Notes
Chapter 1 A Theoretical Framework for Understanding the Role of Corruption in Post-Soviet Transitions
1 For an appreciation of the return of institutional analysis to political science, see Karen Remmer (1997). For two excellent summaries of neo- institutionalist approaches, see Thomas Koelble (1995), as well as Peter A. Hall and Rosemary C. R. Taylor (1996). 2 Although Luis Roniger (1994) mentions the role of coercion, Paul Hutchcroft (1997) rightly points out that the literature on clientelism rarely acknow- ledges the role of coercion, which plays an important role in some forms of corrupt behavior (e.g. extortion). 3 Syed Alatas (1968, 1990) strongly rejects this assumption, arguing that friend- ship and family relations in developing countries have nothing to do with theft and fraud. My research in Georgia and Armenia, on the other hand, strongly confirms that some forms of corruption (e.g. appointments to public offices) are strongly influenced by Georgians’ reliance on friends and family. 4 This empirical conclusion is closely related to findings of scholars who argue that clientelism often serves as ‘glue’ that ties society together. Lemarchand and Legg (1972, p. 153), for instance, argue that clientelism creates ‘vertical solidarities which cut across and, for a time, mitigate cleavages of caste and ethnicity.’ 5 The two indices are taken from the World Bank, ‘World Development Indicators 2005’, [Internet],
Chapter 2 Armenia and Georgia Since Independence
6 Both in Armenia and Georgia, heydays of relative prosperity, peace, and cul- tural achievements date back to the period between the 9th and 13th century, though often interrupted by foreign invasions and internal rivalries. 7 Interview with Vakhtang Khmaladze, chair of the Constitutional Protection League (Tbilisi: 4 December 1998). 8 During Soviet times, Ioseliani was a powerful clan leader, heavily involved in Georgia’s black market activities. Although well connected to the Soviet leadership, he was eventually sentenced to several years in prison for robbery (Slider 1997, p. 165). 9 Interviews with Khmaladze (supra note 7) and George Khutsishvili, director, International Center on Conflict and Negotiation (Tbilisi: 15 April 1999). 10 Interview with Khutsishvili (supra note 9). 11 Interview with Arthur Drampian, Anahit Karapetyan, and Mayis Vanoyan, resident advisors of the Urban Institute’s Armenian Local Government Program (Yerevan: 20 June 2003).
184 Notes 185
12 Informal conversation with Gerard Libaridian, history professor at the University of Michigan and former senior advisor of President Ter-Petrosian (Shepherdstown, WV: 27 March 2004).
Chapter 3 Systemic Corruption in Transition
13 Although the leading strata of the state-party apparatus had grown large and powerful under Stalin, enjoying special status and privileges, they lacked ‘security of position and, even more, of life. Stalin’s terror inflicted one demographic trauma after another’ Stephen F. Cohen (1991). Brezhnev’s ‘continuity of cadres’ doctrine freed the Soviet elites from this insecurity (p. 65). Formal institutional arrangements (e.g. party and state officials could only be prosecuted with the explicit consent of the high party officials) and mutual cover-up strategies secured that the cadres’ ‘jobs, their influence, and their prerequisites would not be touched’ (Clark 1993, p. 127). 14 ‘Political patronage can be defined as an informal network of personal, political relationships, which are at the same time both asymmetrical and interdependent. They are an informal mechanism that provides security and direction to the career ambitions of a nation’s political elite.’ (Willerton 1992, p. 7) 15 The insider reports of two émigrés Simis (1982) and Vaksberg (1991), reveal that collaboration between party and state officials was not only taking place at the local level, but reached into the highest level of the Soviet system. For example, several of Brezhnev’s loyalists were involved in corrupt activities. 16 Simis (1982) reports about a similar case in the Ustye district, where the director of a timber factory had virtually enslaved his workers with the tacit consent of the district party apparatus. 17 Interviews with Peter Mamradze, First Deputy State Minister of Georgia (Tbilisi: 20 May 1999); Nana Japaridze-Chkoidze, chief of the Georgian par- liament’s Department of International Relations (Tbilisi: 2 and 16 March); and Oniani, fellow at the Corruption Research Center of Georgia (Tbilisi: 8 October 1999); as well as private conversations with Armenian and Georgian citizens. 18 Interviews with Mamradze (supra note 17) and a retired official of the Georgian Ministry of Interior (anonymous) emphasized these economic causes of corruption in Georgia. 19 The motives of Shevardnadze for undertaking this massive purge against the ruling elite are not entirely clear. Michael Voslensky (1984, p. 195) claims that Shevardnadze was not driven by moral ambitions but by his desire to place himself into a position that allowed him the same level of wealth. Indeed, in 1972 Shevardnadze replaced Mzhavanadze. In contrast, Konstantin Simis (1982, p. 53) argues that ‘he was at least in part motivated by ambition, but he apparently did feel genuine hatred for corruption and was truly pained by the decadence he witnessed.’ 20 Interview with Mamradze (supra note 17). 21 Vorozheikina refers here to the top party leaders who indeed left the polit- ical stage. Their departure was however less related to a conscious attempt 186 Notes
of reformers to remove them from power than to the age of these leaders. The communist leadership since Brezhnev was often correctly called a ‘gerontocracy’. 22 In the summer of 2000, I conducted several interviews with Uzbek human rights activists who wished to remain unnamed. All of them agreed that corruption in Uzbekistan had changed neither in form nor in extent.
Chapter 4 Political Transitions and Systemic Corruption in Armenia and Georgia
23 Informal conversation with Libaridian (supra note 12). 24 Interview with Bagrat Tunyan, public sector management specialist at the Armenian office of the World Bank (Yerevan: 10 June 2003). My own ex- periences support Tunyan’s observation. Every time I traveled between Tbilisi and Yerevan, I encountered numerous police and customs officials on the Georgian side who routinely demanded bribes. On the Armenian side, I was almost never harassed and an official government letter usually sufficed to clear the road. 25 Interviews with Roman Gotsiridze, head of the Budget Office of the Georgian parliament (Tbilisi: 25 March 1999); Alexander Rondeli, senior research fellow at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Georgia and former pro- fessor at Tbilisi State University (Tbilisi: 13 October 1998 and 13 May 1999); and Emil Adelkhanov and David Losaberidze, fellows at the Caucasian Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development (CIPDD) (Tbilisi: 18 May 1999). 26 Interview with Hunter Monroe, resident representative of the Interna- tional Monetary Fund in Georgia (Tbilisi: 4 March 1999). The resident representative of the World Bank in Georgia, Joseph Owen, came to the same conclusion in an interview with the author (Tbilisi: 9 June 1999). 27 Interview with Maka Gureshidze, senior fiscal analyst, Barents Group, USAID Fiscal Reform Project and former chief accountant of Grandi Molini Italiani (Tbilisi: 29 March 1999). 28 Interviews with American, British and German diplomats in Armenia (anonymous). See also Adrian Karatnycky, Alexander J. Motyl, and Amanda Schnetzer (2001, p. 80). 29 This was also the almost unanimous opinion of all analysts that I inter- viewed in Armenia. For example, James McHugh, resident representative of the IMF in Armenia (Yerevan: 5 June 2003); an analyst at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (anonymous); Tunyan (supra note 24), and Alexander Iskandaryan, political analyst, Caucasus Media Institute (Yerevan: 18 June 2003). 30 Interview with Ara Sahakyan, president of the Center for Democracy and Civil Society Development (Azmat) and former high-ranking member of the Armenian National Movement (Yerevan: 17 June 2003). 31 Interview with Teimuraz Kartvelishvili, director of the World Bank Power Sector Privatization project (Tbilisi: 3 June 1999); further supported by Khmaladze (supra note 7), and Gotsiridze (supra note 25). Notes 187
32 Among those ‘revivalists’ were Niko Lekishvili, Bakur Gulua, and Vazha Lortkipanidze who became government ministers under Shevardnadze. On the other hand, the revival of the former nomenklatura was somewhat offset by the president’s promotion of young reformers to key government positions such as Zurab Zhvania and Mikhail Saakashvili. 33 For instance, the founders of the United Georgian Bank, one of the biggest banks in Georgia, were several individuals in their 30s and 40s who rapidly moved into key government positions. These individuals were relatives of former directors of Soviet Georgia’s National Bank who allegedly embez- zled millions of rubles in the 1980s. Interviews with Zaal Anjaparidze, public relations officer of the Georgian office of the Barents Group and independent journalist (Tbilisi: 29 March 1999); a retired high official of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (anonymous); and Kote Wishnianidze, journalist (Tbilisi: 12 May 1999). 34 Interview with Rondeli (supra note 25); and Sahakyan (supra note 30). In Georgia, several former high-ranking Komsomol members became top officials under Shevardnadze, including Vazha Lortkipanidze (state minis- ter), Sasa Shengelia (director of state broadcasting), and Saros Saakashvili (deputy state minister). 35 By overstating production rates and numbers of employees, red directors embezzled sufficient funds to make a personal fortune and hand out extra salaries to employees (interview with Peter Mamradze, supra note 17). 36 For a discussion of the term, see Collins (2004, p. 231ff). 37 Interview with Ivane Merabishvili (Tbilisi: 13 and 21 May 1999). Merabishvili was the director of the Georgian Landowners’ Protection League at the time of the interview. Following the Rose Revolution, he was appointed to several government positions, including Minister of State Security and Minister of Interior. 38 Interview with a citizen of Ninotsminda (anonymous). 39 Interview with Levon Nersisyan, director, Human Rights Protection after Sakharov (Yerevan: 12 June 1999). Nersisyan’s NGO is especially concerned with the protection of human rights in Armenia’s countryside. 40 Interviews with Tom Samuelian, managing partner, ARLEX International (Yerevan: 18 June 2003); and Alexander Poghossian, managing director, Alphas Plus Consulting (Yerevan: 19 June 2003). 41 Interview with the author. 42 Interview with Alexei Sekarev, chief advisor, Armenian-European Policy and Legal Advice Center (AEPLAC) (Yerevan: 11 June 2003). 43 Interview with an American lawyer practicing in Georgia (anonymous). 44 Interview with Maik Masbaum and George Kliashvili, legal advisors at the Georgian-European Policy and Legal Advice Center (GEPLAC) (Tbilisi: 20 May 1999); and Tamaz Akubardia, first deputy chairman, Committee of Economic Policy Reforms of the Parliament of Georgia (Tbilisi: 9 June 1999) 45 Interview with the author. 46 As another analyst put it, ‘The Armenian economy is a large stock company which shares are predominantly owned by top government officials.’ Interview with Sahakyan (supra note 30). 47 Interviews with two Armenian businessmen (anonymous); and Iskandaryan (supra note 29). 188 Notes
48 Interviews with Armenian entrepreneurs (anonymous); Sekarev (supra note 42); and Poghossian (supra note 40). 49 The weblog ‘Oligarchs of our city’ on www.yerevan.ru is an important source of information about Armenia’s oligarchs. Details presented on this site were corroborated by several foreign and local officials, journalists and academics who I interviewed in Yerevan. 50 Interviews with Anjaparidze (supra note 33) and Wishnianidze (supra note 33); and Giga Bokeria, journalist and member of the Georgian NGO Liberty Institute (Tbilisi: 22 March 1999). After the Rose Revolution, Bokeria became a member of parliament and leading figure of Saakashvili’s National Movement. 51 Interview with a former, high-ranking police officer (anonymous). 52 Interview with Peter Muir, chief of party, U.S. Agency for International Development Fiscal Reform Project Georgia (Tbilisi: 13 May 1999). 53 Interviews with Edward Havhainsyan, president, Union of Drivers’ Rights Protection (Achilles) (Yerevan: 13 June 2003); Emil Danielyan, journalist (Yerevan: 16 June 2005); Poghossian (supra note 40); and an Armenian public prosecutor (anonymous). 54 This calculation is based on information that I received from Armenian journalists and Havhainsyan (supra note 53). 55 Interview with two former high-ranking officials of the Georgian Ministry of Interior (anonymous). 56 Personal conversations with colleagues and students at Tbilisi State University where I taught as a Visiting Lecturer of the Civic Education Project from February 1998 until June 1999. See also Ketevan Rostiashvili (2004). 57 Interviews with Lia Mukhashavria, lawyer and director of Article 42, a Georgian human rights organization (Tbilisi: 11 and 13 March 1999); Michael Danielyan, president of the Helsinki Association of Armenia, an Armenian human rights organization (Yerevan: 18 June 2003); and an Armenian public prosecutor (anonymous). 58 Interview with the author (anonymous). 59 Interview with Wishnianidze (supra note 33). 60 Interview with Elene Imnadze, project manager in the World Bank’s Georgia office (Tbilisi: 14 April 1999). 61 Interview with Merabishvili (supra note 37). 62 Avtandil Sulaberidze (1999, p. 132) comes to a similar conclusion: ‘Georgia is a country with a rather developed informal economy and a social struc- ture built on strong kinship ties. In the present moment of crisis, the popu- lation has drawn on these resources. These very factors also contribute to further strengthening of the shadow economy.’ 63 Interviews with Khutsishvili (supra note 9) and Khmaladze (supra note 7). See also: Aprasidze (2004), Demetriou (2002), Hanf and Nodia (2000), and Kadzhaya (2003). 64 Interviews with Bokeria (supra note 50) and Japaridze-Chkoidze (supra note 17). 65 For an excellent study of the Javakheti region, see Closson and Metreveli (2004). For a thorough analysis of the links between regional officials and crime groups, see Faiez et al. (2004). 66 When asked, the Ministry of Interior was unable (or unwilling) to provide this author with a count of its officials. I received these numbers from human rights activists and legal analysts. Interviews with Adelkhanov and Losaberidze (supra note 25); Akubardia (supra note 44), Pamela Gomez, director of the Notes 189
Georgian office of Human Rights Watch (Tbilisi: 23 May 1999); Robert Le Mont, fellow at the American Bar Association’s Central and Eastern European Law Initiative (CEELI) (Tbilisi: 18 November 1998); and Gela Nikolaishvili and Nana Kakabadze, representatives of the Georgian NGO Former Political Prisoners for Human Rights (Tbilisi: 27 March 1999). 67 Interview with Bokeria (supra note 50). 68 Interview with Adelkhanov and Losaberidze (supra note 25). 69 Confirmed by Sahakyan (supra note 30). 70 Informal conversation with Libaridian (see supra note 12); and interview with Iskandaryan (supra note 29). 71 Ibid. 72 Interview with resident advisors of the Urban Institute’s Armenian Local Government Program (supra note 11). 73 Interviews with Edik Baghdasaryan, journalist and president of the Association of Investigative Journalists (Yerevan: 11 June 2003) and Tigran Harutiunian, general director, Noyan Tapan Information Center (Yerevan: 24 June 2003). 74 Interview with the author (anonymous). Michael Danielyan confirmed this practice (interview with the author; supra note 57). 75 For an opposing view, see Wheatley (2005, p. 92) who argues that the CUG had become the party of power. However, most analysts, including me, would disagree, pointing towards the sharp divisions within the CUG. 76 Interviews with analysts of the US embassy and USAID in Yerevan (anonymous). 77 Interviews with Douglas Shumavon, dean, Graduate School of Political Science and International Affairs, American University of Armenia (Yerevan: June 9, 2003); an analyst at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (anonymous); and Baghdasaryan (supra note 73).
Chapter 5 Centralized and Decentralized Systemic Corruption: Assessing the Consequences
78 Interview with Masbaum and Kliashvili (supra note 44). 79 Interview with the author (Tbilisi: 8 October 1998). 80 Interview with the author (Tbilisi: 5 December 1998). 81 Interview with members of the Liberty Institute, a Georgian human rights NGO (Tbilisi: 5 December 1998). 82 I heard about this justification on several occasions from Armenian and Georgian lawyers, human rights activists, and judicial officials. 83 Critics rightly argue that the CPI is a flawed indicator of corruption, as it relies primarily on the perception of a handful of country experts. Perceptions are distorted by a variety of factors, including media coverage, culture, and personal experiences/interests, and are therefore of little validity (Sík 2002). Nevertheless, the CPI is a ‘poll of polls’ and therefore also relies on other studies such as World Bank surveys and therefore correctly indi- cates general tendencies. Although it is difficult to say that a country on rank 80 is more corrupt than one on rank 79, it is almost certain that a country that ranks on the top of the index is less corrupt than one that is listed at the bottom. 190 Notes
84 Other studies confirm my findings – for example, Sandholtz and Koetzle (2000). Daniel Treisman (2000) makes the important qualification that only long (at least, 20 years) exposure to democracy correlates with lower corruption levels. 85 Interview with Stepan Demirchian, leader of the Justice Bloc and former presidential candidate of the 2003 elections, which he lost to Kocharian in a surprisingly close race (Yerevan: 5 June 2003). 86 Interview with Nikolaisihvili and Kakabadze (supra note 66) and members of the Liberty Institute (supra note 81). 87 Interview with members of the Liberty Institute (supra note 81). 88 Ibid. 89 Interview with Teimuraz Lomsadze, Deputy Public Defender, Georgian Ombudsman Office (Tbilisi: 10 June 1999). 90 Interviews with an Armenian prosecutor (anonymous); Danielyan (supra note 57); a Georgian police officer (anonymous); and Mukhashavria (supra note 57). 91 Interview with Zurab Burduli, vice-chairperson of the Georgian Young Lawyer’s Association (Tbilisi: 8 March 1999). 92 Interview with Mukhashavria (supra note 57). 93 Interviews with members of the USAID mission to Armenia (Yerevan: 6 June 2003); and Baghdasaryan (supra note 73). 94 Interviews with Nersisyan (supra note 39) and Larisa Alaverdyan, executive director, Fund Against Violation of Law (Yerevan: 21 June 2003). 95 Interview with Samuelian (supra note 40). 96 For a debate between neoliberals and statists, see Anders Åslund (2003a and 2003b) and Christoph H. Stefes (2003). 97 Interview with Marina Muskhelishvili, deputy head, Social Research Center of Georgia (Tbilisi: 4 March 1999). 98 Interviews with Imnadze (supra note 60); Gotsiridze (supra note 25); Masbaum and Kliashvili (supra note 44); and Muskhelishvili (supra note 97). 99 Interview with Oniani (supra note 17). 100 Interview with Muskhelishvili (supra note 97). 101 Interview with a retired Georgian police officer (anonymous); Mukhashavria (supra note 57); and Ted Jonas, an American lawyer, working for Georgian Consulting Group (Tbilisi: 14 December 1999). 102 Monroe (supra note 26). 103 Interview with Iskandaryan (supra note 29). 104 Interview with the author (anonymous). 105 Interviews with Robert Cemovich, consultant, U.S. Agency for Interna- tional Development (Tbilisi: 20 May 1999); David Egiashvili, head, Office of International Relations and Contacts, State Department of Land Management (Tbilisi: 6 June 1999); Georgia Kheviashvili, member of par- liament and chair of the parliamentary Subcommittee of Agrarian Issues (Tbilisi: 21 May 1999); and Merabishvili (supra note 37). 106 Interview with Japaridze-Chkoidze (supra note 17). Contraband trade did not only hurt the business of local farmers. The huge inflow of untaxed oil products also discouraged foreign and domestic entrepreneurs to exploit Georgia’s oil reserves, which according to at least one expert Notes 191
could have covered about 80 per cent of Georgia’s oil consumption. Instead, Georgia continued suffering from low state revenues and mounting foreign debt. Interview with Herbert Emmrich, senior energy policy analyst, U.S. Agency for International Development (Tbilisi: 15 April 1999). 107 Informal conversations with Armenian farmers at a produce market in Yerevan. 108 Informal conversations with Armenian and Georgian students at Yerevan State University and Tbilisi State University, respectively; as well as inter- views with Rondeli (supra note 25); Nugzar Ivanidze, professor at Tbilisi State University and chair of the International Fair Elections Society (Tbilisi: 27 November 1998); and Ani Davtyan, lecturer at Yerevan State University (Yerevan: 23 June 2003). For a thorough analysis of corruption in Georgia’s higher education system, see Ketevan Rostiashvili (2004). 109 Interviews with David Martin, budget advisor to the Georgian parliament as part of the U.S. Agency for International Development mission to Georgia (Tbilisi: 26 April 1999); and David Tsivtsivadze, first deputy chairman, Chamber of Control of Georgia (Tbilisi: 6 May 1999). 110 Interview with Muir (supra note 52). 111 Interviews with Oniani (supra note 17) and Gotsiridze (supra note 25). 112 Interview with Tsivtsivadze (supra note 109).
Chapter 6 Dismantling Systemic Corruption: Assessing Recent Anti-Corruption Strategies in Georgia and Armenia
113 Interview with Oniani (supra note 17). 114 For a comprehensive list of anti-corruption measures, see Karklins (2005) in chapters 7–9, Klitgaard (1988), and Pope (1997). 115 Interview with Bokeria (supra note 50). 116 For a discussion of anti-corruption agencies and their chances to limit corruption, see Johnston (1999). 117 Interview with Peter Sprong, legal advisor to the Georgian State Chancellery, U.S. Department of Justice (Tbilisi: 19 May 1999). 118 Interview with Bokeria (supra note 50); and Japaridze-Chkoidze (supra note 17). 119 Interviews with Koba Kikabidze, head of staff of the Temporary Anti- Corruption Commission of the Parliament of Georgia (Tbilisi: 8 October 1999); and Tsivtsivadze (supra note 109). 120 Interview with Badri Absianidze, chair of the Temporary Anti-Corruption Commission of the Parliament of Georgia (Tbilisi: 9 June 1999). 121 Interviews with Merabishvili (supra note 37) and Cemovich (supra note 105). 122 Interviews with Akubardia (supra note 44); Kartvelishvili (supra note 31); and George Papuashvili, head of staff, Committee on Constitutional, Legal Affairs, and Rule of Law of the Georgian parliament (Tbilisi: 3 June 1999). 123 Interview with Mark Mullen, representative of the National Democratic Institute, Georgian office (Tbilisi: 25 May 1999). 192 Notes
124 Interviews with Owen (supra note 26); Monroe (supra note 26); Kheviashvili (supra note 105); Cemovich (supra note 105); and Merabishvili (supra note 37). 125 Interview with a political analyst at the US embassy in Armenia (anony- mous). 126 Interviews with Roy S. Reeve, Head of Office, OSCE Office in Yerevan (Yerevan: 3 June 2003); Tunyan (supra note 24). 127 Interview with Amalia Kostanyan, chairwoman of the Center for Regional Development/Transparency International Armenia (Yerevan: 9 June 2003). 128 Interview with the author (anonymous). 129 Interview with Poghossian (supra note 40); and two owners of a medium- sized trading company in Yerevan (anonymous).
Conclusion
130 For a more optimistic assessment of Kyrgyzstan’s recent transition, see Kumar Bekbolotov (2006). 131 Their focus on Russia is not surprising, as both scholars served as advisors to the Russian government in the early-1990s. Bibliography
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Abashidze, Aslan, 46, 55, 99, 132 contraband trade, 88–9, 96, 99, 102, Abkhazia, 42, 56, 58, 62–3, 88–9, 108 109–12, 142, 145, 168, 169, 190 accountability corruption horizontal, 13, 119–21, 160–75 benefits and costs (general), 21–7 vertical, 13–14, 143–4, 160–2 definition, 15–16 Adjara, 46, 55, 99, 132, 168 forms of, 18–21 Akaev, Askar, 179–80 typology, 27–33 Alavidze, Soso, 102 Country of Law Party, 52, 98, 115 Aliev, Heidar, 179 Andizhan, 178 Dashnaks, see Armenian Armenia Revolutionary Federation constitution, 44–6 Demirchian, Karen, 49–50, 76 economic development, 48–9 Demirchian, Stepan, 52, 190 pre-1991, 63–4 post-1991, 31–4, 36–46 Esakia, Sergo, 111 Armenian National Movement (ANM), 44–9, 63, 97, 114–15, 131 Gamsakhurdia, Zviad, 39–42, 62, 92, Armenian Revolutionary Federation 107–8 (ARF), 45–6, 49, 52, 99, 115 Georgia Asatiani, Kakha, 100, 139 constitution, 44–6 Azerbaijan, 6, 43, 45, 49, 56, 61, 63, economic development, 48–9 58–9, 75, 99, 113, 135, 139, 146, pre-1991, 63–4 150 post-1991, 27–31, 34–6, 41–3 Giorgadze, Igor, 86 Bagdasarov, Mikhail, 98 good governance, 182 Bakiev, Kurmanbek, 180 Gorgadze, Teimuraz, 94 Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia, Grand Holding, 98 Lithuania), 2, 3, 11, 55, 56, 177 Grand Tobacco, 96, 98 Berezovsky, Boris, 132, 179 Gulua, Bakur, 95, 142, 187 Burdjanadze, Nino, 53–4, 132 Industry Will Save Georgia (IWSG), Citizens Union of Georgia (CUG), 43, 47, 55 46–7, 53–4, 116, 137, 189 Injia, Pridon, 111, 132, 163 clans, 93–8, 110, 112, 115, 178 institution(s) clientelism, 19, 27–8, 33, 68, 80, 100, definition, 16–17 184 formal, 17–18 collusion, 102, 120, 134, 160 informal, 18 Communist Party (CP) international community, role of, Armenian, 44, 76 174–5 general, 13–14, 66–7, 69, 77–9, 82, Ioseliani, Jaba, 41, 108, 184 92–4, 102 Georgian, 40–1, 43, 75, 86, 109 Justice Bloc, 52, 190
209 210 Index
Karimov, Islam, 177–8 Round Table-Free Georgia, 40 Kazakhstan, 34, 82, 150, 177 rule of law, 119–20, 124, 139, 160 Kitovani, Tengiz, 108 Russia, 25, 42, 66, 78, 79, 88, 178–9 Kocharian, Robert, 48–52, 86–7, 90, 96, 98, 114–17, 130–1, 152, 170 Saakashvili, Mikhail, 47, 53–5, 132, kompromat, 114, 121 151, 162–3, 165–70, 175, 183 Komsomol, 82, 92, 109, 187 Sakenergo, 146, 148 Kostava, Merab, 40 Sargsian, Aleksandr, 98 krisha, 139 Sargsian, Aram, 50 Kyrgyzstan, 179–80 Sargsian, Serge, 48–50, 52, 98, 115, 117, 123, 130, 131 Labor Party, 47–55 Sargsian, Vazgen, 48–50, 97, 113–15, Lekishvili, Niko, 94, 111, 187 170 Lortkipanidze, Rosa, 103 Shevardnadze, Eduard, 41–3, 45, 47, Lortkipanidze, Vazha, 111, 187 53–4, 62–4, 75, 86–90, 92, 108–12, 131–3, 162–8, 185 Manukian, Vasken, 44, 46 Shevardnadze, Nugzar, 99 Margiani, Avtandil, 96 SIL Group, 98, 130 Markarian, Andranik, 50, 52, 171 Siradegian, Vano, 45, 48, 97, 113, 114 market corruption, 18–19, 21, 23, 27–8 social exchange corruption, 18–19, methodology, 7–8 21, 28 Mkhedrioni, 41–3, 108 Soukiasyan, Khachatur, 92, 98 Multi Group, 98–9 South Ossetia, 56, 58, 88, 89, 108 state Nagorno-Karabakh (also Karabakh), capacity, 12–13, 87, 135, 176 43–5, 48, 56, 63, 76, 98, 113, 115, definition, 11–12 130, 170 weak-state-syndrome, 35 National Democratic Party (NDP), 40, 42, 46, 131–2 Targamadze, Kakha, 88, 99, 102, 109, National Guard, 41–3, 53, 108 131 National Independence Party, 40 Ter-Petrosian, Levon, 44–6, 48–9, 60, National Movement (NM), 53, 132, 63–4, 86–7, 90, 113–14, 130, 170 188 Ter-Petrosian, Telman, 97 nomenklatura, 80–2, 90–4, 104, 109 tolkach, 71 Topadze, Georgi (Gogi), 47, 92, 132 Omega Group, 99 Tsaroukian, Gagik (Dodi Gago), 98, Oniani, Niko, 95, 97, 121, 185 99 organized crime, 42, 45, 83, 89–90, Turkmenistan, 11, 14, 34, 38, 75, 106, 113, 141, 180 177
Patarkatsishvili, Badri, 132 Ukraine, 83, 105 People’s Party of Armenia (PPA), 50–2 Union of Democratic Revival Putin, Vladimir, 117 (Revival), 46, 47, 54, 55, 132 United Democrats (UD, also red director(s), 92–5, 98, 187 Burdjanadze-Democrats), 53, 55, Republican Party, 49–52, 98, 99, 115 132 revisionist school, 21–2 Unity bloc, 50–1 Rose Revolution, 54, 131–2, 145, 166, Uzbekistan, 11, 14, 34, 38, 55–6, 74, 175 82, 106, 177–8, 186 Index 211
Vardanyan, Grant, 96, 98–9, 116 Zhvania, Zurab, 47, 53, 54, 132, 151, 165, 187 Yeltsin, Boris, 178–9 Yerkrapah Union (also Yerkrapah movement), 48–50, 113, 115, 130, 171