nasal/liquid + ‘sunrise, sunset’, sārt ‘pike’, sast ‘lizard’117, āmesȶ ‘he stop/affricate are allowed. They sits’118, ōȶt ‘they sleep’, nōgolšmen gerund of nōgolǯem are, though, often simplified to ‘stake, support’119, čānšpan ‘pitch thread’, čānč ‘knee’, a stop/affricate:jak : jankem, jānk ‘nail’, senḱ ‘bast’, ōƞx ‘resin’120, itn ‘evening’, etc. kādn ‘two’121, āmp ‘dog’122, wokŋ ‘strong’, tūrm ‘God’, 121. itən ‘in the morning’, kätən ‘the ārndeŋ ‘guilty’, ürx, erx ‘excessive’123. two of yours’, cf. note 105. 122. Cf. 120 above, oftenap : ampem § 42 Some consonants occur in the combinations mentioned above only seldom, and usu- ‘my dogs’, apɣən ‘two dogs’ but ally change into other sounds. Thus,m in front of t ampət ‘(many) dogs’. 123. actually: (S.) wɔ̈ɣ°əŋ̆ , turəm, ärǝntǝŋ, ö̆rəɣ

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124. dual = ‘we two; both of us’ 125. In the Surgut dialects, they represent the same phoneme, ☙ 18 ❧ whilst in the southern dialects, / / and / / are separate (Honti č š usually changes into n; e.g. terenttem ‘I spread (out)’ 1984: 26). instead of teremttem. In the middle of a word, č also 126. This is a lexical phenomenon very often becomesš when preceded by a conso- and concerns certain words. 124 The ones mentioned here be- nant; e.g. kenšmen instead of kenčmen ‘we caught’, long to the most important čānšpan instead of čānčpan ‘pitch thread’. Addition- ones of this kind: the regular ally, in the Surgut dialects, word-finalč nearly always form for ‘one’ is /ĕj/ {i}, and changes into š; e.g. aš instead of ač ‘chalk’; ūš instead there are no later examples of of ūč ‘cloth’; woš instead of woč ‘town’125. the form it; īwe(t) /iwǝ, iwǝt/ is § 43 In order to prevent too many consonants from a postposition which in many occurring together, the language uses the means dialects has developed into ab- of deleting one of the consonants, in most cases the lative case suffix;ĕn is a neg- first one. In addition, of the consonants mentioned in ative particle which is used in § 41, one is sometimes deleted; e.g. ńamlet instead of verb conjugation and often los- ńamplet, pl. of ńambal ‘mud’; kušpet instead of kunšpet, es its final ‑t when the verb fol- pl. of kunǯep ‘comb’, jāxtam instead of jānxtam ‘I lowing it begins with a conso- walk’. Sometimes the latter consonant is deleted; e.g. nant (as in the final example ȶor instead of ȶort ‘root’. This happens especially often of § 43); and the 1PSg pronoun in situations when two words are tied together in pro- (Surgut mä, O ma) only gets its nunciation and thereby several consonants meet; e.g. ‑n in declension. ammox instead of amp-mox ‘puppy’; en werem instead The possessive suffix of 2PSg 127. of ent werem ‘I did not (do)’. is ‑en; it is recognizable also Additionally, there are many elisions in Ostyak without the final ‑n on the ba- § 44 sis of its full vowel. that are not dependent on any special rules. Es- 128. Rather ‘armless man’. There is pecially in word-final position,t , n and in the Surgut also an assimilation <ȶȶ> in the dialects x are deleted; e.g. i pa instead of it pa ‘once’; written form, actually kätʌəɣ/ opīwe instead of opīwet ‘from the elder sister’; en in- 126 ku/ (kät ‘arm, hand’, ‑ʌəɣ is the stead of ent ‘not’, ma instead of man ‘I’ ; rīte instead caritive suffix); certainly an as- of rīten ‘your boat’127; koȶȶa ku instead of koȶȶax ku similation or elision takes place ‘man without a hand’128. The elision ofx also some- when ɣ and k meet at a word times occurs in the middle of a word; e.g. lenkep ‘split’, boundary; one would rather dual lenkepan instead of lenkepxan129. Moreover, a expect {kätʌək ku}. double consonant is often pronounced as a single one, 129. The dual suffix is /‑ɣən/; in the and when two similar syllables meet, one of them can northern and part of the south- sometimes be deleted; e.g. īmiden instead of īmideden ern (Kr.) dialects, /‑ŋən/. ‘your mothers’; cf. § 85. Some special elisions will be discussed in the morphological section. N.B. In many cases, in the general pronunciation, the

64 Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar

130. In the first example,j is added in jit, while in the second example, is original and deleted ☙ 19 ❧ j in īndep. consonant can partly be deleted, partly preserved. In 131. In three of these examples, it is the orthography, we follow the etymological demands a question of the correspondence of South ‑ vs. Surgut ‑ of the language and thus write the sounds as com- w ɣ° (marked with ; i.e. the la- pletely as possible. bialization takes place on the § 45 Sometimes in Ostyak, the vowel consonants j, w consonant). In the word for as well as g, x and k can be added. This addition ‘wolf’, there is an elision of the occurs in word-initial and word-final as well as word- final consonant ‑ɣ in the South. internal positions: 132. the same derivation type as in A) When the word begins with a vowel, sometimes ‘wolf’ above j and w are required as a kind of aspiration; e.g. 133. The verbs ‘give’ and ‘eat’ are it or jit ‘under’, īndep or jīndep ‘needle’130. thematic, i.e. they have two al- B) Word-final vowels in the Surgut dialects become ternating stems: mĕ- ~ mĕj- and aspirated when they occur with x; e.g. neu, noux te- ~ tew- (Surgut ʌi- ~ ʌiɣ°- or ‘twig’; jeu, jeux ‘perch’; jeura, jeurex ‘wolf’; keu, LS. ʌiw-, respectively). (Honti 1984: kaux ‘stone’131. The Irtyš dialect often usesj and this is 35–36.) why i is written after the vowel; e.g.joura or jourai, S. 134. In these words, too, ‑ɣ- is origi- jagrax ‘slanted’132. nal, and in the South, an elision has taken place. C) Word-internally we find the following additions of consonants: 135. Here, too, the guttural is origi- Between two vowels that come together, j, g or nal, while in the South, an eli- a) sion has taken place. w is easily added; e.g. mejem instead of me’em ‘give’, ńatxaja or ńatxaga instead of ńatxa’a, dative of ńatxa ‘pine’, tēwem instead of tē’em ‘eat’133. This addition ofj , g often occurs when the two vowels are exactly the same and especially when the first one is long. b) In the Surgut dialects, g can sometimes also be added between a vowel and a consonant; e.g. ja- ran, S. jargan ‘Samoyed’, sēwem, S sēwgem ‘braid, weave’, šudai, S. šigdei ‘partridge’, keredem, S. kirigdem ‘return’134. c) Word-internally, an addition of x, k occurs sometimes but rarely in the Surgut dialects; e.g. namasem, S. namaxsem ‘remember’, naresem, S. nareksem ‘play’135. § 46 In the Surgut dialects, a single consonant is very often duplicated between the vowels of the

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136. This is one reason why the vowels today are divided into full vs. reduced instead of long ☙ 20 ❧ vs. short; because full vowels also have short allophones. It is first and the second syllable. This reduplication takes rather interesting that Castrén place especially after a preceding long vowel, which in has wanted to write a double j this position is normally pronounced as a short vowel following the Finnish way with (cf. § 52, section b); e.g. , S. ( ) ‘swan’; . xōteŋ kōtteŋ kotteŋ kēne, S. kānnex (kannex) ‘easy, light’, ējem, S. ēijem in- 137. This is a partial assimilation to 136 ʌ, which in these suffixes marks stead of ējjem (ejjem) ‘glue’. It has to be noted that plurality of the possessed. in connection with the reduplication, the weak conso- 138. Here, an extra j is added, prob- nants are always hardened; e.g. edep, S. ettep ‘verst’, ably to stress the palatalization. kugur, S. kukkur ‘basket’; cf. § 39. 139. This is also assimilation; it is § 47 Moreover, there are many consonant changes expected that the whole conso- that cannot be described with common rules nant cluster would get the pal- and regulations. We give the most important of these atalization of /ńtˊ/ here; i.e. the here: palatalization does not move a) In the Surgut dialects, č changes often intot ; e.g. entirely from the consonant ūč ‘cloth’, ūtȶam ‘my clothes’, āč ‘mutton’,ātȶam cluster of the stem to the suffix, ‘my muttons’137. but is rather extended to the b) ttˊ (t ˊ+ t) becomes ttˊ (t + tˊ) and ńt becomes ntˊ; suffix. e.g. jēndjemˊ ‘drink’138, fut. jēnttemˊ instead of 140. This is not a sound change or jēnttemˊ 139. alternation but a difference in c) Similarly, čt (č + t) becomes tč (t + č); e.g. pelǯem the suffixes referring to num- ‘exchange’, fut. peltčem instead of pelčtem. ber and possession. In Surgut, x + x can never occur together, but instead change the suffix for absolute dual is d) into k + k (kk); e.g. wāsex ‘duck’, dual wāsekkan ‑ɣən and the one for dual pos- instead of . sessed is ‑ɣəʌ- with the original wāsexxan dual marker ‑ɣ- and ‑ʌ proba- e) n in Surgut changes sometimes into ȶ; e.g. rītxan bly adopted from the series of ‘two boats’, rītxaȡam (actually rītxaȶ-am) ‘my 140 plural possessed, cf. possessive two boats’ . suffixes pp. 15–16 in the Short f) t alternates with s; e.g. ēbet ‘smell’, ēpsendem (in- Grammatical Description. stead of ēptendem) ‘to smell’, tissirˊ instead of titsirˊ 141. The former is a speciality oc- ‘that kind of’141. curring in derivation, the latter § 48 In cases where the syllable ends with a pure con- a backward assimilation. sonant k, p, t, l, m, n, r, s and the vowel is short, the 142. I.e. the reduced vowel makes consonant is duplicated142; e.g. jat, jatt ‘lazy’, ńot, ńott the consonant sound stronger, ‘nose’, jem, jemm ‘good’, etc. As this duplication is most cf. 136 above. often due to organic reasons and does not occur when vowel-initial suffixes are added, it does not need any specific marking. However, when this reduplication

66 Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar

143. In the word for ‘day’, the double consonant is truly etymological: it originates from a ☙ 21 ❧ combination of t and a syllable- can be shown to have an etymological background, it forming l, of which the latter must also be marked. In some monosyllabic words, a has changed into t in the South, as have all the -sounds in these purely phonetical double consonant must also be indi- l dialects (and in Surgut into ʌ; cated, because it is preserved in connection with suf- in Surgut the word is kătǝ̑ʌ). fixes that begin with a vowel; e.g.xatt ‘day’, xattīwen South / / (full vowel), Sur- 143 144 144. sem ‘during the days’, xattet ‘days’ ; semm ‘eye’ , sem- gut /säm̆ / (reduced) met ‘(several) eyes’. 145. This is partly between and § 49 In a similar way as the vowels, consonants also partly within dialects: the me- vary conditionally in the different dialects. Here dial pronunciation of stops and we give a short overview to some of the consonant affricates between vowels and alternations of that kind: close to a nasal or liquid (cf. A) The weak consonantsb , w, d, ȡ, d,ˊ ȡ,ˊ g, ǵ, ŋ, ʒ, ǯ note 102). alternate with the strong consonants p, t, ȶ, t,ˊ ȶ,ˊ 146. The unvoiced (medial) later- k, x, ḱ, nk, nx, c, č; e.g. lībet, S. līpet ‘leaf’; jipex, jiwex, als are suddenly called “aspi- Irt. jiba ‘owl’; ēndep, ēntep ‘belt’; kaȡa, kaȶa ‘dew’; rated”; these are the ones that kudarˊ , kutarˊ ‘ermine’; siȡa, siȶa ‘gunpowder’; argem, originate from *l, which in its arkem ‘sing’; magdi, maxta ‘white’; ńōrgem, ńōxrem turn has become t in the South, ‘cut, curve’; saŋa, sanki ‘clear’; muŋolǯem, munxlodem cf. 143 above. ‘bound’; kēǯe, kāčex ‘knife’145. 147. rather: ć with tˊ; jirća vs. jirtaˊ ; The aspirated consonants alternate with tenues tatχəˊ B) This is the same as in d) and and mediae; e.g. ādaŋ, S. āȡaŋ ‘morning’; pēten, 148. 146: ćewer vs. tewerˊ . S. pēȶen ‘cloud’; petem, S. peȶem ‘lip’; ede, S. aȶe ‘lid’146. 149. on p. 19/65, “S. jagrax” C) The smooth or palatalized consonants are sometimes pronounced as hard ones; e.g. āgań or ākan ‘doll’, āńgeš, ānkeč ‘pea’, šermat, sirmetˊ ‘headstall’. D) The following sibilants alternate: a) s with c; e.g. aŋasem, S. uŋacem ‘take off one’s shoes’. b) s with š; e.g. ńarša, S. ńarse ‘willow’. c) š with č; e.g. aš, ač ‘chalk’; woš, woč ‘town’, ūš, ūč ‘cloth’. d) c with tˊ; e.g. jirca, jirtaˊ ‘brother-in-law’; cātxa, tōtxaˊ ‘scythe’147. e) č with t; e.g. čēwer, tēwer ‘hare’148. E) The following gutturals alternate: a) g with w and u; e.g. kowa, S. kogi ‘cuckoo’; joura, S. jograx149 ‘slanted’.

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150. This is a regular sound correspondence between the Sur- gut and the southern dialects, ☙ 22 ❧ where word-initial *k has become in front of a back vowel. x x with k; e.g. xump, S. kump ‘wave’; xui, S. kui In other positions, the change b) 151. ‘man’150; , S. ‘cloudberry’; , S. is less regular. mūrax mōrak ańaxa ‘stepmother’151. 152. This is a question of a relative- ańakai ly small difference in pronunci- c) g with ŋ; e.g. pegai, S. peŋai ‘the left (one)’; tar- ation between specific dialects gat, S. tarŋet ‘lung’. (Paasonen has marked velars d) k (x) with nk; e.g. kōlak (xūlax), kōlank ‘raven’; instead of dentals in the Khan- mēllek, mēllenk ‘warm’. ty dialect of Konda). e) ǵ, ḱ with d,ˊ tˊ; e.g. nīnǵem, nīŋdem ‘take a rest’; 153. This is not the same l* that is ḱenak, tenakˊ ‘wart’152. represented by t in South. F) The following liquid consonants alternate some- 154. In many Finno-Ugric languag- times: es, they are truly separate. a) l with ȡ; e.g. tīlis, S. tēȡes ‘moon, month’153. Considering Khanty, also in b) n with ŋ; e.g. xansa, S. xaŋsa ‘pipe’. what follows in Castrén’s description, in some cases they are linked together. This is be- D) Accent and quantity cause the accent in Khanty is not as stable and strong as in § 50 The length (quantity) and the stress (accent) e.g. Finnish or Hungarian. of the words in Ostyak obey almost the same 155. This is, in fact, a connection be- regulations as in the Tartar languages. Although they tween quantity and stress, al- are in some sense connected to one another, accent though the quantity of vowels and quantity are in these languages two most inde- is not really an issue of quan- 154 tity but rather one of full vs. re- pendent phenomena , and they may not be mixed, duced (cf. note 21). which so often happens in the Turkic and Mongolian languages. § 51 First, when it comes to stress, it is not equally strong in Ostyak as in Tartar, but falls, however, most often on the final syllable of the word. The strength of the stress depends on many factors, and here we wish to mention the most important ones: a) The final syllable is most strongly stressed in cases where it contains a long vowel while the other syllables only have short vowels; e.g. urmā ‘mitten’, umbā ‘scoop’, pusā ‘beer’, etc.155 b) When the word consists of short syllables, the final syllable has a very weak stress; but if the word ends with a consonant, the stress is much stronger;

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156. There are two additions in the German mscr.: “d) Bei dem Zu- satze von Affirmativen kom- ☙ 23 ❧ mt der Ton in der gewöhnli- e.g. jiba ‘owl’, mańa ‘younger brother’, adam ‘man, hu- chen Aussprache zuweilen auf der letzten Sylbe des Stammes man’, kerap ‘vehicle’. zu ruhen, z. B. panémen, wir N.B. This phenomenon is based on the fact that it is (zwei) legten. e) In zusam- much harder for the organs to pronounce a con- mengesetzten Wörter fällt der sonant than a vowel in the end of a word. That is also Ton, so wie in einfachen, nach why Finnish very seldom has word-final consonants, der Regel auf der Endsylbe des and why in Ostyak the final syllables ending in conso- letztes Wortes, z. B. xadaú, nants only in order to make the pronunciation easier ĉenstup”. have a fuller stress and, as a whole, a greater volume. 157. This is a cryptic rule that is hard to understand without ex- c) A preceding long syllable in the word always amples. makes the stress of the final syllable weaker; and 158. This, again, means that the if the penultima has a long vowel, the ultima gets a vowel is not phonological- very weak stress or no stress at all; e.g. jōgot ‘bow’, ly long but rather full (vs. re- sōdop ‘sheath’. In this case, the vowel of the final syl- duced, which in similar posi- lable is pronounced almost like a schwa, or can be to- tions is pronounced short or tally deleted; e.g. tūrum or tūrm ‘God’.156 overshort). 159. ‘talk’; this is one of the few et- § 52 The quantity of the syllables cannot be described with general rules, and that is why the long and ymological comparisons pre- the short vowels are separated with special marking in sented in the grammar (more this work. However, it seems that concerning quantity, are found in the word list); the comparison is false, although the following rules can be given for Ostyak: basically the sound corre- When, on one hand, the final syllable takes the a) spondence Kh. j- ~ Fi. h- is pos- stress, on the other hand, the first syllable tends to 157 sible (e.g. Khanty jĕpǝ ‘owl’ ~ increase its length, at least on the basis of its position . Fi. hyypiä id., in which Finn- If a long vowel is followed by two consonants, ish has a secondary prolonga- b) 158 it very often loses its length in pronunciation ; tion of the vowel probably due e.g. jāstem or jastem ‘say’, Finn. haastan159; jēndemˊ or to affect; the consonants repre- jendemˊ ‘drink’. sent the PFU *š). Nevertheless; c) If the vowel precedes an aspirated g, it is pro- the word internal correspond- nounced long as in the Tartar languages; e.g. ence ‑st- ~ ‑st- does not follow jāgam ‘moor’, jāgal ‘step’160. the sound-historical rules. d) The long vowel in monosyllabic words is in most 160. Phonematically, reduced (here: cases pronounced short; e.g. ār or ar ‘big’, kēt, ket “short”) vowels are also com- ‘hand’161. mon in front of /ɣ/, e.g. S jĕɣ ‘father’, jŏɣǝt- ‘come, arrive’, e) In a similar way, the vowel of the final syllable in multisyllabic words is most often pronounced mö̆ɣ(i) ‘what’. short. 161. in a closed syllable in front of a word-final consonant

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162. The manuscript has a section of its own for adjectives, 4 ½ pag- es, including a list of derivative suffixes. In the printed version, ☙ 24 ❧ this has been combined with the section for nouns. 163. when needed 164. or ‘half leg’

165. There are lots of these, many already mentioned in the pho- II Morphology nological section. 166. hiatus 167. In these words, the final consonant is original and the variants ending in a vowel show 1) Noun the result of word-final elision. 168. The Samoyed word is a cognate § 53 Like the Finnish and Tartar languages in gen- of the Khanty one; however, ‑k eral, the Ostyak language does not differenti- is here an old derivative suffix. ate between nouns and adjectives162. Both classes of 169. The word has two variants that nouns take the same suffixes for cases and numbers; are used partly in different neither of them shows genus, which is expressed163 by functions (neŋ being more in- different words or using the word ‘man; male’ and dependent (‘woman’), ne used xui more in compounds (‘female’). neŋ ‘woman, female’; e.g. xui-tau ‘stallion’, neŋ-tau ‑ŋ represents the original stem ‘mare’, xui-tawax ‘cock’, neŋ-tawax ‘hen’. The adjec- consonant (PU *näxi ‘woman’, tives do not have an actual comparative form, which e.g. Janhunen 1981: 27). in some Finnish languages is used to justify the differ- 170. Concerning derivation, Cast- ence between nouns and adjectives. Even on semanti- rén has in his Swedish original cal basis the two classes of nouns are not so different, manuscript (p. 215) a historical because the same noun can often be used both as a introduction to the morpholo- substantive or an adjective; e.g. jem ‘good; goodness’, gy of nouns: kur-pēlek ‘lame’ (actually ‘half-foot’164). “As already has been denot- § 54 The stem of a noun does not have any spe- ed earlier, we have to assume, cial endings; nouns can end in any vowel or on the basis of the basic char- consonant. This concerns especially the monosyl- acter of the Finnish languages, labic root words; most of the disyllabic words end that the majority of primitive in a vowel. However, there are also some disyllabic nouns in Ostyak, too, has con- nouns that end in a consonant, and yet they can be sisted of two-syllable words, considered root words165; e.g. čēwer ‘hare’, mūlem which have been vowel-final ‘smoke’, ńādem ‘tongue’; it is, however, common and had the accent on the first that the final consonant in disyllabic as well as in syllable of the word. In addition, in all the Finnish languages there are also some original stems that only have one syllable and usually end in a vowel, which usually is long. The Ostyak words that end in a

70 Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar

consonant are not genuine, but have evolved a) through short- ening of the originally two-syl- ☙ 25 ❧ lable stem; b) through inserting of a consonant (n, ng) into the multisyllabic words is added to the stem in order to one syllable, originally vowel- obey the rules of euphony166 or it shows that the word final stem. In addition, many is a derivative. two-syllable stems have oc- § 55 For euphony, x, j (i) are added according to § 45 casionally adopted a conso- to the words ending with a vowel; e.g. tunda or nant after their final vowel, and tondax ‘birch bark’, joura, jourai (instead of jouraj), jog- some of them have also pulled rax ‘slanted’, jemse, jemsai ‘the right side’167. In some the accent back to the final syl- words, also k as ŋ seems to be added on the basis of lable. euphony; e.g. pēlek ‘half’, Sam. pele, Finn. puoli168; neŋ All nouns that have not de- or ne ‘woman’169, etc. veloped according to the rules described in the preceding § § 56 Some nominal endings, which in most cases are used to form derivatives, can be mentioned are thus derived from other here170: words or borrowed from oth- ‑ep (‑ap, ‑op) appears often in nouns (substan- er languages. In the following A. we will give some of the most tives) as well as in adjectives; e.g. jīndep ‘nee- common nominal suffixes…” dle’, ‘belt’, ‘sheath’, ‘cradle’, ēndep soodop ōndap jēdep [This historical comment ‘new’, ōdap ‘strong’, tūrap ‘loose, lax’. This suffix is seems to have been considered used very often to turn verbs into nouns referring to superfluous in the translation tools or instruments; e.g. kunǯep ‘comb’ (kunǯem ‘to phase. It is also a very Finnish- comb’), nōgolǯep ‘strut, support’ (nōgolǯem ‘to lean’), based assumption. The current 171 tūtxaep ‘churn staff’ tūtxaem( ‘to churn’) . view of the original Proto-Ural- B. ‑eŋ (‑aŋ, ‑oŋ) is also a common ending in ic/Finno-Ugric stems is, indeed, nouns and adjectives; e.g. ādeŋ ‘morning’, jaseŋ that they were vowel-final and ‘speech’, ajaŋ ‘happy’, namseŋ ‘clever, wise’172. The consisted of two syllables, but possessive adjectives, too, are always built with this what comes to Castrén’s point suffix; e.g.keweŋ ‘stony’ (from keu ‘stone’), mērgeŋ b), these also had the same orig- ‘winged’ (from mērek ‘wing’), tāšaŋ ‘rich, someone inal (C)VCV structure, and in who has things’ from tāš ‘thing(s)’, pūmaŋ ‘grass- the Finnic languages the long grown’, pūnaŋ ‘hairy’, etc. vowel is a consequence of the loss of a consonant like j, w, ŋ C. ‑li is used in a few dialects to build diminutive forms from nouns and adjectives; e.g. ateliˊ or ɣ, which is still present in the from ateˊ ‘father’, īmili from īmi ‘mother’, ājeli from āj Khanty dialects.] ‘small’, etc. 171. jīndep is also an instrument, cf. The diminutive forms from adjectives are in most jīndem (jint- ‘sew’). D. 172. The word ‘morning’ is not a de- cases built with ‑oxtep173; e.g. ājoxtep ‘smallish’, rivative; jaseŋ /jäsǝŋ/ ‘speech’ cf. jäst- ‘say, speak’, ajaŋ /ŏjǝŋ/ ‘happy, lucky’ cf. ŏj ‘luck’, nam seŋ /nămsǝŋ , nŏmsǝŋ/ ‘clever, wise’, cf. nămǝs, nŏmǝs ‘thought’. 173. Cf. note 80.

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174. These are actually compounds, cf. ot ‘thing; something’ and the words given here as exam- ☙ 26 ❧ ples could also (or rather) be translated as ‘the good one’, Russian маловатый (from āj ‘small’), werdoxtep ‘red- ‘the red one’, ‘the one that has dish’, Russian красноватый (from werde ‘red’), nowox- been thrown’. It is thus rather a ‘whitish, a little white’, Russian бҍловатый (from nominizer. tep nowa ‘white’). In these adjectives, the suffixǯek , ček, which is common in many Tartar languages, appears in some dialects; e.g. aiǯek ‘smallish’, werdeǯek ‘reddish’, cenkček ‘a little bit warm’. E. ‑at is an affix that forms indefinite nouns, pronouns and adverbs; e.g. jemat ‘something good’, werda’at or werdagat ‘something red’, tagamemat ‘something that has been thrown’174. F. ‑xa, ‑ka, ‑ga appear mostly in loan words; e.g. ańaxa or ańaka ‘stepmother’, ńatxa ‘spruce’, cātxa ‘scythe’, sulaika ‘inkwell’, seberga ‘broom’. G. ‑da (de), ‑ta (te), Surg. ‑ȡax (ȡex), ‑ȶax (ȶex) builds both the caritive case and negative adjectives; e.g. tutta ‘mouthless, dumb’, S. tutȶax; sēmde ‘eyeless, blind’, S. sēmȡex.

A. Declension

§ 57 In Ostyak, all nouns, adjectives, participles as well as many pronouns and numerals can be declined. The declension does not, however, take place in attributive relations but only in cases where the word has a nominal character; e.g. āj ‘small’, dative āja ‘to the small one’, toma ‘this’, ablative tomīwet ‘from this one’, ādem ‘bad’, nominative plural ātmet ‘the bad ones’, werde ‘red’, ablative werdedīwet ‘from the red ones’. Cf. āj ńaurema ‘to the little child’,toma xajadīwet ‘from these people’, ādem xōdat ‘bad huts’, werde xodadīwet ‘from the red huts’. § 58 The Surgut dialects have three numbers for all categories of nouns, pronouns and verbs: singular, dual and plural. In the Irtyš dialects, only verbs and personal pronouns have these three numbers; the nouns, adjectives, all numerals and many pronouns

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175. Nouns also have dual suffixes in the southern (DN, DT, Ko, Kr.) dialects (e.g. Honti ☙ 27 ❧ 1984: 131–132). The absolute (i.e. have only two numbers: singular and plural175. As in non-possessive) dual suffix is other languages, too, the singular in Ostyak is also in South ‑ɣən, in Surgut ‑ɣən, ‑ɣ ǝ̑n. without a general suffix. The dual suffix forms ganare: , 176. The vowel alternations (also in xan, kan, (gen, xen, ken)176, which correspond to the 177 the examples at the end of this Lappish ga and ka and the Samoyed ha . The plural page) represent the two dif- takes in most cases the suffixet (eȶ), which also appears ferent variants of the Surgut 178 in Finnish and in many other related languages . schwa (ə, ǝ̑), according to vowel § 59 When it comes to declension cases, Ostyak is harmony. not as rich as most of the languages in the same 177. This is a relevant and correct family. In addition to many local cases, the genitive comparison. The PU recon- and accusative are also completely missing in Ostyak. struction for absolute dual is In this language, only the following five cases have *kA. special suffixes: dative, locative, ablative, caritive and 178. These represent the PU abso- instructive. With the exception of personal pronouns, lute plural suffix*t. all nouns and pronouns take the same suffixes in sin- 179. The consonant alternation gular, dual and plural. Only caritive is not used in the shows the partial assimilation dual and plural. We will provide all of the different of ɣ into the following conso- case suffixes in the following paragraphs. nant. In front of k it is often pronounced as k. § 60 The stem of the word is used to express the singular nominative, e.g. aŋa ‘mother’, ēwa ‘daugh- 180. The role of the circumflex is not clear. It might be typographic ter’, keu ‘stone’, jink ‘water’. error or a means to stress the The dual suffixes are179: accent on the final syllable (ac- 1. gan (gen), when the stem ends with a vowel or tually: ĭkĭ : ĭkĭɣən). a smooth consonant; e.g. kara ‘bottom, ground’, 181. This is a further development dual karagan, ikî180 ‘old man’, dual ikigen. of the assimilation above (see note 179). 2. xan (xen), when the stem-final consonant is hard; e.g. wont ‘mountain’, dual wontxan, rīt 182. The suffix is ‑t in Surgut, too, ‘boat’, dual rītxen. because it represents the PU, POU *t; the voiceless lateral 3. kan (ken) after a stem-finalx (k); e.g. max ‘bea- ver’, dual makkan. ʌ is the representative of PU, PFU lateral (and ). What Occasionally an, en after a hard consonant and *l *s 4. grounds this lateral interpreta- especially afterk ; e.g. lenkep ‘hole’, dual len- tion in plural has, is completely , ‘writer’, dual 181. kepan jāk jākan unknown. The plural suffixes are: 1. ‑et, Surg. ‑eȶ182, in most of the words; e.g. īma

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183. not “next” (“in der nächsten Silbe”) as in the original The Surgut dialects have three 184. ☙ 28 ❧ plural suffix allomorphs:ət/ǝ̑t after a consonant stem,t after a ‘mother’, pl. īmet. In front of a vowel e often stem ending in full vowel (e.g. changes into i; e.g. ńatxaet, ńatxait. imi ‘woman’, pl. imit) and ‑at ‑at, ‑ot, Surg. ‑aȶ, ‑oȶ, after an aspiratedg , when following a stem that ends with 2. 183 a reduced vowel. The Surgut there is ā, ō or ū in the preceding syllable; e.g. suffixes are provided in their wāx ‘money’, pl. wāgat; mōx ‘young of an ani- right form in the mscr. (MC V mal’, pl. mōgot; jūx ‘tree’, pl. jūgot. In the Sur- p. 74) as ‑t, ‑et, ‑at; why they gut dialects, aȶ also occurs very often following are changed in the printed ver- other consonants, when there are hard vowels 184 sion to ‑ȶ, ‑aȶ, ‑oȶ is a mystery. in the stem; e.g. wont ‘mountain’, pl. wondaȶ. 185. i.e. the functions of possessor 3. ‑ȶ in the Surgut dialects after a stem-final vow- and goal (object) el; e.g. kara ‘bottom, ground’, pl.karaȶ , also 186. I.e. uses a relatively fixed SOV karagaȶ; iki ‘old man’, pl. ikiȶ. In Irtyš as well word order (and fixed constitu- as in the Surgut dialects, the elision of the bind- ent order of GN). In the Swed- ing vowel can take place aftern , s or diphthongs ish manuscript (p. 198), the dis- ending in i; e.g. nui ‘towel’, pl. nuit; poi ‘ash tinction between the subject (Fraxinus)’, pl. poit; xan ‘sledge’, pl. xant; pesan and the object (nominative and ‘table’, pl. pesant; kōs ‘star’, pl. kōsȶ. accusative) is more cryptic: “In § 61 In Ostyak, the pure stem expresses not only the simple sentences, where a noun nominative but also the genitive and the accu- could denote both the subject sative185. To avoid mixing these three cases, the lan- and the object (of a sentence), guage always places the genitive in front of its head the ambiguity shows in a way and the accusative closest to the front of the verb, that the subjective sentences are whilst the nominative takes the position in the be- expressed with a active passive ginning of the sentence as far as possible from the construction where the subject 186 [is] i Inessivus or Instructivus verb ; e.g. Oluga tau wāresīwet pan werōt ‘Olaus (ex) and the verb [i.e. a passive verb equi capillo chordam fecit; Oluga made a string out 187 and a locative agent], the ob- of the horse’s mane’ . Sometimes the genitive is ex- jective with an active, e.g. xui- pressed by a possessive adjective and in some cases et na tagameda tagamai, vir mo- or t is added to the accusative, which undoubtedly is vit, a viro motum est, ‘the man the personal suffix of the 3rd person singular. throws; by the man is thrown’, § 62 The Ostyak dative ends ina (e); e.g. pox ‘son’, xui tagamaiot virum (non vir) dat. poga; poi ‘rich’, dat. poja; iki (Surg.) ‘old movit ‘[he] threw the man’.” man’, dat. ikije. This suffix also expresses the illa- While working on the tive; e.g. jiŋa ‘into the water’, rīda ‘into the boat’, German translation, Castrén tuda ‘into the mouth’. In addition, it can also be reached a far simpler explana- used to express the allative, factive and consecu- tion based on basic word order. tive; e.g. pesana panet ‘(he) put (something) on the 187. Oluga (S) tau (täw) ‘horse’ (G), wāres (wärǝs) ‘mane’ (Adv), pan ‘string’ (O), wer- ‘make’ (V). The example sentence is added after the German mscr.

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188. pĕsan ‘table’-DAT păn- ‘put’- PAST.3sg 189. rit ‘boat’-DAT wer- ‘make’- ☙ 29 ❧ PAST.3sg table’188, rīda weret ‘made a boat (out of it)’189, mant 190. män- ‘I’-ACC waɣ- ‘call’-PAST.3pl DAT wāgat jepana ‘they called me John (Jepan)’190, jiŋa Jepan- ‘water’-DAT ‘go’- ‘(he) went to bring some water’191. This suffix 191. jǐŋk mĕn- menōt PAST.3sg can be compared to the illative suffix in Zyrian192, ä he 192. This is a correct comparison (hen) in Finnish, ga (ge) in Tartar, etc. (the Komi illative suffix is‑ ö § 63 The locative is built using the suffixna (ne); e.g. (‑e)̮ ) < PFU lative *k. pēteŋna or pēteŋne ‘in the clouds’, xōtna ‘in the 193. German “auf” used in the trans- hut’. In nouns ending in a vowel, the a is often dropped lation is adessive. off; e.g.ńatxana or ńatxan ‘in the silver fir’. This suffix 194. kurǝk ‘eagle’-LOC teɣǝt- ‘fly’- is used to express the inessive, and sometimes also the prs.3sg adessive; e.g. jinkna or jinkne ‘in the water’; tagana 195. χuj ‘man’-LOC tagam- ‘throw’- or tagan ‘in193 the place’. Furthermore, the same suf- PAST.pass.3sg. This is a pas- fix appears in the function of the essive, the instruc- sive construction otherwise tive and especially the possessive; e.g. kurukna (essive) ignored by Castrén. In pas- tēgettet ‘flies like an eagle’194, xuina (instr.) tagāmai sive constructions, the agent is ‘thrown by the man’195, imena (poss.) ūdet ‘lives with marked with the locative. the woman’196; rutnaˊ wāx tājem ‘by the Russian is 196. imi ‘woman’-LOC ut- ‘be’- (the Russian has) money’197. The suffix of the Ostyak prs.3sg; this form is also sim- locative also appears in the Finnish, Lappish, Zyr- ilar to the comitative ‑nat/‑nät ian, Samoyedic and many other related languages198. (see § 65), which appears, how- There is also a longer form of the suffix related to the ever, almost exclusively in the Surgut dialects. The verb form ablative, īwena or īwen, which, however, occurs very utǝt is, anyway, clearly south- rarely; e.g. xattīwen ‘today’. ern (Surg. wăʌʌ). The ablative ends inīwet (ēwet), Surg. eux, iux, § 64 199 197. rutˊ ‘Russian’-LOC waχ ‘mon- i ; e.g. xonīwet (xonēwet) S. kaneux, kani ‘from ey’ täj- ‘have’-PRTC.PAST. This the tsar’; īmīwet (īmēwet), S. īmijiux, īmiji ‘from the is also a (stative) passive con- woman’. The suffix is also used in local relations and struction formed with the past expresses not only the outer but primarily the inner participle ‑m. The agent is location, which in other related languages is expressed marked similarly as in dynam- with the elative; e.g. tewīwet ‘from the lake’, kewīwet ic passive constructions (see ‘from the stone’. Sometimes the ablative can be used as note 195). The actual meaning prosecutive; e.g. wondīwet ment ‘went along the hill’. of the sentence is ‘the Russian Concerning the etymology of the ablative suffix, it has had money’. probably originates from a lost postposition. 198. PU locative *nA (e.g. Finnish koto-na ‘at home’) If my observations are otherwise correct, the ab- South ‑ , Surgut ‑ N.B. 200 199. ewət/‑iwət əɣ° lative ends in the Obdorsk dialect in ult (eult) ; (with a labiovelar fricative) 200. Postposition ewəlt ‘from’. There are only three cases in the Ob- dorsk dialect: the nominative, the locative (‑na) and the lative (or translative; Honti 1984: 139) ‑i.

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201. These resemble each other a lot. The ending ‑ta originates from the PU ablative in *tA ☙ 30 ❧ both suffixes, but the origin of the ‑l- element has remained e.g. unt-eult ‘from the forest’. This suffix is probably unclear, despite many alterna- related to the Finnish ablative lta201. tive explanations. The instructive has the suffix ‑at, which is nor- In Surgut dialects, there are two § 65 202. mally attached to the stem but occasionally in separate suffixes: ‑at/‑ät for in- some dialects to the locative; e.g. kerabat or kerabnat structive-final and ‑nat/‑nät for 202 instrumental-comitative (Hon- ‘with the boat’ . The comitative is also expressed ti 1984: 129). The element ‑n- in with the same suffix; e.g.īmeat or īmejat ‘together the latter is probably not from with the mother’. Additionally, the Ostyaks who speak the locative, but rather from a Russian use the instructive instead of the factive and former postposition stem (Lii- the essive. That the same suffix also serves in form- mola 1963: 64). ing indefinite nouns was already mentioned under § 203. Cf. note 174; the indefinite 56 E203. nouns are compounds and the § 66 The caritive ends after vowels and smooth con- instructive suffix is not includ- sonants in da (de), Surg. ȡax (ȡex), and after ed in them. hard consonants in ta (te), Surg. ȶax (ȶex); e.g. teuda, 204. The southern form resembles Surg. ȶouȡax ‘without a lake’, pette, Surg. peȶȶex ‘with- the caritive suffixes with ‑t- in out ear(s)’. It appears only in singular and can be used, many Finno-Ugrian languag- according to § 56 G, as a negative adjective. The same es. The eastern dialects show, suffix can be found in many variations in most related however, that the original con- languages.204 sonant is ‑l- and that the Pro- § 67 Many adverbs and postpositions have special to-Khanty form has been *‑ləɣ suffixes of their own for the dative, the locative (as it is today in VVj; in Surgut and the ablative, which, as far as I know, are not used dialects ‑ʌəɣ). for nouns. These are: 1)ga (ge, go), xa, ka (xe, ke, xo, 205. the same suffix as in the postposition ewəlt, S. ewəʌt in § 64 ko) for the dative; e.g. tege ‘[come] here’, kokko ‘[go] (cf. note 201 above) far away’; 2) ti for the locative; e.g. xunti ‘when’, kotti 206. As has already been men- ‘where’, totti ‘there’; 3) tta, Surg. ȶta, Obd. lta for the tioned, the Obdorsk dialect has ablative; these correspond to the Finnish ablative suf- only three cases for nouns (cf. fix ‑lta205; e.g. nūmatta, Surg. nōmeȶta, Obd. nōmalta note 200). ‘from above’, xowatta, Surg. kowaȶta ‘from afar’, kametta, Surg. kāmeȶta, Obd. kāmalta ‘from outside’. N.B. Additionally, the Obdorsk dialect has a special suffix for the allative and the adessive, which also appears with nouns206. I have written this suffix, according to the pronunciation of a Samoyed, as lti (elti) and thus it corresponds to the suffixti given in this §.

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207. These are given for all three dialects in their present form ☙ 31 ❧ in the Short Grammatical De- scription. In Finnish, the allative suffix‑ lle seems to be related 208. Cf. p. 33/79. to it. 209. The final a in paradigm 1 (p. 33/79) is actually ‑ and this Here we provide once more an overview of all ǝ § 68 rule can be written for the stem the case suffixes207. type with a final reduced vowel. Nominative — 210. The same can be said about Genitive and Accusative — the southern dialects. This rule Dative ( ) a e concerns stem types ending in Locative na (ne, n) a full vowel. In the word for Ablative īwet (ēwet) Surg. eux, iux, i. ‘place’, it occurs in most dia- Instructive at (nat) lects as i or its velar counter- Caritive da (de), ta (te), Surg. part, which, of course, easily ȡax (ȡex), ȶax (ȶex). sounds like an a. 211. i.e. stem-final reduced vowels. Stem-final full vowels behave as described in point 5 (cf. also § 69 There are no special alternations in the case suffixes with the exception of what has been men- note 210 above): ürma ‘mit- tioned above. Instead, the noun stem can change in ten’ : ürmajiwǝt. various ways when a suffix is added to it. Although all the changes of this type have already been described here and there in the phonology, we still wish to provide an overview of the most important ones here. a) Nouns ending in a short vowel behave in their alternations in the following way: 1. In the Irtyš dialect, a changes into e in all cases and numbers with the exception of the ablative and occasionally the caritive (paradigm 1208)209. 2. All nouns ending in ga, xa, ka preserve the final vowel unchanged, but in front of a suffixala , and occasionally also in front of other vowels, j or g is added between them; e.g. taga ‘place’, dative tagaja or tagaga. In the Surgut dialects, the stem- finala also remains unchanged after all the other consonants210, but the hiatus is averted with the addition of g. Cf. § 71. 211 3. In the Irtyš dialect, a and e always disappear in front of the long binding vowel of the ablative

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212. These semivowelsj and w have a more consonantal character between vowels: phonemati- ☙ 32 ❧ cally: nuj : nuja, kew : kewa. i.e. full vowels 213. suffix; e.g.īma ‘woman’, abl. īmīwet. In some dia- i.e. a full vowel, which can be 214. lectal variations, the caritive also has the bind- pronounced either half-long or ing vowel , and in these cases as well, the final short ī short or disappears at the end of the stem; e.g. 215. i.e. are pronounced smoothly a e between vowels īmīda ‘without a woman’. 216. Cf. § 32 and note 3. 4. When they appear at the end of a diphthong, i 217. The paradigms in their present and u change into j and w in front of suffixes (“normalized”) form are pro- with an initial vowel; e.g. nui ‘towel’, dative nuja; vided in the Short Grammati- keu ‘stone’, dative kewa212. 213 cal Description; see p. 18. 5. All the other vowels , though very rarely ap- 218. stems with a final reduced pearing in stem-final positions, do not undergo vowel, e.g. χăntǝ ‘Khanty (per- any change, but j or g is often added in front of son)’ a suffix-initial vowel, especially in the dative 219. stems with a final full vowel, and the instructive singular; e.g. ńōgo ‘meat’, e.g. ürma ‘mitten’ dative ńōgoja, instructive ńōgojat. In the cases The Swedish manuscript in- mentioned, a euphonic j or g can also appear in cludes some more paradigms nouns ending in a or e. and some of them have ac- b) In some dialects, if the stem ends in a long vow- cent marking. The irregular- el214, there are no changes, whilst in the other ity of the marking shows that the long vowel is pronounced short. In the first case, the accent probably did not ul- j or g must be added in front of a vowel suffix, while timately appear to Castrén as in the latter the addition is absolutely needed when the kind of system he had expected in the beginning of his the vowels that come together sound exactly the same. notes (see also the description If the vowels are different, the addition takes place in of the vowels, § 2 and § 6) some dialects but not in others (cf. paradigm 2). c) In the nouns ending in a consonant, the follow- 1. ing changes in particular can be observed: Sing. Plur. Hard consonants become smooth in front of all 1. 215 Nominat. Hánda Ostyak Handét vowel-initial suffixes (paradigm 3) . This rule is Genit.-Acc. Handà Handét not very strongly obeyed in the Surgut dialects. Dat. Handeà or ‑èja Handeda 2. In monosyllabic words that include a short vow- Locat. Handèna (na) Handetna el, the final consonant is not always smoothened; Ablat. Handìwet Handedíwet on the contrary, it may become sharper. In this Instruct. Handeàt or ejat Handedat case, I have written it with a double consonant. It Carit. Handeda or ida Handetta has to be noted, though, that the dialects diverge a lot from one another in this respect.

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2. Nominat. Njatxa Njatxaet or ait ☙ 33 ❧ Genit.-Acc. Njatxa Njatxaet or ait Dat. Njatxaja Njatxaeda If there is long vowel in the penultima of a bi- or or aida 3. Locat. multisyllabic word, the short vowel in the final Njatxana Njatxaetna or syllable disappears according to § 32. In connec- aitna Ablat. Njatxaíwet Njatxaediwèt tion to this, the consonants that come together or or 216 jiwêt aidiwèt change according to the general rules . Instruct. Njatxajat Njatxaedat § 70 In accordance with the description above, the or aidat nouns in the Irtyš dialect are declined in the fol- Carit. Njatxaida (Njatxaetta lowing way217: or itta) 1.218 Singular Plural (3. Péteng cloud Stem xanda Ostyak Stem xandet Dative xandea 1) Dative xandeda 4. Keráp vehicle like in Locative xandena Locative xandetna the translation) Ablative xandīwet 2) Ablative xandedīwet 1) Instructive xandeat 3) Instructive xandedat Caritive xandeda 4) 5. 1) xandeja 1) xandedēwet Nominat. Håt Hât tent Hâdêt or 2) xandēwet Hâdat ‑at 3) xandejat Genit.-Acc. Hât Hâdêt or 4) xandīda Hâdat Dat. Hâda Hâdêda 219 2. or ada Singular Plural Locat. Hâtna Hâdêtna Stem urmā mitten Stem urmāget 1) Ablat. Hâdíwet Hâdêdíwet Dative urmāga 1) Dative urmāgeda 2) Instruct. Hâdat Hâdêdat Locative urmāna 2) Locative urmāgetna 3) Carit. Hâtta (Hâdêtta) Ablative urmāgīwet 3) Ablative urmāgedīwet 4) Instructive urmāgat 4) Instructive urmāgedat 5) Caritive urmāgeda 5) 6. 1) urmāja 1) urmājet, urmaet, urmait Nominat. JuxPoráxh entrails Poragàt 2) urmān 2) urmājeda, urmaeda, Genit.-Acc. Porax Poragat 3) urmājīwet, urmaida Dat. Poraga Poragada urmāiwet, 3) urmājetna, urmaetna, Locat. Poraxna Poragatna urmāewet urmaitna Ablat. Poragíwet Poraga(x)íwet 4) urmājat 4) urmājedīwet, urmaedīwet, Instruct. Poragat Poragadat 5) urmāgīda urmaidīwet Carit. Poraxta (Poragatta) 5) urmājedat, urmaedat, urmaidat

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220. consonant-final stems without the elidable schwa (cf. point 3 on p. 33/79 and note 83) ☙ 34 ❧ 221. consonant-final stems with the elidable schwa in the final syl- 3.220 lable (cf. point 3 on p. 33/79 and Singular Plural note 83) Stem kerap vehicle Stem kerabet 222. The present (“normalized”) para Dative keraba Dative kerabeda digms are provided in the Short Locative kerapna Locative kerabetna Grammatical Description; see Ablative kerapīwet Ablative kerabedīwet p. 19. Instructive kerabat Instructive kerabedat 223. There are, of course, alterna- Caritive kerapta tions according to the stem type in the same way as in the 4.221 southern dialects. Here, Cast- Singular Plural rén gives only the stem type Stem pēteŋ cloud Stem pētŋet with a stem-final full vowel; Dative pēteŋa 1) Dative pētŋeda in his notes (and the Swedish Locative pēteŋna Locative pētŋetna mscr.) he also provides the con- Ablative pēteŋīwet Ablative pētŋedīwet sonant-final types: Instructive pēteŋat Instructive pētŋedat Surgut paradigms in the Caritive pēteŋda manuscript (p. 211) 1) pētŋa Sing. Dual. Plur. § 71 In the Surgut dialects, the declension happens Nominat. Kará Karagàn Karagàt according to the following paradigms 222 223: or Kara’at Genit.-Acc. Kara Karagan Karagat Singular Dat. Karaga Karagana Karagada Stem kara bottom Locat. Karana Kara Kara Dative karaga ganna gatna Locative karana Ablat. Karagî Karagani Karagadi Ablative karaeux 1) (Kara (Karaga (Karaga Instructive karanat geuxh) neuxh) deuxh) Caritive karaȡax Instr. Karanat Kara Kara 1) karagiux, karagi gannat gatnat Carit. Karad (Kara (Kara Dual Plural lax ganđax gatŧax) Stem karagan Stem karagaȶ 1) Sing. Dual. Plur. Dative karagana Dative karagada Locative karaganna Locative karagaȶna Nominat. old man Iki Ikigen Ikit Ablative karaganeux Ablative karagaȡeux Genit.-Acc. Iki Ikigen Ikit Dat. Instructive karagannat Instructive karagaȶnat Ikijä Ikigenä Ikidä 224 Locat. Ikinä Ikigennä Ikitnä 1) karagat Ablat. Ikiji Ikigeni Ikidi (Ikijiux) (Ikigeneux) (Ikideux) Instr. Ikinät Ikigennät Ikitnät Carit. Ikiđäx (Ikigenđäx ) (Ik)

80 Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar

(Mscr. p. 213) Sing. Dual. Plur. ☙ 35 ❧ Nominat. Wont Wontxan Wondat Rît Ritxen Ridet B. Comparison Genit.-Acc. Wont Wontxan Wondat Dat. Wonda Wontxana Wondada § 72 The lack of comparison grades in Ostyak is, as Ridä Ritxenä in many other Finnish, Samoyedic and Tartar Locat. Wontna Wont Won languages, substituted with case suffixes and different Ritnä/Ridi xanna datna particles. In most cases, the ablative marks the word Ablat. Wondi Wontxani Wondadi to which something is compared in order to express (Wondeux/h) (neuh) (deuh) the comparative as well as the superlative; e.g. tau Instr. Wontnat Wont Won sagarīwet kereš ‘the horse is bigger (higher) than the Ritnät xannat datnat Ritxennat cow’, nank jūgodīwet ār ‘the larch is the biggest of all Carit. 225 Wontŧa trees’. Ritŧä § 73 When the entity to which something is compared (comparandum) is not uttered but only Sing. Dual. Plur. thought of, the ablative of a demonstrative pronoun Nominat. Wásex Wásekkàn Wasxèt is sometimes used instead of it226; e.g. sagar jem, tau Genit.-Acc. Wásex Wasekkan Wasxet tomīwet jem ‘the cow is good, the horse is better than Dat. Wasega Wasekkana Wasxeda it’. In this case, the adverbs os or ješo (‘still’) can also Locat. Wasexna Wasek Wasxetna be used to mark the comparative; e.g. tem ai, tem os ai kanna ‘this is small, that (one) is still smaller’. The superla- Ablat. Wasegi Wasekkani Wasxedi (neux) (deux) tive can also be expressed with the particles ašma, taxˊ , Instr. (‘very’)227 or with the adjectives , , Wasexnat Wasek Wasxetnat čikka patlā perda kannat īnem ‘omnis’, patlāgīwet ‘of (“from”) all’; e.g. ašma or Carit. Wasexŧax patlā jem ‘very good’, čikka ōgor ‘very high’, patlāgīwet ādem ‘worst (bad of all)’. 224. This is the correct plural form, cf. note 182. Numerals 225. Particles used in this function are South kĕnča, Surgut kińtäˊ ; e.g. Kr. täw wätǝnǝ̆ kĕnča kĕreš § 74 With the exception of a few simple cardinalia, which are root words, the numerals in Ostyak ‘the horse is bigger than the and in other related languages are formed partly with reindeer’, Trj. wäʌĭ ʌăk° kińtäˊ derivation and compounds, partly with the help of ńåɣǝ̑ʌ ‘the reindeer is smaller (lower) than the horse’ (Honti case suffixes. The cardinal numerals in Ostyak are: 1984: 66). There is also a suffix ‑ătte- in the south: C mäăttem enǝ ‘bigger than me’ (ibid.). 226. To me, this is a normal use of the demonstrative pronoun and is not directly connected with comparison. 227. At least in the easternmost dialects, the latter (Vček ‘very’) is used to mark the superlative (Honti 1984: 67).

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228. The corresponding modern southern (DN) numerals are: (attr., abs. ), (attr., abs. ĕj ĕjǝt kĕt ☙ 36 ❧ kätǝn), χutəm, ńĕtǝ, wet, χot, täpǝt, ńitǝ, ăr-joŋ, joŋ, ĕj-χat-ˊ 1. it (i, ja), Surg. ei, ij.228 18. nīt xūs. joŋ, kät-χat̆ -joŋˊ , χutəm-χat-joŋˊ , 2. kāden, kādn, kātn, kāt, 19. ār xūs. , , ńĕtǝ-χat-joŋˊ wet-χat-joŋˊ χot- Surg. kāt, kātxen.229 20. xūs, Surg. kōs. χat-joŋˊ , täpət-χat-joŋˊ , ńit- χus, 3. xūdem, Surg. kūȡem, 21. xūs it. , , , , ăr-χus χus χus-ĕj(ǝt) χus-kätǝn kōȡem, Obd. xōdem.230 22. xūs kādn. χutǝm-joŋ, ńetǝ-joŋ, wet-joŋ, 4. ńeda (nieda), ńeta, ńet, 30. xūdem joŋ. , , , , χut-joŋ täpǝt-joŋ ńit-sot ăr-sot Surg. ńeȡa, ńeȶa, 40. ńeda joŋ. , , , , sot kĕt-sot χutəm-sot ńĕtǝ-sot Obd. 231 50. wēt joŋ. , , , ńel. wet-sot χot-sot täpǝt-sot ńitǝ- 5. wēt. 60. xūt joŋ. , , , sot ăr-joŋ-sot tarǝsˊ joŋ-tarǝsˊ 6. xūt, Surg. kūt. 70. tābet joŋ. (cited and constructed from 7. tābet, Surg. ȶābet. 80. nīt joŋ. Honti 1984: 152–53). 8. nīda, nīt, Surg. 90. ār sōt. 229. The numerals ‘one’ and ‘two’ ńigeȡax, Obd. ńil.232 100. sōt, Surg. sāt. have two alternants: the short- 9. ār joŋ (ār jaŋ), LS. ürx 200. kāt sōt. er for attributive use and the jeuŋ, US. ei erx joŋ.233 300. xūdem sōt. longer for absolute use. The ab- 10. joŋ (jaŋ), LS. jeuŋ. 400. ńeda sōt. solute ‘two’ is the dual form of 11. ja xat joŋ (jaŋ). 500. wēt sōt. the numeral: in Surgut kätɣən. 12. kāt xat j. 600. xūt sōt. 230. in Surgut (Trj) koʌǝ̑m, O χuləm 13. xūdem xat j. 700. tābēt sōt. 231. Trj ńĕʌə, O ńil 14. ńeda xat j. 800. nīt sōt. 232. Trj ńiʌ̮ ǝ̑ɣ, O ńijǝl 15. wēt xat j. 900. ār sōt. 233. Trj ir-jeŋ°; the word that is giv- 16. xūt xat j. 1000. tarasˊ , Surg. toresˊ . en here for ‘nine’ is in fact ‘11’, 17. tābet xat j. 10.000. joŋ taras.ˊ Trj jeŋ°-ö̆rəkk-ĕj 234. The Ugric ‘seven’ is of Iranian origin (UEW) and ‘eight’ is a N.B. 1. The six first cardinal numerals are apparently Proto-Ugric innovation with- related to the Finnish: yksi, kaksi, kolme, neljä, out any connection to ‘four’, viisi, kuusi. The Ostyak numeral tābet ‘seven’ (also: which has an original pala- ‘week’) hardly originates from the Turkish sebt ‘Satur- -nīda, ńigeȡax, ńil ‘eight’ has with .שבת tal vowel whilst the vowel in day’, Hebrew ‘eight’ is velar. out a doubt emerged from ńeda (ńeȡa, ńel) through 235. The first part of the compound lengthening of the vowel234. ār jaŋ ‘nine’ in Irtyš ăr is not the same word as ar, means in fact ‘big ten’235; whilst ürx jeuŋ (instead of är ‘big, a lot’. ürük jeuŋ) in the LS. dialect means ‘extra ten’ or also 236. The correct translation is ‘elev- ‘indirect ten’; ei erx joŋ (instead of ei erek joŋ) in the en’ and the literal meaning US. dialect has the following meaning: ‘ten without something like ‘one on ten’ or (with the exception of) one.236 joŋ, jeuŋ ‘ten’, Turkish ‘one outside ten’ (Honti 1993: un, Samoyed jū (jung), Zyrian jam237 is also called čam 169). The same word Trjö ̆rək- joŋ ‘straight ten’. k(ǝ), VVj ĕrk(i) is used in all numerals from eleven to seven- teen in the eastern dialects.

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237. The exact etymology of the Khanty word for ‘ten’ is not known; the closely related ☙ 37 ❧ Mansi language uses the word 2. The cardinal numerals from eleven to seven- low (PFU *luka), which has counterparts in many related teen are built with the word xat, which we consider languages. to be identical to kāt (kat) ‘two’238. According to this, 238. These are two separate words. the literal meaning of ja xat joŋ ‘eleven’, kat xat joŋ As was seen on note 228, the ‘twelve’ would be approximately ‘one, two of the sec- word in question has a palatal- ond ten’, Finnish yksi, kaksi toista kymmentä, etc. ized ‑t,ˊ whilst ‘two’ does not. 3. Of the other cardinal numerals, xūs, Surg. kos The vowel in ‘two’ is also pala- ‘twenty’ seems to be related to Zyrian kyzj. sōt, Surg. tal, whilst in χăt,ˊ it is velar. The sāt appears in many related and other languages. nīt northern dialects use the same sōt and ār sōt have in Ostyak two meanings: 1) eighty word (χŏś), whilst the eastern and ninety, 2) eight hundred and nine hundred; tarasˊ dialects use a different word, ‘thousand’ also has the meaning of a trader. cf. note 236. Thus, the semantic 4. In Ostyak, as well as in other related languag- comparison to Finnish is also es, the cardinal numerals form constructions with the erroneous. singular; e.g. kāt taŋa ‘two kopecks’, sōt taŋa ‘one hun- 239. The correct form is ‑mǝt and it dred kopecks’ or ‘one ruble’, tarasˊ taŋa ‘one thousand corresponds to the PFU ordinal kopecks’. Only in the Surgut dialects does the counted suffix *‑mti, which is found in entity appear in the dual afterkāt ; e.g. kāt wākken ‘two most Finno-Ugrian languages kopecks’. including Finnish (kolmas: kol- 5. In declension, the cardinal numerals behave mante- ‘third’) and Hungarian ( ‘third’). very regularly; e.g. it, dative ida, instructive idat; harmadik 240. South (DN) otǝŋ, Surgut (Trj) xūdem, dative xūdema, instructive xūdemat, etc. äʌǝŋ literally ‘head, end, beginning’ § 75 Most ordinal numerals are formed from the basic numerals by rule with the addition of the syllable met, which in Zyrian expresses the superlative239. The ten first ordinal numerals in Ostyak are:

1. ōdeŋ, S. āȡeŋ, āȶeŋ.240 2. kīmet. 3. xūtmet, S. kūȶmet. 4. ńetmet, S. ńeȶmet. 5. wētmet. 6. xūdamet, S. kūtmet.

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241. It is not. Other related languages reveal that the consonant behind the Finnish alternation ☙ 38 ❧ t : s (in front of i) is a dental spirant *δ, which in Khanty, as 7. tābetmet, S. ȶābetmet. a matter of fact, has the same 8. nīdamet, S. ńigeȡaxmet. representation as (South l 9. ār joŋmet (jaŋmet), LS. ürx jeuŋmet, US. /t/, Surgut <ȡ> /ʌ/). The etymological counterpart of the ei erx joŋmet. 10. ( ), LS. Finnish word is Khanty (Trj) iʌ joŋmet jaŋmet jeuŋmet. ‘the one in front, first; away’, N.B. ōdeŋ, āȡeŋ, āȶeŋ ‘outermost, the first’ is probably which, as in Finnish, has a pal- related to the Finnish esi (actually ete) ‘the one in atal vowel. front’ and esimäinen ‘the first’241. kīmet has without 242. German does not make a dis- a doubt developed from kāt through the elision of t tinction between ‘the first time’ and the vowel alternation described in § 29. xūtmet and ‘for the first time’. The ‘third’ has developed from xūdemmet through con- same thing can probably be ap- traction, and xūdamet ‘sixth’ gets an extra a in order to plied to Khanty. All the con- keep the two apart. All the other ordinal numerals are structions with ordinal numer- formed quite regularly; e.g. ‘twentieth’, als thus have two translations: xūsmet sōtmet (for) the second time, (for) the ‘hundredth’, tarasmetˊ ‘thousandth’, etc. third time, (for) the first time. § 76 Distributive numerals are usually formed in Os- 243. pelək ‘half’, jŏkan ‘lot, share’ tyak using the instructive case of the basic nu- 244. They have, of course, inde- merals; e.g. kādenat ‘two each’, wēdat ‘five each’,xūdat pendent stems of their own, ‘six each’, etc. although the initial conso- § 77 The formation of iteratives and temporals hap- nant serves as a kind of per- pens with the cardinal and ordinal numerals us- son marking device. The Ob- ing the one syllable word pis (S. pa); e.g. i pis (US. ei Ugric languages form, together ) ‘once’, , S. ‘the first time’; with the Samoyedic languages pa ōdeŋ pis āȡeŋ pa xūdem and Komi, an area where the pis (Surg. kūȡem pa) ‘three times’, xūtmet pis (Surg. character of the second per- kūȶmet pa) ‘the third time’, etc. Temporals can be also son is n- (in Komi only in ver- expressed in the Surgut dialects by adding xa, xe to the bal inflection) instead oft -, ordinal numerals; e.g. kīmetxe ‘second time’, kuȶmetxa which is commonly regarded ‘third time’. As an exception, āȡeŋna (locative of āȡeŋ) as the original (e.g. Hungarian is used to express ‘the first time’242. te ‘thou’, ti ‘you’, Finnish sinä § 78 In expressing fractions and mixed numbers, the (< *tinä) ‘thou’, te ‘you’, North- language uses the words pēlek and jukan ‘part, ern Saami don ‘thou’, dual doai section, share’243; e.g. kīmet pēlek ‘one and a half’ ‘you’, pl. dij ‘you’). xūtmet jukan ‘one third’, etc.

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245. Castrén does not make a comparison with Finnish, which ☙ 39 ❧ interestingly enough has the same accusative suffix in per- C. Pronoun sonal pronouns: minut, sinut, hänet ‘me, you, him/her’. The different kinds of pronouns are, concern- 246. i.e. possessive suffixes § 79 Possessive suffixes are used ing their declension, very similar to the nouns. 247. relatively widely in the Finno- With a few exceptions, the same case suffixes are at- Ugric languages in the declen- tached to both, and the characters of number are sion of personal pronouns: in nearly always the same. Similarly to the noun, the Mansi, they are used for creat- pronoun also lacks declension in attributive position. ing a declension stem and the § 80 The personal pronouns in Ostyak are nearly the stem + Px serves alone as ac- only ones that somewhat differ from the gen- cusative, in Hungarian partly eral declension model. Even in the Irtyš dialects, they, in the same way (engem, téged unlike nouns, have three numbers, of which the dual ‘me, you’ (in object position) and the plural are formed in a quite specific way.244 and in the Permic languages Among the regular cases, the personal pronoun lacks Stem + Px expresses the da- the caritive whilst the accusative with t is very com- tive (Vértes 1967, Kulonen 1993, mon245. The locative is gradually more and more often Bartens 2000:150). expressed with the help of postpositions, the ablative 248. mscr. (p. 230) Ma, Mín, Mêng; has in the Irtyš dialects a special suffix of its own, and Nêng, Nin, Nêng; Teu, Tin, Teg the instructive is formed with two suffixes. Otherwise, 249. Modern forms in DN (follow- it may be noted that in many case forms, the personal ing Honti 1984: 146): mä (män), pronouns make use of the so-called personal suffix- mänt, mĕnem (Honti gives es246, which are not attached to the stem but, against a separate lative mäntema), , , the common rules, to the case suffixes247. mänǝ mänăttem mänatemat. 250. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) The personal pronouns in Ostyak arema (origi- § 81 min, minat, minemǝn, minnǝ, nally ) ‘I’, dual , pl. ; ‘thou’, dual man mīn meŋ neŋ minăttemǝn, minatemǝnat. nīn, pl. neŋ; teu, Surg. ȶeux ‘he, it’, du. tīn, Surg. ȶin, pl. 251. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) teg, Surg. ȶex. In Irtyš, they are declined in the follow- mŏŋ, mŏŋat, mŏŋew, mŏŋnǝ, 248 ing way : mŏŋăttew, mŏŋatewat. The final ‑m instead of ‑w in the ab- 1. lative might be a typographical Sing. Dual Plural error. Stem ma ‘I’ mīn meŋ Acc. mant mīnat meŋat Dat. menem mīnemen meŋewa (mantem) Loc. mana mīnna meŋna Abl. ma’attem mīnattemen meŋattem Instr. ma’ademat249 mīnademenat250 meŋadewat251

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252. Modern forms in DN (Hon- ti 1984: 146) nŏŋ, nŏŋat, nŏŋen, , , nŏŋnǝ nŏŋătten nŏŋatenat. ☙ 40 ❧ 253. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) nin, ninat, ninesǝn, ninnǝ, ninăttesǝn, 2. ninatesǝnat. In Ko and Kr, the Sing. Dual Plural expected ‑t- appears instead of the somewhat surprising ‑s-. Stem neŋ ‘thou’ nīn neŋ 254. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) Acc. neŋat nīnat (nīnet) neŋat nĕŋ, nĕŋat, nĕŋesǝn, nĕŋnǝ, Dat. neŋen nīneden neŋeda nĕŋăttesǝn, nĕŋăttesǝn (in Ko Loc. neŋna nīnna neŋa Abl. neŋatten nīnatteden neŋatteden and Kr nĕŋatetǝnat; see also 252 253 254 note 253). Instr. neŋadenat nīnadedenat neŋadedenat 255. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) tĕw, 3. tĕwat, tĕwet, tĕwnǝ, tĕwăttet, Sing. Dual Plural tĕwatetat. 256. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) tin, Stem teu ‘you’ tīn teg tinat, tinesǝn, tinnǝ, tinattesǝn, Acc. tewat tīnat tegat tinătesǝnat (see also note 253). Dat. tewet tīneden teget Loc. 257. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) teuna tīnna tegna Abl. tĕɣ, tĕɣat, tĕɣet, tĕɣnǝ, tĕɣăttet, tewattet tīnatteden tegattet Instr. tewadedat255 tīnadedenat256 tegadedat257 tĕɣatetat. 258. There are, for example, more case forms. The Surgut para- N.B. There are also many anomalies in the declen- digms are given in the Short sion of personal pronouns in the Surgut dialects, 258 Grammatical Description, pp. which I, however, have not observed very carefully . 20–22. If I have made some mistakes in the Irtyš dialect, they 259. Here, again, the possessive suf- cannot be of very much importance. fixes are meant. In the Irtyš dialects, there are, according to my 260. mscr. (p. 235) Dual 2. Atinnam, § 82 3. Atinnam, Plur. 1. Atiunam, 2. observations, no reflexive pronouns; they are al- Atinnam, 3. Atiŧnam ways replaced by personal pronouns. The Surgut dia- 261. I.e. possessive suffixes; mscr. lects make use of some derived words that are formed p. 235 “Till pronomina perso- from an extinct stem with the help of personal pro- nalia höra äfven de så kallade nouns259 and a syllable nam attached to it; e.g.atem - suffixa, hvilka urdhänges no- nam ‘I myself’, atennan ‘thou thyself’, atiȶnam ‘he mina och tjäna till och ersät- himself’, atimemnan ‘we (two) ourselves’260, etc. 261 ter pronomina possessiva, som § 83 The so-called personal suffixes are very com- i de Finska språken saknat suf- mon in Ostyak and are used instead of posses- fixa äro i den Irt. dial. med åsi- sive pronouns. Like the personal pronouns, these suf- dosättande af bindevocaleren fixes also have three numbers in all Ostyak dialects; följande”. e.g. kēǯem ‘my knife’, kēǯemen ‘our (the two of us) knife’, kēǯeu ‘our (several of us) knife’. They cannot be

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262. This is the series of the suffixes with the possessed in singular. The modern forms attached ☙ 41 ❧ to the word ‘house’ are the fol- attached to all case suffixes but only in the nominative lowing (DN, Honti 1984: 132): or the basic form in singular, dual or plural; in all the χotem ‘my house’ χoten, χotət, ‘the house of the two other case forms, the personal suffixes are placed be- χotemən of us’, χotesən, χotesən, χotew tween the number characters and the case suffixes; e.g. ‘our house’ χotesən, χotet. opa ‘sister’, opea ‘to the sister’, opema ‘to my sister’, 263. This is the series of the pos- opena ‘to your sister’ opeda ‘to his/her sister’. sessed in dual or plural. The § 84 Here we wish to provide an overview of the per- suffixes themselves are the sonal suffixes in the Irtyš dialect and addition- same, but dual possessed has ally the most important characteristics of the Surgut a special dual character ‑ɣət- dialects: in front of the suffix and sim- Singular262 ilarly, when referring to plu- I: 1. em ‘my’, 2. en ‘your’, 3. et, S. eȶ ‘his, her’. ral possessed, there is a plural character ‑ between the stem II: 1. emen ‘of the two of us’ 2. eden, ten, S. in, ten ‘of t- and the suffix. So the whole the two of you’, 3. , , S. , ‘of the two eden ten in ten possessive paradigm consists of them’. of 27 suffixes (or suffix com- III: 1. eu, S. eux ‘our (several of us)’, 2. eden, ten, S. in, binations). The modern forms ten ‘your (several of you)’, 3. et, S. iȶ ‘their (sev- attached to the word ‘house’ eral of them)’. (DN, ibid.) are in dual χotɣətam Dual and plural263 ‘my two houses’, χotɣətan, χotɣətat, χotɣətemən ‘the two I: am ‘my (several)’, 2. an ‘your (several)’, 3. et, houses of us two’, χotɣətən, S.urg. eȶ ‘his, her (several)’. χotɣətən, χotɣətəw ‘our two II: 1. ‘of the two of us’ 2. ‘of the two of you’, emen en houses’, χotɣətən, χotɣətat; 3. en ‘of the two of them’. and in plural χottam ‘my (sev- III: 1. eu, S. eux ‘our (several of us)’, 2. en ‘your (several) houses’, χottan, χottat, eral of you)’, 3. et, S. eȶ ‘their (several of them)’. χottemən, χottən, χottən, χottəw ‘our (several) houses’, χottən, § 85 This overview shows that the singular and plu- χottat. In Surgut (Trj.), the cor- ral, as well as the dual in the Surgut dialects, take responding character for dual the same suffixes. These are, if we do not give attention possessed is ‑ɣǝ̑ʌ-/‑ɣəʌ- and for to the binding vowel, in I: m, n, t, (ȶ), in II: men, den plural possessed ‑ʌ-. The table (ten), den (ten), in III: u (ux), den (ten), t (ȶ). It has to be of Surgut forms is given in the noticed, though, that d always falls away in dual and Short Grammatical Description plural and that the personal suffixeden is contracted to p. 16. en, cf. § 44. The elision ofd occurs in the Surgut dialects already in singular. Moreover, in these dialects, the n of the second person singular can also be lost.

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264. The 1pl suffix‑ w, Surgut ‑ɣ° originates from Proto-Khan- ty and Proto-Ugric suffix ‑ , ɣ° ☙ 42 ❧ which also has an etymological counterpart in the Hungarian N.B. It can easily be noticed that most of the suffixes 1Pl suffix of the definite conju- mentioned above are closely related to the per- gation ‑uk (Honti 1985). sonal pronouns. In singular, m, n, t (ȶ) are only short- 265. The consonant behind the personal pronouns and endings is ened forms of ma ‘I’, neŋ ‘thou’, teu (ȶeux) ‘he’. Of the the PFU *s, which in Surgut di- dual suffixes,men in the first andten in the third per- alects (and Kaz) is represented son correspond mīn ‘we (two)’ and tīn ‘they (two)’ al- by ʌ, in the South by t and in most to the letter. Them in the first person plural has northern and easternmost di- probably changed into u, like in many Samoyedic dia- alects by l. The PFUl has the lects, in order to make a difference from the first per- same representation. son singular264. Thet (ȶ) in the third person plural has 266. There are a few etymologies a visual correspondence to the personal pronoun teg in the (Baltic-)Finnic languag- (ȶeg)265. The suffixden (ten) in the second person dual es in which t and n seemingly and plural is, though, very different from the personal correspond to each other, but pronoun, but it seems that neŋ ‘thou’ originates from this is far from a regular sound teŋ through a consonant change which is very com- change. Cf. note 244. mon in the Finnish languages, and thus in this case it 267. It is worth noting that the vow- is easy to explain the affinity266. el is a full one and thus part of the suffix, not a binding vowel. § 86 Concerning the vowel of the personal suffixes In 3sg and 1pl, the vowel is re- or the so-called binding vowel, it is in the Irtyš duced and does not belong to dialect nearly always the same and consists of an e267. the suffix. The nouns ending inx normally have the binding vowel 268. This is not a diphthong; the role ae, especially in the first and second person singular268; of a after a relatively weak velar consonant is purely acous- e.g. jūrax ‘side’, jūragaem, jūragaen, jūragat. In the first tic. and second person plural, a appears in most cases (see 269. A reduced vowel, phonemati- the paradigms). In the third person singular, e alternates cally /ə/. sometimes with a, o and can, according to § 32, even be 269 270. In Trj consonant-final stems, lost : wāx ‘money’, wāgat ‘his money’, sōx ‘skin’, sōgot the vowel in singular persons ‘his skin’, pōs ‘glove’, pōst ‘his glove’. Sometimes an eli- and 1pl is ǝ̑ /ə, in second and sion of the binding vowel also occurs in a consonant- third persons dual and plu- final noun, when the dual and second person plural ral i/̮ i. In vowel-final stems the suffixes are attached to the nominative singular. In the vowel is full and its quality de- Surgut dialects, though, the binding vowel disappears in pends on the vowel of the stem, front of the first person plural suffix (cf. the paradigm). whether it is full or reduced. Otherwise in the Surgut dialects the binding vowel is very vague270: Sometimes there is a, sometimes e and also other vowels that we cannot present exactly.

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271. In this single example, it is not only that a follows a velar consonant (cf. § 86, note 268) but ☙ 43 ❧ also that the word consists of three syllables. It is therefore § 87 In combination with the personal suffixes the noun stem is subject to regular changes, which impossible to say whether a in is a similar acoustic phe- have already been discussed in the phonology and ae nomenon to that in the note 268 partly also in § 69. We make a short remark on the or the final vowel of the stem, most important ones: which might be preserved in a) In most cases, a short finala changes into e, but polysyllabic (3+) stems. remains unchanged afterx , g, k; e.g. aŋa ‘moth- 272. Thisi belongs to the suffix of er’, suffixes I.aŋem , aŋen, aŋet ‘my, your, his mother’; the persons mentioned. The fi- II. aŋemen, aŋeden, aŋeden ‘our, etc. mother’, III. aŋeu, nal vowels represent the re- aŋeden, aŋet; ańaxa ‘stepmother’, suffixes I.ańaxaem , duced vowel (karǝ̑ ‘place’) and ‑xaen, ‑xaet, II. ańaxaemen, ‑xaeden, ‑xaeden, III. ‑xaeu, the paradigm in Surgut (Trj) ‑xaeden, ‑xaet271. In the Surgut dialects, a also remains is the following: karam, kara, unchanged after other consonants, but in combination karaʌ, karamǝ̑n, karin̮ , karin̮ , with the suffixes of the second and third person in dual karaɣ°, karin̮ , kariʌ.̮ Then of and plural, a as well as e easily change into i272; e.g. the second person singular is kara ‘ground, place’, suffixes I.karam (also kara’am), lost in Trj and the full vowel karan (kara’an), karaȶ; II. karamen, karaten or karin; alone shows the function of the III. karaux, karaden or karin, kariȶ, dual karagaȡam, Px in question. pl. karaȡam. 273. Actually, the stem-final schwa In the Irtyš dialect, the other vowels remain disappears in front of the full b) vowel of the suffix; there is thus mostly unchanged; e.g. kēǯe ‘knife’, suffixes I. an alternation between ə and e. kēǯem, kēǯen, kēǯet; II. kēǯemen, kēǯeden, kēǯeden; III. What Castrén has heard would kēǯeu, kēǯeden, kēǯet273. probably have been: (kečǝ When ending a diphthong, i and u change into j, c) 274 ‘knife’) *kečem, *kečen, *kečǝt, w in front of the binding vowel ; e.g. woi ‘fat’, *kečemǝn, *kečetǝn, *kečetǝn, suffixes I.wojem , wojen, wojet; II. wojemen; III. wojeu, *kečew, *kečetǝn, *kečet (cf. the pl. woidam; keu ‘stone’, I. kewem, kewen, kewet; II. DN Ko Kr paradigms in Honti kewemen; III. keweu; pl. keudam. 1984: 132–133). d) In some of the Surgut subdialects, stem-finali 274. This, too, shows clearly that it changes into e after a preceding consonant in the is not a binding vowel but part first and second person singular; e.g.kilsi ‘barbel’, suf- of the suffix. It is somewhat ab- fixes I.kilsem , kilsen, kilsiȶ; II. kilsimen, etc., whilst in surd to say that a binding vow- other dialects you can hear ie in the first and second el causes a change in the stem. person singular and i in the other persons; e.g. kiuri ‘wound’, suffixes I.kiuriem , kiurien, kiuriȶ; II. kiuri- men; III. kiuriu, etc.

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275. i.e. stem-final full vowels 276. A correct term would probably be “possessive”; Castrén has ☙ 44 ❧ clearly thought of combinations of suffixes. After long vowels and sometimes also after The suffix denoting dual pos- e) 277. short ones275, g or j is added; e.g. jesnā ‘brother- sessed probably consists of the in-law’, suffixes I.jesnāgem or ‑jem, jesnāgen or ‑jen, basic dual character ‑ɣ and l/ʌ/t adopted from the suffix for plu- jesnāget or ‑jet, etc. ral possessed. f) When the nominal stem ends with a consonant, 278. These two plural suffixes have the final consonant sometimes gets smoother, different origins: the absolute sometimes harder or undergoes another change ac- plural suffix goes back to the cording to general rules; e.g. rīt ‘boat’, rīdem ‘my PFU (PU) *‑t whilst the suffix boat’; put ‘kettle’, pudem ‘my kettle’; kerap ‘vehicle’, for plural possessed originates kerabem ‘my vehicle’; nānk ‘larch’, nāŋem ‘my larch’; from Proto-Khanty *‑il. In the oitˊ ‘fence’, oidemˊ , plural oittamˊ ‘my fences’; kāń ‘arctic southern dialects, the conso- fox’, plural kāndamˊ ‘my arctic foxes’; ńań ‘bread’, plu- nants cannot be distinguished ral ńandamˊ ‘my breads’, etc. from one another because of § 88 The following sound changes deserve a special the common sound change attention, because they do not occur in the abso- *l > t. lute declension but only in the suffixal276 one. 279. i.e. reduced vowel (ə) a) In the Surgut dialects the dual character xan, 280. The elision would also lead to xen, etc. changes into xat, xet, etc. in connection unpronounceable consonant with the personal suffixes; e.g.kara ‘ground, place’, clusters. dual karagan, suffixalkaragaȡam , ‑gaȡan, etc.277 We can also bear in mind that 281. the plural character et changes into it in front of the two plurals are two sepa- b) the personal suffix; e.g.kēǯe ‘knife’, plural kēǯet, rate suffixes, cf. note 278 above. suffixes I.kēǯidam , kēǯidan, kēǯidet; II. kēǯidemen, etc.278 c) When the nominal stem ends with a consonant and has a long vowel in the penultima, in the suffixal forms the short vowel279 of the final syllable undergoes elision in singular, while in dual and plural this does not happen280; e.g. pōgor ‘islet’, singular pōxrem ‘my islet’, plural pōgordam ‘my islets’; wāsex ‘duck’, singular wīsxam ‘my duck’, dual wāsekkaȡam, plural wāsekȶam or wāsekȡam. d) Consonant-final stems always lose the binding vowel of the plural in connection with the personal suffixes; e.g.xuran ‘stall, shed’, plural xuranet, suffixal xurandam; tābet ‘week’, plural tāptet; suffixal tābettam; kōr ‘oven’, plural kōret, suffixalkōrdam. 281

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282. There is also a series of dual possessed with the dual character ‑ : ‘my two ☙ 45 ❧ ŋǝt- imeŋǝtam women’, imeŋǝtan, imeŋǝtat, imeŋǝtǝmǝn ‘the two women § 89 In the following paradigms, the word īma ‘woman’ shows the comprehensive overview of the of us two’, imeŋǝtǝn, imeŋǝtǝn, ‘our two women (of nominal declension in connection with the personal imeŋǝtǝw the several of us)’, imeŋǝtǝn, suffixes282. All the other examples ‘mitten’, urmā ke- imeŋǝtat. (Kr Ko suffixes, cf. rap ‘vehicle’, pōgor ‘islet’, jūrax ‘edge’ will be given Honti 1984: 133.) only in the basic form. 283. stem type ending in a reduced vowel 1.283 284. īmit (imit) ‘his/her woman’ Basic form would be expected. The vowel Singular in px.sg<3sg is the same as in I. 1. īmem 2. īmen 3. īmet284 all persons of the plural pos- II. 1. īmemen 2. īmeden 3. īmeden sessed. It is also different from III. 1. īmeu 2. īmeden 3. īmet the form imet ‘their woman’ Plural (px.sg<3pl). 285. īmemenna (imemənnə) would I. 1. īmidam 2. īmidan 3. īmidet be expected. II. 1. 2. 3. īmidemen īmiden īmiden ( ) would III. 1. 2. 3. 286. īmidemenna imitəmǝnnə īmideu īmiden īmidet be expected. Dative Singular I. 1. īmema 2. īmena 3. īmeda II. 1. īmemena 2. īmedena 3. īmedena III. 1. īmewa 2. īmedena 3. īmeda Plural I. 1. īmidama 2. īmidana 3. īmideda II. 1. īmidemena 2. īmidena 3. īmidena III. 1. īmidewa 2. īmidena 3. īmideda Locative Singular I. 1. īmemna 2. īmenna 3. īmetna II. 1. īmememna285 2. īmedenna 3. īmedenna III. 1. īmeuna 2. īmedenna 3. īmetna Plural I. 1. īmidamna 2. īmidanna 3. īmidetna II. 1. īmidememna286 2. īmidenna 3. īmidenna III. 1. īmideuna 2. īmidenna 3. īmidetna

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287. stem type ending in a full vowel ☙ 46 ❧

Ablative Singular I. 1. īmemīwet 2. īmenīwet 3. īmedīwet II. 1. īmemenīwet 2. īmedenīwet 3. īmedenīwet III. 1. īmewīwet 2. īmedenīwet 3. īmedīwet Plural I. 1. īmidamīwet 2. īmidanīwet 3. īmidedīwet II. 1. īmidemenīwet 2. īmidenīwet 3. īmidenīwet III. 1. īmidewīwet 2. īmidenīwet 3. īmidedīwet Instructive Sing. I. 1. īmemat 2. īmenat 3. īmedat II. 1. īmemenat 2. īmedenat 3. īmedenat III. 1. īmewat 2. īmedenat 3. īmedat Plur. I. 1. īmidamat 2. īmidanat 3. īmidedat II. 1. īmidemenat 2. īmidenat 3. īmidenat III. 1. īmidewat 2. īmidenat 3. īmidedat Caritive Sing. I. 1. īmemda 2. īmenda 3. īmetta II. 1. īmemenda 2. īmedenda 3. īmedenda III. 1. īmeuda 2. īmedenda 3. īmetta

2.287 Basic form Sing. I. 1. urmāgem 1) 2. urmāgen 3. urmāget II. 1. urmāgemen 2. urmāgeden 3. urmāgeden III. 1. urmāgeu 2. urmāgeden 3. urmāget 1) or: urmajem, urmajen, urmājet, also: urmaem, urmaen, urmaet, cf. ańaxaem, ańaxaen, ańaxaet.

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288. stem type ending in a full vowel + consonant stem type ending in a reduced ☙ 47 ❧ 289. vowel (ǝ) + consonant, in which the metathesis/elision of takes Plur. ǝ place in certain inflected forms I. 1. urmāgidam 2) 2. urmāgidan 3. urmāgidet 290. is a derivative (with II. 1. urmāgidemen 2. urmāgiden 3. urmāgiden presumably a full vowel in the III. 1. urmāgideu 2. urmāgiden 3. urmāgidet second syllable), cf. jĭra ‘aside’. 2) or: urmājidam, urmājidan, urmājidet, also: urmaidam, urmaidan, urmaidet, cf. ańaxaidam, ańaxadann, ańaxaidet.

3.288 Basic form Sing. I. 1. kerabem 2. keraben 3. kerabet II. 1. kerabemen 2. kerabeden 3. kerabeden III. 1. kerabeu 2. kerabeden 3. kerabet Plur. I. 1. keraptam 2. keraptan 3. keraptet II. 1. keraptemen 2. kerapten 3. kerapten III. 1. kerapteu 2. kerapten 3. keraptet

4.289 Basic form Sing. I. 1. pōxrem 2. pōxren 3. pōxret II. 1. pōxremen 2. pōxreden 3. pōxreden III. 1. pōxreu 2. pōxreden 3. pōxret Plur. I. 1. pōgordam 2. pōgordan 3. pōgordet II. 1. pōgordemen 2. pōgorden 3. pōgorden III. 1. pōgordeu 2. pōgorden 3. pōgordet

5.290 Basic form Sing. I. 1. jūragaem 2. jūragaen 3. jūragat II. 1. jūragaemen 1) 2. jūragaeden 2) 3. jūragaeden 2) III. 1. jūragaeu 2. jūragaeden 2) 3. jūragaet 1) jūraxmen 2) juraxten

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291. stem type ending in a reduced vowel 292. It is worth remembering that ☙ 48 ❧ <ȡ> and <ȶ> represent the same phoneme. The plural pos- Plur. sessor series with dual possessed is actually kăraɣǝ̑ʌǝ̑ɣ° I. 1. jūraxtam 2. jūraxtan 3. jūraxtet ‘our two places (of several of II. 1. jūraxtemen 2. jūraxten 3. jūraxten us)’, kăraɣǝ̑ʌǝ̑n ‘your two plac- III. 1. jūraxteu 2. jūraxten 3. jūraxtet es’, kăraɣǝ̑ʌaʌ ‘their two places’. § 90 For the Surgut dialects, we want to present the 293. Stem type ending in a conso- following paradigms: kara ‘ground, place’ and nant. There is also a paradig- āč ‘sheep’. matic vowel alternation (see 1.291 p. 49/95) and a simplification Basic form of the stem consonant č > t in Sing. front of the character ʌ for plural possessed. I. 1. karam 2. karan 3. karaȶ The whole paradigm in a nor- II. 1. karamen 2. karin 3. karin 294. III. 1. 2. 3. malized form is the following: karaux karin kariȶ (possessed in singular:) učem, Dual učen, uč ǝ̑ʌ, učmǝ̑n, učin̮ , učin̮ , I. 1. karagaȡam 2. karagaȡan 3. karagaȶ učǝ̑ɣ°, učin̮ , učiʌ̮ ; (possessed in II. 1. karagaȡamen 2. karagaȡen 3. karagaȡen dual:) åčɣǝ̑ʌam, åčɣǝ̑ʌa, åčɣǝ̑ʌ, III. 1. karagaȡaux 2. karagaȡen 3. karagaȡaȶ292 åčɣ ǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑m ǝ̑n, åčɣ ǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑n, åčɣ ǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑n, Plur. åčɣǝ̑ʌǝ̑ɣ°, åčɣ ǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑n, åčɣǝ̑ʌaʌ; (possessed in plural:) åtʌam, I. 1. karaȡam 2. karaȡan 3. karaȶ åtʌa, åtʌ, åtʌ ǝ̑m ǝ̑n, åtʌǝ̑n, åtʌǝ̑n, II. 1. karaȡamen 2. karaȡen 3. karaȡen åtʌǝ̑ɣ°, åtʌaʌ. III. 1. karaȡaux 2. karaȡen 3. karaȡaȶ 2.293 Basic form Sing. I. 1. ūǯem 2. ūǯen 3. ūǯeȶ II. 1. ūǯmen 2. ūǯin 3. ūǯin III. 1. ūǯeux 2. ūǯin 3. ūǯiȶ Dual I. 1. āǯxaȡam 2. āǯxaȡan 3. āǯxaȶ II. 1. āǯxaȡamen 2. āǯxaȡen 3. āǯxaȡen III. 1. āǯxaȡaux 2. āǯxaȡen 3. āǯxaȡaȶ Plur. I. 1. ātȶam 2. ātȶan 3. ātȶ II. 1. ātȶamen 2. ātȶen 3. ātȶen III. 1. ātȶaux 2. ātȶen 3. ātȶaȶ294

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295. The paradigmatic vowel alternation concerns the full vowels ☙ 49 ❧ å, o, ä and e in the first syllable. 296. phonematically ä vs. i 297. phonematically å vs. u § 91 We add the following list of words that undergo a vowel alternation295 in the Surgut dialects. 298. This is “suffix I.2.”, i.e. px.sg <2sg; probably a typograph- a and i296 ic misprint instead of jūgmem (juɣmem). āt ‘night’ Suffix I.1. ītem āmp ‘dog’ īmpem pāŋ ‘finger’ pīŋem ārent ‘debt’ īrendam jānk ‘nail’?? jīnkem kār ‘bark’ kīrem wāsex ‘duck’ wīsxam tās ‘ware, tīsem thing(s)’ rāk ‘flour’ rīkem sāp ‘brook’ sīpem sāpeȶ ‘neck’ sīpȶem čānč ‘knee’ čīnǯem ȶābet ‘week’ ȶīptem ȶānt ‘moss’ ȶīntem, etc. a and u297 āč ‘sheep’ Suffix I.1. ūǯem kāt ‘house’ kūtem ńāȶ ‘nose’ ńūȡem lāt ‘hole’ lūtem māntˊ ‘story’ mūndemˊ āȶ ‘year’ ūȡem pās ‘glove’ pūsem sārt ‘pike’ sūrtem sājep ‘net’ sūipam jāgam ‘moor’ jūgmen298 ȶār ‘meadow’ ȶūrem tārax ‘crane’ tūrgam wān ‘shoulder’ wūnem ȶān ‘vein’ ȶūnem kār ‘ox’ kūrem wāt ‘wind’ wūdem, etc.

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299. phonematically the same (e vs. i) 300. phonematically the same (o vs. u) 301. probably a typographical mis- ☙ 50 ❧ print, u instead of ū 302. The word for ‘oven’ is in Sur- e and i299 gut dialects Likr kör, Trj ker. 303. South täm̆ , tăm, tämǝ̆ , Surgut ńēwer ‘lather’ suffix I.1. ńīurem ‘trace’ , etc. tem, temi ‘this’; South Surgut lēk līkam tŏm, South tŏmǝ, Surgut tŏmi ̮ o and u300 ‘that’ (Honti 1984: 74) ‘father-in-law’ suffix I.1. These shorter pronouns (South ōp ūpem 304. ōx ‘head’ ū’um (ūgum) , Surgut ) that refer to tĕwˊ tuˊ lōx ‘inlet, bay’ lū’um more distant objects (not vis- (lūgum) ible, as opposed to tŏm, South mōk ‘young (of mūkam tŏmǝ, Surgut tŏmi ̮ ‘that’) are an animal)’ used only in attributive posi- ōnk ‘resin’ ūnkam tions. In Surgut we also find pōm ‘grass’ pumem301 tiˊ ‘this (attributive)’ andt itˊ ‘id. rōk ‘front (of a rūkam (absolute)’. (Ibid.) cloth)’ sōm ‘scale (of a fish)’ sūmem ȶōnt ‘goose’ ȶūndem kōs ‘star’ kūsem, etc. ö and ü302 kȫr ‘oven’ suffix I.1. kǖrem kȫń ‘arctic fox’ kǖńem

§ 92 The demonstrative pronouns in Ostyak aretoma (tom) ‘that’, Finnish tuo, and tema (teme, tem) ‘this’, Finnish tämä303. According to § 81, teu ‘he, it’ can also be used as a demonstrative pronoun. In adverbs as well as in some relative and interrogative pronoun compounds there are further demonstratives titˊ (tutˊ ) ‘this’ and ta ‘that’304. The declension oftoma and tema is regular when these pronouns are used absolutely; e.g. dative tomeja, temeja, locative tomena, te- mena, ablative tomīwet, temīwet; pl. tomet, temet, etc. Only the dual in the Surgut dialects is irregular: tomīn, temīn. § 93 Interrogative and relative pronouns are expressed in Ostyak, like in the other related languages, mostly using the same words. These are:

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305. The Finnish counterpart is not relative but only interrogative. The comparison, though, is ☙ 51 ❧ correct. xoi or xoje, S. koje ‘who, which’, Finnish ku, 306. The simple interrogative-relative pronouns are in South , kuka305. χŏjǝ Surgut kŏjaɣi ̮ ‘who, which’, met or metta ‘which, what’, Finnish mi, South mĕj (North mŭj), Surgut mikä. mĕɣ°i, mö̆ɣi ‘what, which; what medoi, medoje (originally met-xoi), Surg. kind of’ (Honti 1984: 75). 306 muguȡi ‘what’. 307. They are not relative pronouns The following words can also be regarded as relative but rather pronominal attrib- pronouns: mecir, Surg. mugusir ‘what kind of’, tissirˊ utes. ‘that kind of’, tament ‘like that one’, timentˊ ‘like this 308. ‘this kind of’ one’, etc.307 The declension of these pronouns follows 309. Here the two Khanty conjuga- the general rules both in Irtyš and in the Surgut dia- tion paradigms (subjective vs. objective) are interpreted as lects; e.g. xojīwet, medīwet, etc. qualities of the verbs. The tran- Indefinite pronouns are formed from the inter- § 94 sitive verbs, however, can be in- rogative and relative pronouns with the help flected in any of these two con- of the derivative suffixat ; e.g. xajat 1) ‘someone’, 2) jugations depending on wheth- ‘person’, from xoi ‘who’; medat or mettat ‘something’, er there is a topicalized object from met or metta ‘what’; mecirat ‘some kind of’, Rus- in the sentence, either overt 308 sian какій то; tissiratˊ ‘that kind of’ , Russian такій or deleted (Sosa 2017). In addi- то, etc. tion, many seemingly intransitive verbs (such as ‘come’) 2) Verb can be inflected in the objective conjugation, especially § 95 There are two classes of verbs in Ostyak that not verbs of motion when there is only differ from each other somewhat in their a topicalized goal for the move- meaning but also in the flexion. One includes transi- ment. These sentences can also tive or active verbs, the other includes all the intransi- be passivized so that the goal tive and neutral verbs. In flexion, auxiliary and passive of the motion is in the subject verbs correspond almost entirely to the latter.309 position; e.g. tätˊ -äŋketˊ χŭjnǝ jŏχtaj ‘a man (AG) came to see § 96 Both classes of verbs can include basic words as well as derivatives. The first ones consist of one his grandmother’ (S) (SüdostjK or at most two syllables, the latter have in their stem 163) (Kulonen 1989: 158–). two syllables at least, often more. The derivation happens with the help of special character letters, which can be attached to a basic as well as to a derived stem of a noun or a verb. Verbs that form compounds with postpositions occur in Ostyak very rarely and they are formed completely on the basis of the sense of the Russian language.

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310. Interestingly enough, Castrén does not make an exact etymological comparison to the Finn- ☙ 52 ❧ ish suffix, even though in Pro- to-Khanty and the easternmost § 97 Ostyak seems to be very rich in derived verbs. and northernmost dialects the Because of the lack of sufficient material, we suffix has (had) the form ‑ l-. can only give here the most important derivatives and 311. In this word, the derivative suf- their component elements. fix is also originally ‑t-, cf. Kaz pŏtǝrtĭʌ- ‘to speak continuous- a) d, t, (ȡ, ȶ) and d,ˊ t,ˊ (ȡ,ˊ ȶˊ) make diminutive verbs ly’, where ‑ is the suffix in that express an action which is continuous, and ʌ- 310 question and ‑t- the suffix dis- are in Finnish formed with the character l ; 311 cussed in b). e.g. padartem ‘to talk’ , towottem ‘to row’, ai- 312. Zero-derived verbs do not need dadem ‘to hunt’, tegdem ‘to fly’. Both intransitive to end in t; there are also a few and transitive verbs also are formed from nouns of them that do not; e.g. ʌoŋ with the same characters; e.g. ōdaˊ ‘sour’, ōdedemˊ ‘warm (weather)’ torəm ʌoŋəs ‘become sour’; ājem ‘glue’, ājemdem ‘to glue’; ‘the weather became warm’. seker ‘hit’, sekerdem ‘to hit’; pōs ‘mark’, pōstem 313. This is to say that it also ap- ‘to mark’; tēt ‘full’, tēttem ‘to fill’. When the stem pears as a regular stem con- ends in the same letter, the derived verbs, at least sonant without a special func- the intransitive ones, do not need any special tion. character; e.g. montˊ ‘story’, montemˊ ‘to tell a 314. These represent the common story’; patˊ ‘excrement’, patemˊ ‘defecate’; pēget and ancient PFU causative suf- ‘bath’, pēgtem ‘to take a bath’312. It can be no- fixes*t , *tt and *pt. ticed, though, that these characters also appear 315. originally and in the eastern- in many primitive verbs and in many mean- most dialects ‑ il ings; e.g. tadem ‘to pull’, xadem ‘to die’, ūdemˊ ‘to swim’, jāstem ‘to say’313. b) Moreover and primarily, transitive verbs out of intransitives and causatives out of immedia- tives are also formed with t, tˊ; e.g. termadem ‘to hurry (intr.)’, termattem ‘to hurry (tr.)’, jendemˊ ‘to drink’, jenttemˊ ‘to give to drink’. In these derivatives, t (tˊ) is often doubled; e.g.tēbem ‘to go wrong’, tēbettem ‘to make a mistake’; sergem ‘to drop (off)’,sergettem ‘to shake’. In many derivative verbs, pt appears instead of tt; e.g. xajdemˊ ‘to be left’,xajd aptemˊ ‘to leave (tr.)’, kergem ‘to fall’, kereptem ‘to knock over’.314 c) The frequentative verbs take usually the character īd (īt); e.g. jāstem ‘to say’, jāstīdem ‘to say many times’, tōxnem ‘to meet’, tōxnīdem ‘to meet often’315.

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316. In most of these, k or ɣ belongs to the stem in one way or an- ☙ 53 ❧ other, at least historically, cf. Mansi (So) ērǝɣ ‘song, to sing’ It seems that many frequentative verbs can also (Khanty Trj ärǝɣ ‘song’, ärǝɣ- d) ‘to sing’) and (So) ‘play; be formed with the characters x, k, ḱ, g, ǵ; e.g. janəɣ to play’ (Khanty (DN) jănt-: ārgem, ārkem ‘to sing’, nuigem ‘to get tired’, jăntkǝm, jăntχǝm, jănkǝm ‘to jantkem ‘to play’, ńāgam ‘to laugh’, tūtxaem ‘to play’). churn’316. 317. ‑m- is also very common as a e) Momentaneous verbs are formed with the help translative suffix with which of m; e.g. pulemem ‘to swallow’, pūmem ‘to verbs are formed from nouns, blow (once)’. This character not only expresses and especially adjectives. a momentaneous action, but also appears with 318. Honti (1984: 53–55) does not many other meanings; e.g. temem ‘to scatter (tr.) mention this suffix in Khanty, around’, kušmem ‘to burn (intr.)’, čošmem ‘to but it undoubtedly exists. The scatter (tr.), to pour’.317 Finnish derivatives mentioned f) s (c) is in Ostyak as well as in other related lan- here go back to *ŋć. guages used to form augmentative verbs that 319. This is rare, too. express an action that is fulfilled quickly and energetically; e.g. punǯesem ‘to open (quickly)’, Finnish awaisen; aŋasem ‘to take one’s shoes off (quickly)’, Finnish riisasen; mōŋasem ‘to rub’, Finn. hierasen; xūdesem ‘to cough’, Finn. rykäsen; tāksemˊ ‘to spit’, Finn. sylkäsen.318 g) The reflexive verbs have the characterš ; e.g. mīdašem ‘to be for rent’, etc.319 § 98 Many of the characters mentioned in the § above can also be combined with each other to form further derivatives. We present some of these: h) The character of the diminutive can be followed by almost any other character; e.g. jōxtem or jōgodem ‘to enter’, frequ. jōxtīdem; jōndem ‘to sew’, augm. jōndesem; tēgdem ‘to fly’, mom. tēgetmem; termadem ‘to hurry (intr.)’ caus. termattem, etc. i) From the momentaneous verbs especially causatives can be formed; e.g. ēnmem ‘to grow (intr.)’, ēnmettem ‘to nourish’; kušmem ‘to burn (intr.)’, kušmettem ‘to burn (tr.)’

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320. The basic formal difference between the subjective and objective conjugation (cf. note 309) ☙ 54 ❧ is that the suffixes in the objective conjugation coincide with Many diminutive verbs that have the character the possessive suffixes (§ 83– k) nt and md have also probably been formed on the 90) whilst the basic verbal per- basis of other derivatives; e.g. ‘to hear’, sonal suffixes are present in xūdem the subjective conjugation. We xūdandem ‘to listen’; ēpsendem ‘to sniff’,ńa sam have seen (note 267) that the dem ‘to slip, to slide’, joworxamdem ‘to turn (tr.)’. possessive suffixes of many persons include a full vowel. Conjugation E.g. Tra ‘he went’, 321. mĕn jŏɣət 1. The conjugation of the transitive ‘he came’; the present tense and intransitive verbs has a tense suffixʌ : mĕnʌ ‘he goes’ (mĕnʌəm ‘I go’), jŏɣətʌ § 99 The Ostyak language shares the feature with the ‘he comes’ (jŏɣətʌəm ‘I come’, Samoyedic languages that the transitive and in- jŏɣətʌən ‘you (Sg.) come’, etc.). transitive verbs differ in their flexion to a certain de- 322. This does not, however, take gree. However, the differences occur mostly only in into account the paradigmat- some personal suffixes and especially in the binding ic vowel alternation; the vow- vowel.320 The moods and tenses are formed quite simi- el used in the imperative is the larly in both classes. In relation to the stem, we can no- more rarely occurring one. tice that the final syllable in intransitives is often long, while in transitives it is often short. This definition cannot, however, be presented as any kind of common rule. § 100 It can further be added about the verbal stem that it seldom and only exceptionally appears in its simplest form: in the Surgut dialects in the third person singular indicative preterite with intransitive verbs321. But if we want to have a stem which is common to all dialects as well as intransitive and transitive verbs, we can find it easily by leaving out the final vowel in the second person imperative322. How different moods, tenses and other verbal forms are constructed based on this stem, will be presented in the following paragraphs.

A. Indicative

§ 101 In Ostyak, the indicative has two tenses: the preterite and the future. The present coincides with

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323. The reason the future is considered the primary function of the non-past tense probably ☙ 55 ❧ has to do with the grammati- the future323, and the preterite is able to express all cal traditions of that time. The modifications of the past tense. Sometimes the future other explanation could be its markedness in contrast to the is also expressed with the infinitive and the auxiliary past (preterite). verb ; e.g. ‘I will write’. In the past jidem xantča jidem 324. Both are participle suffixes. ‑m- tense, in some dialects the augmentative and in oth- is clearly a past participle and ers the diminutive verbal derivatives can be used to very common in all Khanty di- mark the perfect; e.g. tēgetmem ‘I have flown’, Rus- alects; ‑s- is more seldom used sian улетҍлъ; wermem ‘I have made’, pansim ‘I have and also has (at least in Mansi) put’324. the function of a present par- § 102 There is no special character for the preterite ticiple (Kulonen 2007: 187–88). in Ostyak, instead, the personal suffixes are at- Anyway, this participle is the tached directly to the verbal stem; e.g. panem ‘I placed/ origin of the past tense (im- put’ Imp. pane, stem pan. The character of the future is perfect) suffix‑ s-, which is in fully identical to the derivational suffix of the diminu- use in the eastern dialects (VVj tive verbs, and consists thus of d, (ȡ), d,ˊ (ȡˊ) and t, (ȶ), Surgut) as well as in the North. t ˊ(ȶˊ)325. These consonants are attached to the stem ac- It seems that the example pan- cording to the common rules presented in the phonol- sim is from Castrén’s observa- ogy. The most important of these are: tions from the Surgut dialects, even if it is not said to be so. 1. When the stem ends in a vowel or a smooth or indefinite consonant, the character of the future In O, too, pănsǝm is the normal form of the past tense para- is d (ȡ) or d ˊ(ȡˊ), after a final hard consonant it ist digm (sg1.PAST). (ȶ) or t ˊ(ȶˊ); e.g. tuem ‘to bring’, fut. tudem; werem ‘to 325. Actually t (South), ʌ (Surgut); make’, fut. (stem ); ‘to suck’, fur werdem wer emem em- the palatalized consonants dem (stem em); panem ‘to put’, fut. pandem (stem pan); here are due to assimilation telemˊ ‘to weep’, fut. teldemˊ (stem telˊ ); jigem ‘to har- and purely phonetic/acoustic ness’, fut. jiktem (stem jik); tēbem ‘to go wrong’, fut. variants, thus: (South) tutəm, tēptem (stem tēp), ńāgam ‘to laugh’, fut. ńāxtam (stem wertəm, emtǝm, păntǝm, tĕltǝmˊ , ńāx); edem, S. üȡim ‘to heat’, fut. ettam, S. üȶȶim, etc. jĭktǝm, teptǝm, ńăχtəm, ĕttǝm 2. According to § 47, čg, ttˊ, ńd change in the future (S. ö̆ʌʌəm). tense into tč, tt,ˊ nd;ˊ e.g. īǯem ‘to stir’, fut. ītčem instead of īčtem; muŋolǯem ‘to knot’, fut. muŋoltčem; kenǯem ‘to seek’, fut. kentčem; jēndemˊ ‘to drink’, fut. jēnttemˊ ; ūdemˊ ‘to swim’, fut. ūttamˊ ; pańem ‘to twist’, fut. pandemˊ , etc. 3. A finali (j), u (w) after a preceding vowel sometimes undergoes an elision, sometimes not; e.g.

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326. These are five of the seven total so-called thematic verbs (all monosyllabic), which have more than one alternat- ☙ 56 ❧ ing stems: South ; mĕ- ~ mĕj- mejem ‘to give’, fut. medem; ujem ‘to see’, fut. udem; ( is the form wo- ~ woj- u- ~ uj- ‘to take’, fut. ; ‘to come’, fut. ; in the south-north transition- wejem wedem jiwem jidem tewem ‘to eat’, fut. tedem326; cf. tejem ‘to weave’, fut. al dialects Ni, Šer as well as 327 in Vj in the East; Surgut wu- ~ teidem; tājem ‘to be ’, fut. tājdam; xujem ‘to spawn’, wuj-); wĕ- ~ wĕj-; jĕ- ~ jĕw- (Sur- fut. xujdem; sēwem ‘to spin’, fut. sēudem; tīwem ‘to be gut jĕ- ~ jĕɣ-); te- ~ tew- (Sur- born’, fut. tīudem. gut ʌi- ~ ʌiɣ°/ʌiw-). The two 4. When the stem ends in two consonants, the fol- remaining verbs of this group lowing can be noted concerning the formation of are ni- ~ niw- ‘to be visible’ and the future: tu- ~ täw-/tĕw- (Surgut tu- ~ a) Sometimes, the character of the future can be at- tuɣ°-/tuw-) ‘to bring’. (Honti tached directly to the stem, especially afternt , 1984: 36.) mt, pt, nk, nx; e.g. jōndem ‘to sew’, fut. jōnttem; 327. Actually ‘to have’; Khanty and ēpsendem ‘to sniff’ (stemēpsent ), fut. ēpsenttem; Mansi are the only Finno-Ug- tēremdem ‘to make the bed’, fut. tēremttem; ric languages that have a com- ōrdem ‘to divide’ (stem ōrt), fut. ōrttem. The verbs monly used verb with this ending in nt,ˊ lč, nč form the future tense in the meaning; the other languages manner described in nr. 2 of this paragraph. use different structures to ex- b) The latter of the final two consonants, especial- press having something. ly if it is k or g, can also undergo elision; e.g. i.e. a schwa ( ) 328. ə kergem ‘to fall’, fut. kerdam; ārgem ‘to sing’, fut. This is the same schwa ə( ) 329. ārdam; jantkem ‘to play’, fut. janttam; jāŋam ‘to marked here with different walk’, fut. jāŋxtam or jāxtam. short (= reduced) vowels a, e, o. A short 328 is often placed in front of the charac- 330. Here, the stem is meant instead c) e of future. This must be a lapsus. ter of the future; e.g. jāstem ‘to say’, fut. jāstedem; The vowel (schwa) comes be- kattem ‘to hold’, fut. kattedem; kereptem ‘to fell’, tween the two stem-final con- fut. kereptedem; mūrtem ‘to brake’, fut. mūrtedem; sonants. tēgetmem ‘to fly away’, fut.tēgetmedem ; unttem ‘to teach’, fut. unttedem, etc. d) Whenever the preceding syllable is long, the auxiliary vowel329 can be placed between the two consonants of the future330; e.g. āxtem ‘to vomit’, fut. āgattam; jēŋdem ‘to spin’, fut. jēŋettem; jōxtem ‘to enter’, fut. jōgottam; ńōxrem ‘to slice’, fut. ńōgordam; nāurem ‘to jump’, fut. nāwerdam; ōmsem ‘to sit’, fut. ōmastem; etc. All words of this kind have, in fact, lost their stem vowel both in the indicative preterite and in the imperative

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331. This is an adjective serving as a basis for the verbal derivation (cf. note 317). ☙ 57 ❧ 332. ‘I grew; I have grown’ according to § 32; e.g. ēne ‘big’331, Ind. preterite ēn 333. ‘I grow; I am growing’ I.e. they are equivalent to the mem332 instead of ēnemem, fut. ēnemdem333, imp. ēn 334. possessive suffixes. me instead of ēneme. 335. stem type ending in a reduced The personal suffixes for nouns and verbs in in- § 103 vowel (paradigm example imǝ dicative preterite and future coincide with each ‘woman’) other. Some exceptions occur in the Irtyš dialect only 336. In most persons (with the ex- in intransitive verbs, whereas transitive verbs take the ception of 3sg) the vowel, if it 334 normal personal suffixes of the nouns . Regarding appears, is a schwa (ǝ). the binding vowel it can be generally noted that there 337. The suffixes for the objective is a considerable similarity on one hand between the conjugation (referring to one transitive verb and the vowel-final noun335, and on object) are ‑em, ‑en, ‑ǝt; ‑emǝn, the other between the intransitive verb and the conso- ‑etǝn, ‑etǝn; ‑ew, ‑etǝn, ‑et. nant-final noun336. 338. The suffixes for the subjec- § 104 In the Irtyš dialect, the verbal personal suffixes tive conjugation are ‑ǝm/‑am, in the indicative future and preterite with the ‑ǝn/‑an, ∅/‑ot; ‑mǝn, ‑tǝn ‑ɣən addition of the binding vowel are the following: (‑tən); ‑əw, ‑tə, ‑ət. 339. It is meant that these suffix- 1. In the transitive 2. In the intransitive es differ considerably from the verb337 verb338 possessive suffixes. It is worth noticing that while Khanty Sing. 1. -em Sing.1. -em (am) makes use of n in many ele- 2. -en 2. -en (an) ments of the second persons 3. -et 3. -ōt, et, t (personal pronouns and all suf- Dual 1. -emen Dual 1. -emen, men fixes for 2sg), in the 2pl subjec- 2. -eden 2. -eden (den, ten) tive conjugation we can see the 3. -eden 3. -egen (gen, ken) original PU suffix* ‑te. Pl. 1. -eu Pl. 1. -eu 340. ‑t is the tense suffix of the pre- 2. -eden 2. -edā or ede, (da sent (“future”), so the personal or de, ta or te) suffix is ∅. 3. -et 3. -et

§ 105 This overview shows that the intransitive verbs have only two specific339 suffixes: 1. in the third person dual egen (gen, ken), which is similar to the dual character of the nouns; 2. eda or ede (da, de or ta, te) in the second person plural. In the preterite, the third person ends in ōt, in the fut. in et or t340 e.g. ēttīdem

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341. The corresponding actual forms: ettitǝm, ettitot, ettittam, ett itǝt. ☙ 58 ❧ 342. The corresponding actual forms: mĕnǝm, mĕnot, mĕntam, ‘I watched’, third person ēttīdōt, fut. ēttīttam, third per- The 3sg.prs form has the mĕnt. son ēttīttēt341 menem ‘I went’, third person menōt, fut. zero personal suffix (cf. notes mendem, third person ment342. Some verbs have in the 338 and 340); ‑t is the tense suffix. preterite third person sing. two suffixeset and ōt, the first to express the imperfect, the latter the perfect343; 343. Usually for the form in question only the suffix ‑ot is giv- e.g. jāstem ‘to say’, third person jāstet ‘said, dixit’ en. There is no other documen- (R. говорилъ), jāstōt ‘has said, dicebat’ (R. сказалъ); tation of this kind of variation werem ‘to make’, third person weret ‘made, faciebat’ in the southern Khanty texts, (R. дҍлалъ), werōt ‘has made’ (R. сдҍлалъ). Regarding which makes this observation further the binding vowel in the personal suffixes, the highly interesting. following can be noted: 344. Castrén has marked a diph- a) In the transitive verbs, the binding vowel re- thong ae instead of e (ə) after mains unchanged in all persons of the pret. and velar consonants (cf. note 23). fut. In the subjective conjugation, b) In the intransitive verbs, the binding vowel e both ə and a occur, depending can sometimes alternate with other vowels; e.g. on the stem type (Honti 1984: tapkaemˊ 344 ‘to whisper’, ńāgam ‘to laugh’. 41). c) In the future tense, the intransitive verbs, simi- 345. I.e. 1sg, 2sg; this is not depend- larly to the nouns in pl., commonly have a as the ent on the consonant of the binding vowel in the first and second person345, stem but on the stem type (sta- especially after a hard consonant; e.g.ēnmen 346 ble stems as opposite to non- ‘to grow’, fut. first personēnemdam , second per- stable (thematic) stems, cf. note son ‑ ; ‘to trade’, fut. first person 326). (Honti 1984: 41.) an tinesem tines- , second person ‑ ; ‘to be happy’, 346. Obviously a typographical er- tam an āmdīdem ror instead of enmem (1sg.PAST, fut. first personāmdīttam , second person ‑an. used as the basic form for verbs d) The binding vowel disappears completely in all in this grammar). dual persons and the second person plural of the preterite and especially the indicative future of the intransitive verbs, as long as the two consonants allow it; e.g. towottem ‘to row’, fut. towot- tedem, dual 1. towottetmen, 2. towottetten, 3. tow- ottetken, plur. 2. towottetta. § 106 In the Surgut dialects, the personal suffixes in the indicative pret. and fut. are the following:

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347. In 1sg and 2sg suffixes there is a difference between full vowel ☙ 59 ❧ (e; objective conjugation) and a reduced vowel (ǝ: subjective 1. In the transitive verb. 2. In the intransitive verb. conjugation); e.g. ʌäpətʌəm ‘I feed’, ʌäpətʌem ‘I feed him’. Sing. 1. em Sing. 1. em (am) 348. t has the function of singular 2. en, e 2. en (an) object in the Surgut dialects, 3. dax (dex), 3. — even though it appears only in tax (tex) 3sg, 1du and 1pl. In the para- Dual 1. damen (demen) Dual 1. men digms of dual and plural object tamen (temen) it is replaced by the charac- 2. ten 2. ten ters of the dual (‑ɣəʌ-) and plu- 3. ten 3. xan, kan, gan ral (‑ʌ-) object (= possessed); (xen, gen, ken) e.g. (perfect) păntǝ̑ɣ ‘he put it’, Pl. 1. daux (deux) Pl. 1. aux păntǝ̑mǝ̑n ‘we(2) put it’, păn taux (teux) t ǝ̑ɣ° ‘we put it’; pănɣǝ̑ʌ ‘he put 2. ten 2. tax them(2)’, pănɣ ǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑m ǝ̑n ‘we(2) 3. iȶ 3. t put them(2)’, pănɣǝ̑ʌǝ̑ɣ° ‘we put them(2)’; pănǝ̑ʌ ‘he put them (several)’, pănʌǝ̑mǝ̑n ‘we(2) put N.B. This scheme might not be fully reliable, because them’, pănʌǝ̑ɣ° ‘we put them’. we are lacking a sufficient number of paradigms In the present tense, t is also from the Surgut dialects. It has to be noted especially, lacking in 3sg after the present concerning the binding vowel, that it alternates a lot tense suffixʌ ; the correspond- and often undergoes an elision347. ing present tense forms (3sg, 1du, 1pl) are (singular object) , , ; Regarding personal suffixes, it is typical for the pănʌǝ̑ɣ pănʌ ǝ̑t ǝ̑m ǝ̑n pănʌǝ̑tǝ̑ɣ° § 107 (dual object) pănʌǝ̑ɣǝ̑ʌ, pănʌǝ̑ Surgut dialects that the intransitive verbs have ɣ ǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑m ǝ̑n, pănʌǝ̑ɣǝ̑ʌǝ̑ɣ°; (plural no personal marking in the pret. and fut. third per- object) pănʌǝ̑ʌ, pănʌǝ̑mǝ̑n (lack- son singular, whilst in the transitive verbs the origi- ing the plural ‑ !), 348 ʌ- pănʌǝ̑ʌǝ̑ɣ° nal t is lengthened into tax (tax) etc ; e.g. menem ‘I (following Honti 1984: 111). went’, Third personmen ; panem ‘I placed/put’ third 349. Second person has to be meant person pandax (probably from pant, panda). The suf- here. fixes for first person dual and plur. in transitive verbs 350. Cf. note 339. have without doubt been formed from the third person sing. suffix mentioned through elision of the aspiration. Considering the349 dual and plural suffixesten , tax, it seems that t belongs to the original personal suffix (cf. § 85), even though it does not always appear with nouns350.

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351. The inflected conjunctive is not described in the modern Khan- ty grammars (Honti 1984: 50). ☙ 60 ❧ 352. Honti (1984: 112, 115) gives full paradigms, including the first B. Conjunctive persons, both to the Surgut and the southern dialects (see also As far as I know, the Irtyš dialect has no spe- the Short Grammatical De- § 108 cial inflected form for the conjunctive, instead scription (Directives), p. 28). this mood is formed, as in many other languages, with 353. It is unclear which rules are meant here. Both are full vow- the particle adaŋ. This particle can be placed either be- els and thus stable. fore or after the indicative preterite or future; e.g. ma adaŋ werem or ma werem adaŋ ‘I would have made’; ma adaŋ werdem or ma werdem adaŋ ‘I would make’. Originally there has also been a special conjunctive with the suffixŋ in the Irtyš dialect, and it seems that this character is attached to the particleadaŋ (from at) mentioned above. Moreover, it is probable that the imperative of the third person singular has borrowed its ŋ from the conjunctive. § 109 Instead, in the Surgut dialects, the conjunctive is still commonly in use, and formed with ŋ; e.g. werŋam ‘I would make’, Russian дҍлалъ бы, panŋam ‘I would put’ R. клалъ бы351. Considering the personal suffixes, in the conjunctive they are exactly the same as in the nouns, both in transitive and in intransitive verbs, namely: Sing. 1. am, 2. an, 3. aȶ. Dual 1. amen, 2. in, 3. in. Plural 1. aux, 2. in, 3. iȶ; e.g. werŋam, werŋan, werŋaȶ, werŋamen, etc.

C. Imperative

§ 110 The imperative has no common character, instead the different persons are formed in different ways. The first person is missing in all the three numbers, and has no other expression but the future352. In the second person, the imperative ends in the Irtyš dialects in the transitive verb in e and in the intransitive verb in a, which also alternates with other vowels according to the general rules353. All the other persons have in all numbers a binding vowel a (Surgut e, i), to which in the second person dual and

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354. This means that in the second persons there is a difference ☙ 61 ❧ between transitive and intransitive, i.e. objective and subjec- plural the normal suffixes of transitive and intransitive tive conjugation. The same is verbs are attached354. The third person has a special said in the introductory lines to § 111, although there is a slight character g, which also appears in many related lan- inaccuracy in the numbers (see guages355. This character alternates in the third person note 357 below). singular with (cf. § 108) and in the plural it can even ŋ 355. i.e. the PFU imperative suffix undergo elision. In the singular, the character can ei- *k ther be followed by a further personal suffix or appear 356. Honti (1984: 115) gives for Ko without it, in the dual the syllable en is attached to it, 3sg ‑aŋ(at), 3du ‑aŋǝn, 3pl ‑at. 356 and in the plural the third person ends in aget or at . 357. In the table, the third person 357 § 111 Except in the second person singular and dual , plural also has two different both the transitive and the intransitive verbs suffixes (tr./intr. = obj./subj.). have the same suffixes. These are: In 2sg, the final vowel shows the conjugation, and also the In the Irtyš dialect In the Surgut dialect number of the object is appar- Sing. 2. — Sing. 2. — ent (as in the indicative): păna 3. ag (aŋ), agat 3. x, egat (eget) ‘put (something)’, păne ‘put it!’, (aŋat) păneŋǝta ‘put the two!’, păneta Dual 2. aden Dual 2. iten ‘put them!’ (Honti 1984: 115). 3. agen 3. ēgenat 358. The subjective conjugation (eginet) paradigm in South accord- Plur. 2. aden, intr. ada Plur. 2. iten, intrans. ing to Honti (1984: 115) is (‘to itax (itex) put’) pănam, păna, pănaŋ(at); 3. at, agat358 3. itat (itet)359 pănamǝn, pănatǝn, pănaŋǝn; pănaw, pănatǝ, pănat. 359. The subjective conjugation N.B. My material is not sufficient to define the quantity of the binding vowel; sometimes it is written paradigm in Surgut according to Honti (1984: 112) is (‘to long, sometimes short. feed’) ʌiptimät, ʌiptä, ʌiptǝjät; D. Infinitive ʌiptimǝnät, ʌiptitǝn, ʌiptiɣənät; ʌiptiɣ°ät, ʌiptitəɣ, ʌiptität. § 112 The infinitive ends in the Irtyš dialect indai (dei) or tai (tei), in the Surgut dialects in daga (taga), and the same suffix is used to express the “accus. su- pin.” as well. These characters are attached to the stem according to the rules given for the future tense. The final i in the Irtyš dialect and the syllable ga in Surgut are often dropped off; e.g.ōmasta taŋadam ‘I want to sit’, tēde most ‘it is necessary to eat, one has to eat’.

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360. This should be: final. 361. Typographical error: uimemna (уімемна) instead of jimem- ☙ 62 ❧ na (јімемна) (the letters (Os- setian-Cyrillic) у and (Latin) j E. Gerund may have been mixed here). Castrén’s idea of the origin of 362. In Ostyak, the gerund has the character , the suffix is, indeed, interesting § 113 men which is probably the locative form of an ex- (cf. Mansi mā ‘ground, place’, which is used to construct ger- tinct stem ma. The original suffix of the locativena ( ) und-like forms). It is, though, has shortened in the absolute form through the eli- 360 related to the past partici- sion of the initial vowel, whilst in connection with ple (below) and e.g. in Mansi the personal suffixes it appears in its full form; e.g.ma 361 362 there is a gerund with n, which uimemna ‘in my going (when I go)’. As a rule, the might be related to the n-ele- character of the gerund must be attached to the stem, ment in this suffix. However, but in cases where many consonants come together the form jimemna (jĕmemnǝ) a binding vowel may be added; e.g. werem ‘to make’, is not a gerund but the past ger. wermen; menem ‘to go’, ger. menmen; xanǯem ‘to participle with possessive suf- write’, ger. xanšmen; jastem ‘to say’, ger. jastemen; at- fix (PRTC.PAST-px.sg<1sg-LOC) tem ‘to stop’, ger. attemen. There are no elisions in the and the locative suffix is used gerund and it is worth noticing that even stem-finali here in a temporal function. and u remain unchanged in the gerund; e.g. ujem ‘to The gerund does not take any see’, ger. uimen. possessive suffixes, but temporals like in the example are as F. Participle a rule formed using the following formula: past participle + The Ostyak language has two participles: 1. pre- px + locative. § 114 sent or future, which ends in da (ȡa), de (ȡe) 363. It is also etymologically the same suffix. or ta (ȶa), te (ȶe); 2. preterite with the suffixem (am). The similarity is only superfi- The present participle is formed similarly to the in- 364. 363 cial; the ‑m of the participle is finitive and often falls together with it ; e.g. unttada not etymologically related to xajat ‘teacher’ (homo docens), unttada menōt ‘went to the first person suffix ‑m. teach’, xantča xui ‘writer’, xantča mendam ‘I go and 365. It corresponds to both ac- write’. The preterite participle in its turn is similar tive and passive participles in to the first person of the indicative preterite364; e.g. many languages, e.g. Finnish tagamem ‘I threw; thrown’. In Ostyak as well, like in (heittänyt ‘has thrown’, heitetty many related languages, the preterite participle has ‘has been thrown’) and is thus mainly the meaning of passive and therefore it is sel- used of all verbs. About transi- dom used with intransitive verbs.365 tivity as a verbal phenomenon 366 § 115 In order to facilitate the overview of the con- in Khanty see note 309. jugation of transitive and intransitive verbs, we 366. “To shed light on” is proba- provide two paradigms from both main dialects: bly what is meant here: in the original, the verb should be er- leuchtern instead of erleichtern (“erleichtern” is also in the German mscr. MC V, p. 143).

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367. Misprint: should be panen or pane. ☙ 63 ❧ 368. Misprint: should be paneu; mscr. (p. 258) has paneul ! “Sg 1. 1. The transitive conjugation paném 2. panén 3. panét (panót) Du 1. panémen 2. penéden 3. In the Irtyš dialect In the Surgut dialects panéden Pl. 1, panéul 2. panéden 3. panét.” Indicative Preterite Sing. 1. panem Sing. 1. panem ‘I placed/put’ 2. panen 2. panet367 3. panet 3. pandax Dual 1. panemen Dual 1. pandamen 2. paneden 2. panten 3. paneden 3. panten Plur. 1. panen368 Plur. 1. pandaux 2. paneden 2. panten 3. panet 3. paniȶ Future Sing. 1. pandem Sing. 1. panȡem 2. panden 2. panȡen 3. pandet 3. panȡadax Dual 1. pandemen Dual 1. panȡadamen 2. pandeden 2. panȡaten 3. pandeden 3. panȡaten Plur. 1. pandeu Plur. 1. panȡadaux 2. pandeden 2. panȡaten 3. pandet 3. panȡiȶ Conjunctive Sing. 1. panem or Sing. 1. panŋam pandem adaŋ 2. panen or 2. panŋan panden adaŋ 3. panet adaŋ 3. panŋat Dual 1. panemen adaŋ Dual 1. panŋamen etc. 2. panŋin 3. panŋin

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369. Trj pănitat (Honti 1984: 112 ʌiptität ‘feed’ IMP.DEF.sg<3sg) Ko (Honti 1984: 115) 370. pănaŋǝn ☙ 64 ❧ 371. Trj pănitǝnat (Honti 1984: 112 ʌiptitǝnät ‘feed’ IMP.DEF.sg<3du) In the Irtyš dialect In the Surgut dialects 372. Trj păniʌaʌat (Honti 1984: 112 ʌiptiʌäʌät ‘feed’ IMP.DEF.sg<3pl) Plur. 1. panŋaux 2. 373. menŋen (Ko mĕnŋǝn, Trj panŋin 3. panŋiȶ mĕnɣən) would be expected; the stem is men- (mĕn-). Imperative Sing. 2. pane Sing. 2. pane 3. panag (panaŋ) 3. panex, or panagat panegat369 (panaŋat) Dual 2. panaden Dual 2. paniten 3. panagen370 3. paneganat371 Plur. 2. panaden Plur. 2. paniten 3. panat, panaget 3. panitat372 Infinitive pandai pandaga Gerund panmen panmen Participle Present panda Present panda Preterite panem Preterite panem

2. The intransitive conjugation In the Irtyš dialect In the Surgut dialects Indicative Preterite Sing. 1. menem ‘I went’ Sing. 1. menem 2. menen 2. menen 3. menōt 3. men Dual 1. menmen Dual 1. menmen 2. menden 2. menten 3. meŋen373 3. meŋen373 Plur. 1. meneu Plur. 1. meneux 2. menda 2. mentex 3. menet 3. ment

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374. There are two dialectal variations in South: DN mĕntǝɣən, Ko. ; Surgut (Trj) ☙ 65 ❧ mĕntǝŋən mĕnʌǝɣən (Honti 1984: 111–115). Future 375. The corresponding forms in Ko (Honti 1984: 115) are păna, Sing. 1. Sing. 1. mendam menȡem pănaŋ(at); pănatǝn, pănaŋǝn; 2. mendan 2. menȡen pănatǝ, pănat; Honti also 3. ment 3. menȶ gives the first person forms: Dual 1. mendemen Dual 1. menȡemen 1sg pănam, 1du pănamǝn, 1pl 2. mendeden 2. menȡeden pănaw. 3. mendegen374 3. menȡegen374 376. The corresponding forms in Trj Plur. 1. mendeu Plur. 1. menȡeux (Honti 1984: 112) are păna, pănǝ̑ 2. mendeda 2. menȡedex jat; pănit̮ ǝ̑n, păniɣǝ̑nat;̮ pănit̮ ǝ̑ɣ, 3. mendet 3. menȡet pănitat̮ ; Honti also gives the first person forms: 1sg pănimat̮ , Conjunctive 1du pănimǝ̑nat̮ , 1pl păniɣ°at.̮ Sing. 1. menem or Sing. 1. menŋam mendam adaŋ 2. menen or 2. menŋan mendan adaŋ 3. menōt or ment 3. menŋat, etc. adaŋ, etc. Imperative Sing. 2. mena Sing. 2. mene 3. menag 3. menex (menaŋ) or (menegat) menagat (menaŋat) Dual 2. menaden Dual 2. meniten 3. menagen 3. menigenat Plur. 2. menada Plur. 2. menitex 3. menat, 3. menidat376 menaget375 Infinitive mendai mendaga Gerund menmen menmen Participle Present menda Present menda (Preterite menem) (Preterite menem)

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377. The alternation in the vowel length has no function here. All the vowels that are subject ☙ 66 ❧ to paradigmatic vowel alternation are full (Castrén: long) § 116 The verbs in which the stem vowel alternates in vowels. some way in the Surgut dialects are partly tran- phonematically / / 378. ä sitive but much more often intransitive. As already 379. actually: ‘to call’ mentioned in the phonology § 28, the stem vowel can be subject to vowel alternation only in the indicative preterite, the imperative and in the preterite participle; e.g. umsem ‘to sit’, fut. āmasȶem; conj. āmasŋam, imperat. umsa (ümsa), inf. āmastaga, ger. amasmen377, present part. āmasta, preterite umsem. We provide here some examples of verbs of this kind:

i a378 Preterite ȶīgȡem ‘to wait’ Future ȶāgaȶȶem pīrdem ‘to order’ pāretȶem pīrtim pārtȶim tīȡem ‘to pull’ tāȶȶam ȶīptem ‘to feed’ ȶābetȶem īȶȶem ‘to carry’ āȶȶem īȶmem ‘to lift’ āȡemȡem īrgem ‘to sing’ āregȡem u a Preterite jūndem ‘to sew’ Future jāntȶem ūgoȡem ‘to vomit’ āgaȶȶem mūndemˊ ‘to tell māntȶemˊ stories’ ūrdem ‘to divide’ āretȶem ūmsem ‘to sit’ āmasȶem ūmdem ‘to set’ āmatȶem wūgem ‘to ask379’ wāgaȡem kūȡem ‘to stay kāȶȶem the night’ ȶūȡ´em ‘to stand’ ȶāȶȶemˊ kūŋdem ‘to climb’ kāŋatȶem, etc. i e Preterite jīndemˊ ‘to drink’ Future jēntȶemˊ nīurem ‘to jump’ nēwerȡem linkem ‘to cover’ lenkȶem, etc.

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380. The alternation ofü and ö is purely phonetical. The pho- ☙ 67 ❧ neme is /ö̆/. 381. the alternation of å ~ u ~ (velar) i u o 382. On the next page, though, he gives a full paradigm from the Preterite ‘to rub’ Future mūndem mōŋatȶem southern dialect. He probably mūrtem ‘to break, mōretȶem means that he does not have a crumble’ sufficient amount of sentences ü ö to describe the use of the pas- Preterite lünkim ‘to cover’ Future lönkȶim, sive. The passive in Khanty is etc.380 extensive, regular and rich in its use. (Kulonen 1989.) 383. The reflexive in Khanty has a N.B. If my ear has not misguided me, there are also separate suffix. In this example, words that are subject to a special vowel alterna- the closeness of passive and re- tion in the imperative: cf. § 29, nr. 1381. flexive is more due to the semantics of the verb itself. 2. The conjugation of the passive verbs 384. I have called the passive verbs that have no active counterpart “medial”; they refer to states of § 117 Due to my insufficient observations it is not possible to say if the Ostyak language has a com- affairs that are not actions, i.e. plete passive voice382; it is certain, though, that single have no agent. passive forms appear commonly. Like in other related 385. There are, indeed, verbs that languages, in Ostyak the notion of passive seems to be have the same meaning with connected with the reflexive; e.g.unttem ‘teach’, pass. and without the passive suffix. These verbs are formed with unttājem ‘I was taught’ or ‘I learned’383. In some pas- the translative suffix ‑ sive verbs the reflexive function is even primary; e.g. m-. 386. singular ‘cold’, pass. ‘get cold’, pass. 384; pōt pōdājem pōtmājem 387. PAST.2sg form used as basic pēgmem ‘to freeze (intr.)’, pass. pēgmājem; ńešmem ‘be- 385 form instead PAST.1sg; proba- come blunt’, pass. ńešmājem . The examples above bly a misprint show that passive verbs cannot be formed only from 388. singular transitive and intransitive verbs but also from nouns. 386 § 118 The third person preterite and future or present is the simplest and most common of all the passive forms. The character of the preterite is in the Irtyš dialect āi or ai, which is attached directly to the stem; e.g. xanen387 (stem xan) ‘to touch’, passive pret. xanai; werem ‘to make’ (stem wer), passive pret. werāi; mejem ‘to give’ (stem mei or me), passive pret. mejāi; xanǯem ‘to write’ (stem xanč), passive pret. xanǯāi. The third person388 future ends in dāi, tāi or dai, tai and is in its formation similar to the indicative future as well as especially the infinitive of the transitive and intransitive

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389. Of course, the similarity is su- perficial, as the elements are of different origins: present tense ☙ 68 ❧ t (< Proto-Khanty *l) vs. infinitive t (< PFU *tA) and passive verbs389; e.g. unttem ‘to teach’, fut. unttedem, inf. unt- (< PU reflexive-passive ) vs. j *j tedai, future passive unttedāi; edīdem ‘to heat’, fut. lative j (cf. Surgut ‑taga; < PU edīttem, inf. edīttai, passive future edīttāi, etc. In the *k). The suffixal vowel in both Surgut dialects, the passive preterite is formed in the is a full vowel a, and the final first390 person with and the future with , ; the i in the infinitive in the south- ōi ȶōj ȡōj ern dialects seems to have dis- other persons are unknown to me. appeared after Castrén’s visit. Except for the third person sing., the preterite § 119 391 390. should be: third and the future in the Irtyš dialect take exact- 391. There is also a passive paradigm ly the same suffixes as the transitive and intransitive from Surgut in the mscr. (p. 272): verbs392; e.g. Preteritum Sg. 1. onŧtojem 2. onŧ to 3. onŧti Du. 1. onŧtoimen 2. onŧ Preterite toten 3. onŧtigen Pl. 1. onŧtojoh 2. Sing. 1. unttājem onŧtotah 3. onŧtotat; Futurum 2. unttājen Sg. 1 onŧtaŧojem 2. onŧtaŧo 3. onŧ 3. unttāi 1) taŧi Du. 1. onŧtaŧoimen 2. onŧtaŧo Dual 1. unttāimen 2) ten 3. onŧtaŧigen Pl. 1. onŧtaŧojoh 2. unttāiden 2. onŧtaŧotah 3. onŧtaŧat. 3. unttāigen 392. This not quite true: the per- Plur. 1. unttājeu sonal suffixes are the same as 2. unttāida 3) those in the subjective (“in- 3. unttājet transitive”) paradigm. 1) unttai, 2) unttaimen, unttaiden, unttaigen, 3) unttaida. 393. Only part of the verbs discussed in this chapter are aux- Future iliaries in the modern sense of Sing. 1. unttedājem the word. By “assisting verbs”, 2. unttedājen Castrén refers to verbs of be- 3. unttedāi 1) ing, becoming and existing; Dual 1. unttedāimen 2) he does not mention verbs like 2. unttedāiden taŋk- ‘want’, etc., which occur 3. unttedāigen together with infinitives and Plur. 1. unttedājeu are the modern auxiliaries. 2. unttedāida 3) 394. This is the verb ‘to have’ in 3. unttedājet Khanty. It also has the mean- 1) unttedai, 2) unttedaimen, ‑daiden, ‑daigen, unttedaida. ing of ‘to keep, to hold’. 395. Both etymologies are incorrect. is not connected to the de- taj- § 120 According to my observations, this passive monstrative ta (which seems form can be used only in the indicative. There is, like an idea that just crossed Castrén’s mind; it is interesting that he has decided to publish it here) and ut- is the original

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PFU word for ‘to be’, related to Finnish olla (ole-), Mansi ōl- ☙ 69 ❧ and Hungarian van (val-). 396. Both have a complete paradigm. though, a periphrastic passive in all moods and tens- 397. The preposition “in” serves no es. This is formed with the preterite participle and purpose in the German original and can also be left unread in the auxiliary verb ; e.g. ‘I was sent’, ūdem kitem ūdem the translation. It is probably an kitem ūttam ‘I am being sent’, etc. error in the typesetting process. In the manuscript (pp. 274–275) 393 398. 3. The conjugation of the auxiliary verbs Castrén gives a set of paradigms of “auxiliary verbs”, i.e. not only § 121 The Ostyak language has two different verbs for taj- and ut- but also ji- ‘to come’. ‘to be’: 1) tājem (Surg. tōjem), which has devel- Preteritum Futurum oped from ta ‘that’ and expresses existence394, and 2) ūdem (Surg. waȡam), originally ‘to live’, from which Sing. 1. tajem Sing. 1. tájdam ‘to be’ is a derived meaning395. When used as auxiliary 2. tajen 2. táidan 3. 3. verbs, both have the same meaning and the only dif- tajót táit ference between them is that ūdem has a complete and Dual 1. tájmen Dual 1. taidêmen 2. 2. tājem a very incomplete conjugation396. taiden taidêden 397 3. taigen 3. taidêgen § 122 Along with the preterite tājem, in the indicative future or present tāidam or taidam is more Plur. 1. tajeu Plur. 1. taidêu often used. Of all the other moods I have noticed only 2. taida 2. taidêda 3. tájit 3. taidêt the gerund tāimen (taimen). In the indicative preterite and future, the conjugation of this verb is quite regu- Sing. 1. udêm Sing. 1. úttam 2. 2. lar; e.g. sing. tājem, tājen, tājōt, dual tāīmen (taimen), udên úttan 3. udót 3. ut tāiden (taiden), tāigen (taigen), plural tājeu, tāida (tai- Dual 1. Dual 1. da), tājet; fut. sing. tāidam (taidam), tāidan (taidan), utmen uttmên 2. 2. tāit (tait); dual tāidemen (taidemen), etc.398 It seems, utten úttêden 3. utken 3. úttêgen according to my notes, that both tājem and tāidam can Plur. 1. Plur. 1. sometimes be used exactly like an impersonal; e.g. ma udêu uttêu 2. utta 2. uttêda wāx tājem ‘I had money’, actually ‘my money was’; ma 3. údet 3. úttêt īsen tāidam ‘I have a mill’399. Sing. 1. Sing. 1. Because , as stated in § 121, is originally jîwêm jídêm § 123 ūdem 2. 2. an intransitive verb400, it is conjugated accord- jîwên jiden 3. jîwót 3. jit ing to the paradigm of the other intransitive verbs; (juwot) e.g. pret. sing. ūdem, ūden, ūdōt; dual ūtmen, ūtten, Dual 1. jîwmen Dual 1. jítmen ; plur. , , ; fut. sing. , , ; ūtken ūden ūtta ūdet ūttam ūttan ūtt 2. jîwden 2. jítten dual ūttemen, etc., imperat. sing. 2. ūda, inf. ūttai, ger. 3. jîwgen 3. jítken ūtmen, etc. It was already mentioned above that the Plur. 1. jîwu Plur. 1. jídêu passive conjugation is formed with the help of this 2. jîwda 2. jitta auxiliary verb. 3. jîwêt 3. jidet 399. As already stated, ‘to have’ is the basic meaning of the verb. The sentences are not

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impersonal nor existential (“my money was” is a misinterpreta- tion) but simply: ‘I’-NOM ‘mon- ☙ 70 ❧ ey’-NOM ‘have’-PAST.1sg (and same in all persons: nan wax § 124 To express becoming or turning into some- tajen ‘you had money’, tew wax thing401, the language uses the intransitive verb tajot ‘he had money’, min wax jiwem (juwem, Surg. jigem, jugam), fut. jidem ‘to come’. tajew ‘we had money’, etc.). This auxiliary verb is in its use quite similar to the 400. No matter the origin, ‘to be’ and ‘to live’ are, of course, both Russian стану; e.g. xantča jiwem ‘I started to write’ intransitive and thus follow the (писатъ сталъ), xantča jidem ‘I will write’ (писатъ subjective conjugation para- стану), ēne jiwem ‘I have become big’ (большой digm. сталъ), ēne jidem ‘I will become big’ (большой стану). 401. Here, German (and during field- It has to be noticed that jiwem is constructed mainly work, Russian) as the metalan- with the dative; e.g. saxseŋa jiwem ‘I became fat’, āra guage has probably caused jit ‘it will be a lot’. Considering the conjugation, this some confusion. The Russian verb behaves like the intransitives. [statʹ] of course has both the § 125 Lacking negative particles, Finnish and other re- functions of future and becom- lated languages use one or more negative auxil- ing, as well as the German wer- iary verbs, which, together with the main verb, form den, but, as we can see from the a special, negative conjugation. In Ostyak, however, examples, the function of ji- as the affirmative and the negative conjugation are al- an auxiliary is ‘begin, start’ most the same. The language has, indeed, a negative (with infinitive: to do some- auxiliary: endam or endem ‘is not’, Russian нҍтъ, but thing) and occasionally it can this cannot be inflected; e.g.wax entam ‘it is not mon- also serve as a future auxiliary. ey’402, tawem entam ‘I have no horse’403, i metta en- In absolute position, i.e. with- dam or per endam ‘nothing’404, etc. At the most, dual out an infinitive, the meaning or plural characters may be added to endam or endem; of the verb is, besides the basic 405 ‘to come’, also (with dative) ‘to e.g. miin endemgen ‘we two are not’ (насъ нҍтъ), become (something)’. pl. meng endemet. 402. This is the literal translation of § 126 Together with verbs, endam changes into the German translation; actual- ent or en, whilst the main verb undergoes no ly the word forms negative ex- change406; e.g. ent ujem ‘I did not see’, en menem ‘I did istential sentences and the ex- not go’, dual 1. ent ujemen, ent menmen, fut. ent udem, ample sentence is thus ‘there is end mendem, inf. ent udai, ent mendai, ger. ent utmen, no money’. ent menmen, etc. Only in the imperative does ent, en 403. With a noun marked with a change in all persons and numbers into at, Surg. atl407 possessive suffix, a negative e.g. at uje ‘don’t see’, at mena ‘don’t go’, dual at ujaden, possession can be expressed, as at menaden, etc. in e.g. Hungarian, which has a similar negative particle, lovam nincs ‘I have no horse’, “my horse there-is-not”. 404. Rather: ‘there is nothing’; i metta alone means ‘nothing’.

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405. ‘we two are not there, there is no two of us’ I.e. in non-existential construc- ☙ 71 ❧ 406. tions. The particle behaves 3) Particles like nicht in German or inte in Swedish. 407. It is etymologically related to A) Postpositions Mansi ul and Finnish älä (sg), älkää (pl) in the corresponding § 127 Like the other related languages, Ostyak also has function. The main verb is in no prepositions but only postpositions, which the imperative. are called so because they are placed after the word 408. This abbreviation is not includ- to which they are related. The postpositions do not, in ed in the list of dialects (p. ix). fact, form a special class of words, because they are, It is probably the Lower Surgut with a few exceptions, real nouns, they form construc- (LS) dialect, which in Swedish tions with the genitive, they take personal suffixes, and (the original language of the thus share all the properties of the other nouns. Even manuscript) would have this though the nominal stem of many postpositions is not abbreviation (Nedre Surgut). apparent any more, the case suffixes are often in these 409. Note the very common use of words easily recognizable. Only a few postpositions the verb taj- ‘to have’ and its are expressed with the nominal stem or the nomina- understandable translation, tive; most of them have the suffixes of the dative, the even though Castrén had trou- locative or the ablative, sometimes also the caritive. bles in describing the verb (§§ In § 67 it was already mentioned that in postpositions 121–122). as well as in adverbs, there are case suffixes that have already disappeared in the nominal inflection. § 128 In the following, we provide a list of words that can be used as postpositions in Ostyak: 408 1. erek, NS. ürük ‘extra, too much’ (Lat. nimius, nimis), ‘in addition to, except’ (Lat. praeter). In the Irtyš dialect, the caritive suffix is often attached to this postposition; e.g. ma tau erekte i met en taidam ‘I have nothing except a horse’409. 2. it, Surg. iȶ ‘down, under’; idn (locat.), Surg. iȡn ‘down’, itta (abl.), Surg. iȶta ‘from below’. The words it and jit (cf. the word list) probably represent the same stem. 3. itpeja (itpea), Surg. iȶpija (dat.) ‘in front of’; itpe- na, Surg. iȶpina (loc.) ‘before, in front of’; itpīwet, Surg. iȶpijeux or iȶpiji (abl.) ‘from the front’. These postpositions are probably compounds

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410. rather a derivative from the word (South) it, (Surg.) itl ‘front’ 411. Latin pone ‘behind’ ☙ 72 ❧ 412. pir means ‘the space behind something’ whereas puj is pri- of two words: it ‘front’ and pi ‘side’410. marily the body part. 4. xowatta ‘along’ from the stem xou ‘long’. locative 413. 5. idatˊ , Surg. jidaˊ ‘towards, at, against’. 414. ablative 6. maxta ‘around’. 415. The comparison with Finnish is semantic, not etymological 7. moxta Surg. mugda ‘through’. (and not meant to be, either). 8. nox, Surg. nok ‘up, upwards’ (R. въверхъ). 9. nūmen, Surg. nōmen (locat.) ‘up, above’; nūmatta, Surg. nōmeȶta (abl.) ‘from above’. The stem of this postposition is nūm (num), Surg. nōm (nom) ‘heights’ (cf. the word list). 10. oxteja, Surg. ogoteja (dat.) ‘on’, actually ‘into the above’, oxtena, Surg. ogotena (loc.) ‘on, in the above’, oxtīwet, Surg. ogotejeux or ogoteji (abl.) ‘from above’. The stem is in the Irtyš dialectoxta , cf. the word list. 11. pira (dat.) ‘behind, back’; pirna (loc.) ‘behind (pone411), after, afterwards’,piretta or pirīwet, Surg. pireux, piri (abl.) ‘behind, from behind’. The stem is pir ‘back side’, cf. the word list. In the Irtyš dialect, there is puja, puina, pujīwet from pui ‘behind’412, which is almost identical but less often used as a postposition. Furthermore, the Russian preposition за can also be formed into a postposition denoting the same space relations by adding the Ostyak case suffixes:saja (dat.), saina (loc.) and sajīwet (abl.). 12. peda, pede, pete ‘in order to, because of, instead of’. In the same meaning, pedan, pedait, sagait, etc. are also used. 13. puŋada, S. poŋaȡa (dat.) ‘next to, beside’, puŋatna, S. poŋaȶna413 ‘next to, beside’; puŋatīwet, Surg. poŋaȡeux, poŋaȡi414 ‘beside’. The stem:puŋat , poŋaȶ ‘side’. 14. kuda (dat.), kutna (locat.), kudīwet (abl.) ‘between; among’. The stem:kut ‘the place between’, Finn. väli415. 15. kutteba, Surg. ječega (dat.) ‘in the middle’; kuttep- na, Surg. ječen (loc.) ‘in the middle’; kuttepīwet,

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☙ 73 ❧

Surg. ječegeux, ječegi (abl.) ‘from the middle’. The stem is in the Irtyš dialect kuttep, in the Surgut dialects ječe ‘middle’. 16. tibeja (tibea), Surg. tigbija (dat.) ‘into’; tibena, Surg. tigbina (loc.) ‘in, inside’; tibīwet, Surg. tig- bijeux, tigbiji ‘from inside’. The postpositions are formed from the stem tibe, Surg. tigbi ‘inside’, and in the Surgut dialects, they can also be expressed with onda, ondan, ondeux or ondi from ont ‘inside’. 17. tom pēlga or tom peja, Surg. tom pīlega, tom pija or kaibija (dat.) ‘on the other side’, tom pēlgena or tom pena, Surg. tom pēlgena, tom pina, kai- bina (loc.) ‘on the other side’, tom pēlegīwet or tom pīwet, Surg. tom pēlegeux (pelegi), tom pijeux (piji), kaibijeux (kaibiji) ‘from the other side’. In a similar way tem pēlga or tem peja, Surg. tem pēlega or tem pija (dat.) ‘on this side’, etc. 18. unda, Surg. andaga ‘up to, until’. 19. waȶȶax, waȡȡax (Surg.) ‘without’. 20. ūtta, Surg. ūȶti ‘over, on the opposite side’.

B) Adverbs

§ 129 Like the postpositions, the adverbs in Ostyak are also formed from the noun with different case suffixes, and it has already been shown in the previous paragraphs that many words can be used both as postpositions and as adverbs. There are also many adverbs in Ostyak that are formed from demonstrative, relative and interrogative pronouns. There are few primitive words among the adverbs, yet a noun and especially an adjective in the nominative case can also be used as an adverb. Furthermore, many adverbs are borrowed from Russian. § 130 The adverbs of location are, organized according to their stem, the following:

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416. The Surgut particlestegenam and togonam are formed with the suffix of the approximative ☙ 74 ❧ case. 1. xoda, Surg. koȶnam ‘where to’; xodan, Surg. kotti, kot ‘where’, xotye, Surg. kotl ‘from where’. The stem is probably xo (cf. the pronoun xoi, xoje in § 93). Instead of these adverbs, in the Irtyš dialects met tagaja ‘where to’, met tagana ‘where’, met tagajīwet ‘from where’, etc. are used. 416 2. tege, Surg. tegenam ‘here (to)’, tette, Surg. tetti, tet ‘here’; tet sagat, Surg. teȶ ‘from here’. Cf. the demonstrative pronoun tem ‘this’. 416 3. togot,ˊ Surg. Togonam ‘there (to)’, totta, Surg. totti ‘there’, Surg. toȶ ‘from there’. Cf. the demonstrative pronoun toma. 4. nox ‘up, upwards’; see § 128 nr. 8. 5. nūmen ‘up, in the heights’, nūmatta ‘from above’; see § 128 nr. 9. 6. itn ‘down’, loc. idn, etc. see § 128 nr 2. 7. awasta ‘from below’, abl. of awas ‘the underneath’. 8. pira ‘back’, pirna ‘behind’, pirīwet ‘from behind’, see §128 nr 11. 9. itpeja ‘forth’, etc. see § 128 nr 3. 10. xowa, Surg. kokko ‘far away’, xowan, Surg. kowon (loc.) ‘far away’, xowatta, Surg. kowaȶta (abl.) ‘from afar’. The stem isxou ‘long’. 11. wana (dat.) ‘close (to)’, wanen, wanna (loc.) ‘close’; wanetta, Surg.waneȶta ‘from nearby’. The stem is wan ‘short’. 12. kīm, kēm ‘out’, kāmen, kēmen ‘outside’, kāmetta, Surg. kāmeȶta ‘from outside’. 13. jox, Surg. jok ‘home’ (domum), jadan, Surg. jokon ‘at home’ (domi), jokoȶta (Surg.), xodīwet (Irt.) ‘from home’. 14. moxta, Surg. norok ‘straight’. 15. megde ‘past, by’ 16. beste ‘all over’, Russ. вездѣ. § 131 Among the temporal adverbs especially the following may be noted: 1. xun, Surg. xunti ‘when’. 2. tutnaˊ ‘then’. 3. in, Surg. it ‘now’. Cf. the word list. 4. sīra, Surg. sār, sārna ‘before’; cf. the word list.

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☙ 75 ❧

5. pirna ‘after’; see § 128 nr 11. 6. xou, xowat, Surg. kowat ‘for a long time’; cf. word list. 7. xowan, Surg. kowan ‘long ago’. 8. sora, Surg. sarga ‘soon’, Russ. скоро. 9. togan ‘always’. 10. us, uš ‘already’, Russ. уже. 11. os, ješo (Russ. ещо) ‘still’. 12. mettatna ‘sometime’. 13. xattīwen ‘during the daytime’. 14. ātna, Surg. jōgon ‘in the night’. 15. idaina ‘in the evening’. 16. ādeŋ, Surg. āȡeŋ ‘in the morning’. 17. tem xat ‘today’, etc. § 132 Among the other adverbs, we can only give the following: 1. ar ‘many, a lot’. 2. čīmet, Surg. čīmeȶ ‘(a) little’. 3. ašma, taxˊ , Surg. čikka ‘very’. 4. cebara ‘well’. 5. medagem ‘how much’. 6. tegemˊ , tigemˊ ‘this much’. 7. xot sagat ‘how’. 8. tem sagat, tegena, temida ‘like this’. 9. medīwet, medoi peda ‘why’. 10. tutˊ peda ‘because of that’.

C. Conjunctions

§ 133 The Ostyak language has only a few conjunctions, and many of these are, furthermore, borrowed from Russian. Some conjunctions are independent words, while others can only be used enclitically. Here we list the most important of both classes:

a) Independent conjunctions

ada — ada ‘either — or’. lipa — lipa ‘either — or’, Russ. либо — либо.

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417. As already stated in note 174, this is not a particle but a noun ot ‘thing’. ☙ 76 ❧ 418. The semantics of the interjections are, of course, approxi- nīci ‘perhaps’. mate. otnāko ‘yet’, Russ. однако. met, metta ‘that, so that’. sto ba, sto bi ‘so that’, Russ. что бы. ada metta, at metta ‘as if’. ješeli ‘if’, Russ. ежели. i ‘also’, Russ. и. ādeŋ the character of the conjunctive. ta ‘and’, Russ. да.

b) Enclitic conjunctions

īti, īda ‘as, like’. pa, ba ‘though’, Finn. pa, pä. se or še ‘yes, too’, Russ. же. wet,ˊ Surg. wiȡi ‘even’, Russ. вҍдь. li ‘whether’, Russ. ли. kuš, Surg. kuč ‘even though’, Russ. хотя, хоть. at, a particle that forms indefinite nouns, pronouns and adverbs.417

D. Interjections418

§ 134 Only the following interjections have been noticed by me:

a’a ‘yes’. au ‘what did you say?’ ta ‘well’. ti, titˊ , tittiˊ ‘well, see’. a ‘ouch’. ax ‘oh’. ja ‘well’.

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