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Ministry of Education,Science,Technology And
Vote Performance Report and Workplan Financial Year 2015/16 Vote: 013 Ministry of Education, Science, Technology and Sports Structure of Submission QUARTER 3 Performance Report Summary of Vote Performance Cumulative Progress Report for Projects and Programme Quarterly Progress Report for Projects and Programmes QUARTER 4: Workplans for Projects and Programmes Submission Checklist Page 1 Vote Performance Report and Workplan Financial Year 2015/16 Vote: 013 Ministry of Education, Science, Technology and Sports QUARTER 3: Highlights of Vote Performance V1: Summary of Issues in Budget Execution This section provides an overview of Vote expenditure (i) Snapshot of Vote Releases and Expenditures Table V1.1 below summarises cumulative releases and expenditures by the end of the quarter: Table V1.1: Overview of Vote Expenditures (UShs Billion) Approved Cashlimits Released Spent by % Budget % Budget % Releases (i) Excluding Arrears, Taxes Budget by End by End End Mar Released Spent Spent Wage 11.218 9.015 9.015 8.648 80.4% 77.1% 95.9% Recurrent Non Wage 131.229 109.486 108.844 104.885 82.9% 79.9% 96.4% GoU 62.227 41.228 28.424 24.904 45.7% 40.0% 87.6% Development Ext Fin. 200.477 N/A 77.806 77.806 38.8% 38.8% 100.0% GoU Total 204.674 159.728 146.283 138.436 71.5% 67.6% 94.6% Total GoU+Ext Fin. (MTEF) 405.150 N/A 224.089 216.242 55.3% 53.4% 96.5% Arrears 0.642 N/A 0.642 0.553 100.0% 86.1% 86.1% (ii) Arrears and Taxes Taxes** 19.258 N/A 12.804 2.548 66.5% 13.2% 19.9% Total Budget 425.050 159.728 237.535 219.343 55.9% 51.6% 92.3% * Donor expenditure -
Post-Colonialism and the Politics of Kenya (Review)
3RVWFRORQLDOLVPDQGWKHSROLWLFVRI.HQ\D UHYLHZ Peter Wafula Wekesa Eastern Africa Social Science Research Review, Volume 18, Number 1, January 2002, pp. 109-114 (Article) 3XEOLVKHGE\2UJDQL]DWLRQIRU6RFLDO6FLHQFH5HVHDUFKLQ(DVWHUQ DQG6RXWKHUQ$IULFD DOI: 10.1353/eas.2002.0004 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/eas/summary/v018/18.1wekesa.html Access provided by Kenyatta University. Library (4 Nov 2014 08:22 GMT) Book Reviews Ahluwalia D. Pal, Post-colonialism and the politics of Kenya (New York: Nova Science Publishers, Inc.) 1996, 217 pp. Post-colonialism as a framework of analysis remains subject to debate and controversy. Although post-colonialism has been around for close to two decades, it has in recent times been a fiercely contested and debated paradigm. Given its newness and elegance in the world of academic discourse, it is not surprising that its reception has been characterized by a great deal of excitement, confusion and in many cases scepticism. Debates surrounding the study have laid claims to questions of the legitimacy of post-colonialism as a separate analytical entity in the academic discourse, its validity as a theoretical formulation as well as its disciplinary boundaries and political implications. Also, the prefix ‘post’ has complicated matters as it implies an ‘aftermath’ in two senses - temporal, as in coming after, and ideological, as in supplanting. It is the second implication that the critics of the study have found contestable. The contestation has been on the dividing line between what is colonial and its link to what counts as post-colonial. The argument has been that if the inequities of colonial rule have not been erased, it is perhaps premature to proclaim the demise of colonialism. -
Notes and References
Notes and References 1 The Foundation of Kenya Colony I. P[ublic] R[ecord] O[ffice] Kew CO 533/234 ff 432-44. Kenya was how Johann Krapf, the German missionary who was in 1849 the first white man to see the mountain, transliterated the Kamba pronunciation of the Kikuyu name for it, Kirinyaga. The Kamba substituted glottal stops for intermediate consonants, hence 'Ki-i-ny-a'. T. C. Colchester, 'Origins of Kenya as the Name of the Country', Rhodes House. Mss Afr s.1849. 2. PRO CO 822/3117 Malcolm MacDonald to Duncan Sandys. Secret and Personal. 18 September 1963. 3. The new rail routes in question were the Uasin Gishu line and the Thika extension. M. F. Hill, Permanent Way. The StOlY of the Kenya and Uganda Railway (Nairobi: East African Railways and Harbours, 2nd edn 1961), p. 392. 4. Daily Sketch, 5 July 1920, p. 5. 5. Sekallyolya ('the crane [or stork] looking out on the world') was first printed in Nairobi in the Luganda language in 1921. From time to time it brought out editions in Swahili and for special occasions in English. Harry Thuku's Tangazo was the first Kenya African single sheet newsletter. 6. Interview with James Beauttah, Fort Hall, 1964. Beauttah was one of the first English-speaking African telephone operators. He claimed to be the first African to have electricity in his house. 7. PRO FO 2/377 A. Gray to FO, 16 February 1900, 'Memo on Report of Law Officers of the Crown reo East Africa and Uganda Protector ates'. The effect of the opinion of the law officers is that Her Majesty has, by virtue of her Protectorate, entire control over all lands unappropriated .. -
Muslim Relations in the Politics of Nationalism and Secession in Kenya
1 MUSLIM RELATIONS IN THE POLITICS OF NATIONALISM AND SECESSION IN KENYA Hassan J. Ndzovu Moi University, Kenya PAS Working Papers Number 18 ISSN Print 1949-0283 ISSN Online 1949-0291 Edited by Charles Stewart, Emeritus Professor University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Program of African Studies Northwestern University 620 Library Place Evanston, Illinois 60208-4110 U.S.A 2 Abstract Within Kenya’s political scene, racial and ethnic identities play a crucial role in creating division in Muslims’ political engagement. Since independence, the racial and ethnic antagonism among them has weakened a united Muslim’ voice whenever political issues concerning the community arose. As Kenya was preparing for independence, a section of Muslims (Arab Muslims) living at the coast agitated to secede from the rest of Kenya. This demand for secession led to a hostile relationship between the Arab Muslims and other non-Arab Muslim leaders in the country. One effect of this political development is the lasting impact it had on post-independence Muslim politics. The events set a pattern for mistrust between the Arab Muslims and non-Arab Muslims in Kenya. This absence of unity has influenced the way the political elites in Kenya perceive the Muslim community in general. Politicians in Kenya are known to have capitalized on the disunity among Muslims to prevent any united political front from the community. As a result the Muslim community has felt politically marginalized. It is this perceived marginalization which Kenyan Muslims are presently striving to overcome. 3 Introduction In this article, I would like to bring forward the argument that within Kenya’s political scene, racial and ethnic identities play a crucial role in creating division in Muslims’ political engagement. -
Our Turn to Eat: the Political Economy of Roads in Kenya∗
Our Turn To Eat: The Political Economy of Roads in Kenya∗ Robin Burgess R´emiJedwab Edward Miguel Ameet Morjaria Draft Version: August 2010. Abstract By reducing trade costs and promoting economic specialization across regions, transportation infrastructure is a determining factor of growth. Yet, developing countries are characterized by infrastructure underdevelopment, the general lack of funding being often mentioned as the main reason for it. Then, even when such investments are realized, the welfare gains associated to them might be captured by political elites that are strong enough to influence their allocation across space. We study this issue by investigating the political economy of road placement in Kenya, an African country where politicians are said to favour individuals from their region of origin or who share their ethnicity. Combining district-level panel data on road building with historical data on the ethnicity and district of birth of political leaders, we show that presidents disproportionately invest in their district of birth and those regions where their ethnicity is dominant. It also seems that the second most powerful ethnic group in the cabinet and the district of birth of the public works minister receive more paved roads. In the end, a large share of road investments over the period can be explained by political appointments, which denotes massive and well-entrenched ethno-favoritism in Kenyan politics. JEL classification codes: H41, H54, O12, O55, P16 ∗Robin Burgess, Department of Economics and STICERD, London School of Economics (e-mail: [email protected]). Remi Jedwab, Paris School of Economics and STICERD, London School of Economics (e-mail: [email protected]). -
THE ROLE of the NATIONAL FISHERIES RESEARCH INSTITUTE (Nafirri) INFORMATION CENTRE in DISSEMINATING INFORMATION to RESEARCHERS and EDUCATORS
THE ROLE OF THE NATIONAL FISHERIES RESEARCH INSTITUTE (NaFIRRI) INFORMATION CENTRE IN DISSEMINATING INFORMATION TO RESEARCHERS AND EDUCATORS Alice Endra [email protected] National Fisheries Resources Research Institute (NaFIRRI) P.O Box 343, Jinja, Uganda 37th IAMSLIC Conference Zanzibar, Tanzania, October 16-20, 2011 Abstract: Information plays a vital role in the day-to-day decision making of a country’s organizations and policy makers. NaFIRRI Information Centre has played a major role in ensuring that scientists and researchers access relevant information to enable them produce quality research products. The paper discusses the role played by E-Board, a locally established network to increase access to information available within the information centre. NaFIRRI electronic board is a LAN based service that was devised to electronically facilitate information dissemination and communication within the institute. The paper looks at the different components of the E-board and the Aqualink program under the information section that was established to disseminate information on biodiversity conservation among school children and teachers. It discusses the success achieved by this program so far. Keywords: information access, information dissemination, Electronic Board, Aqualink program, biodiversity conservation, aquatic sciences. Introduction Information plays a vital role in the day-to-day decision making process of a country’s organization and policy makers. Research has shown that decision makers often adapt their decision strategies to the information environment (Payne, Bettman and Johnson, 1993). Information is needed at all levels and it is the foundation of effective planning and management as long as the information is used and disseminated. NaFIRRI Information Centre has played a major role in ensuring that scientists, technicians and other researchers from the region access relevant information to enable them produce quality research products for effective policy and decision making through its electronic information dissemination infrastructure. -
The Views of Young Farmers Club Members on Their
THE VIEWS OF YOUNG FARMERS CLUB MEMBERS ON THEIR CLUBS’ ACTIVITIES, THEIR CAREER INTERESTS, AND THEIR INTENTIONS TO PURSUE AGRICULTURE-RELATED CAREER PREPARATION AT THE POST-SECONDARY LEVEL: AN EMBEDDED CASE STUDY OF TWO SECONDARY SCHOOLS IN EASTERN UGANDA By STEPHEN CHARLES MUKEMBO Bachelor of Vocational Studies in Agriculture with Education Kyambogo University Kampala, Uganda 2005 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF AGRICULTURE May, 2013 THE VIEWS OF YOUNG FARMERS CLUB MEMBERS ON THEIR CLUBS’ ACTIVITIES, THEIR CAREER INTERESTS, AND THEIR INTENTIONS TO PURSUE AGRICULTURE-RELATED CAREER PREPARATION AT THE POST-SECONDARY LEVEL: AN EMBEDDED CASE STUDY OF TWO SECONDARY SCHOOLS IN EASTERN UGANDA Thesis Approved: Dr. Craig. M. Edwards Thesis Adviser Dr. Shida Henneberry Dr. John Ramsey ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my graduate committee: Dr. M. Craig Edwards (Chair), Dr. J. W. Ramsey, and Dr. Shida Henneberry (Head of Department, International Agriculture) for their support, guidance, and encouragement throughout my research, and for contributing to my professional growth. Special thanks go to Dr. Edwards who made a tremendous sacrifice and patience in ensuring that quality work is produced. Dr. Edwards, I am very grateful for the guidance, mentorship, patience, and dedication to this research and towards my professional development. Thank you. Also Dr. Shane Robinson and Bonne Milby, thank you for your guidance and support. To my fellow graduate students Assoumane Maiga and Matofari Fred, thank you for your time, support, and encouragement. -
Kenyatta and Odinga: the Harbingers of Ethnic Nationalism in Kenya by Dr
Global Journal of HUMAN-SOCIAL SCIENCE: D History Archaeology & Anthropology Volume 14 Issue 3 Version 1.0 Year 2014 Type: Double Blind Peer Reviewed International Research Journal Publisher: Global Journals Inc. (USA) Online ISSN: 2249-460x & Print ISSN: 0975-587X Kenyatta and Odinga: The Harbingers of Ethnic Nationalism in Kenya By Dr. Paul Abiero Opondo Moi University, Kenya Abstract- The paper traces the political problems that Kenya currently faces particularly the country’s inability to construct a united national consciousness, historical relationships that unfolded between the country’s foremost founders, Jomo Kenyatta and Oginga Odinga and the consequences of their political differences and subsequent-fallout in the 1960s. The fall-out saw Kenyatta increasingly consolidating power around himself and a group of loyalists from the Kikuyu community while Odinga who was conceptualized as the symbolic representative of the Luo community was confined to the wilderness of politics. This paper while applying the primordial and essentialist conceptual framework recognizes the determinant role that the two leaders played in establishing the foundations for post-independent Kenya. This is especially true with respect to the negative consequences that their differing perspectives on Kenyan politics bequeathed the country, especially where the evolution of negative ethnicity is concerned. As a result of their discordant political voices in the political arena, there were cases of corruption, the killing of innocent Kenyans in Kisumu in 1969, political assassinations of T J Mboya, Pio Gama Pinto and J M Kariuki among others as this paper argues. GJHSS-D Classification : FOR Code: 160699 KenyattaandOdingaTheHarbingersofEthnicNationalisminKenya Strictly as per the compliance and regulations of: © 2014. -
Ballots to Bullets Organized Political Violence and Kenya's Crisis of Governance
March 2008 Volume 20, No. 1 (A) Ballots to Bullets Organized Political Violence and Kenya's Crisis of Governance Map of Kenya ........................................................................................................... 1 Summary .................................................................................................................2 Methodology ...........................................................................................................7 Recommendations .................................................................................................. 8 On Accountability.................................................................................................... 8 To the Government of Kenya ......................................................................... 8 To Foreign Governments ............................................................................... 9 On Reforms to Safeguard against Human Rights Violations...................................... 9 To the Government of Kenya ......................................................................... 9 To Foreign Governments ..............................................................................10 On Displaced Persons ............................................................................................10 To the Government of Kenya ........................................................................10 To Donor Governments, UN Agencies, and National and International NGOs 10 Background: Kenya’s Long-Term Crisis of Governance -
Nyumba Kumi) for Human Security in Kenya
Journal of African Conflicts and eaceP Studies Volume 4 Issue 2 Article 2 January 2021 Contextualizing the Politics of Ten-Household Cluster Initiatives (Nyumba Kumi) for Human Security in Kenya Edmond M. Were Kisii University, [email protected] Paul A. Opondo Moi UNiversity, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jacaps Part of the African Studies Commons, Asian Studies Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, Political Science Commons, Public Administration Commons, and the Terrorism Studies Commons Recommended Citation Were, Edmond M. and Opondo, Paul A. (2021) "Contextualizing the Politics of Ten-Household Cluster Initiatives (Nyumba Kumi) for Human Security in Kenya," Journal of African Conflicts and eaceP Studies: Vol. 4: Iss. 2, . DOI: https://doi.org/10.5038/2325-484X.4.2.1113 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jacaps/vol4/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of African Conflicts and Peace Studies by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Contextualizing the Politics of Ten-Household Cluster Initiatives (Nyumba Kumi) for Human Security in Kenya Cover Page Footnote Edmond M. Were is an Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at Kisii University, Kenya Paul A. Opondo is a Senior Lecturer of History at Moi University, Kenya This article is available in Journal of African Conflicts and eaceP Studies: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jacaps/ vol4/iss2/2 Were and Opondo: Ten-Household Cluster Initiatives for Human Security Introduction The contextualization of the politics surrounding the adoption of the ten- household cluster initiative (Nyumba Kumi) in Kenya as a way of addressing existential threats is located in the experiences initially borne outside the African continent. -
GRANT APPLICATION RESEARCH PROJECTS OR NETWORKS (Information for Applicants Must Be Read Before Completion of This Form)
1 (31) IPMS Uppsala University The numbers below refer to Dag Hammarskjölds väg 31 corresponding numbers in SE 752 37 Uppsala, Sweden Information for Applicants. Fax: 46 - 18 4713495 GRANT APPLICATION RESEARCH PROJECTS OR NETWORKS (Information for Applicants must be read before completion of this form) Applicant (Project leader/Network co-ordinator: title, first name, family name) DR. JOHN MAGERO MANGO Address Department/unit: DEPARTMENT OF MATHEMATICS University/institute: MAKERERE UNIVERSITY Street (visiting address): DEPARTMENT OF MATHEMATICS, MAKERERE UNIVERSITY O Box nr: 7062 Post code: City: KAMPALA Country: UGANDA E-mail address: [email protected] or [email protected] Telephone Telefax Office Private Office Private +256(41)4540692 +256 -7 72649455 +256(41)4531061 Title of project/network: EASTERN AFRICA UNIVERSITIES MATHEMATICS PROGRAMME (EAUMP) Approved by the Department : Dr. John Magero Mango Signature by Head of Dept./Name in printing Budget requests (amounts in SEK) 2008 2009 2010 Total Fellowships for training/exchange 545,000 584,600 584,600 1,714,200 North – South South – South 30,920 30,920 30,920 92,760 Visits by co-operating scientists 50,968 50,968 50,968 152,904 Equipment 96,300 10,000 15,000 121,300 Consumables/literature 60,000 60,000 60,000 180,000 Conferences/workshops/meetings 240,000 330,000 190,000 760,000 Support to students 270,000 270,000 270,000 810,000 Networks: administrative costs 52,560 52,560 52,560 157,680 Total 1,345,748 1,389,048 1,254,048 3,988,844 Grant application submitted with enclosures : Date (indicate those enclosed with yes ) Project description/Network program YES Fellowship application(s) YES Applicant's signature Applicant's CV YES Progress report YES List of publications YES 2 (31) Specification of costs in the first year (2008) Cost (SEK) Total Fellowships for training/exchange North-South Two one month research visits to Sweden 50,000 Support for 7 Ph.D. -
1 CHAPTER 10 PRIME MINISITER and DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER in KENYA and AFRICA1 10.1 Conceptualizing and Problematizing the Prime Mi
CHAPTER 10 PRIME MINISITER AND DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER IN KENYA AND AFRICA1 This Chapter may be cited as: Ben Sihanya (forthcoming 2020) “Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister in Kenya,” in Ben Sihanya (2020) Constitutional Democracy, Regulatory and Administrative Law in Kenya and Africa Vol. 1: Presidency, Premier, Legislature, Judiciary, Commissions, Devolution, Bureaucracy and Administrative Justice in Kenya, Sihanya Mentoring & Innovative Lawyering, Nairobi & Siaya. 10.1 Conceptualizing and Problematizing the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister in Kenya and Africa2 My overarching argument is that the proposed reintroduction in Kenya of the Prime Minister’s and Deputy Prime Minister’s office and its existence in some African states is crucial for power sharing, inclusion, economic efficiency, accountability and effective constitutional democracy in Kenya and Africa. The powers, functions and privileges as well as impact of the Prime Minister depends on whether the Executive-Legislative structure is presidential, parliamentary, or a hybrid leaning towards either. The post-2010 PM debate has emphasized pro-people reforms beyond a mere expansion of the Executive-Legislature power structure. What is the Afro-Kenyanist text and theory informing the establishment and operationalization of Prime Minister’s office? How have Kenyan reform debates and especially the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) addressed the Prime Minister’s office? Specifically, what are the powers and functions of the Prime Minister and especially in Kenya, Nigeria,