1 CHAPTER 10 PRIME MINISITER and DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER in KENYA and AFRICA1 10.1 Conceptualizing and Problematizing the Prime Mi
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Kongo Central : Pierre Anatole Matusila En Danger !
La Prospérité Quotidien d’Actions pour la Démocratie et le Développement Plus de 20 ans d’expérience au service de la Nation Editeur-Directeur Général : Marcel Ngoyi Ngoyi Kyengi - Rédaction & Administration : 33, Avenue de la Paix, Mont Fleuri, Commune de Ngaliema Contacts : Airtel : 0999915179 - Vodacom : 0818135157 - E-mail: [email protected] A la pointe de Récépissé de déclaration de Publication n°04/CAB.MCP/007/2002 - BP : 13.790 KINSHASA I/République Démocratique du Congo Sites web : http://www.laprosperiteonline.net & www.laprosperite.online l’actualité… Massacres, misère, dysfonctionnement, instabilité politique RDC : Martin Fayulu se dit choqué ! P.2,19 60 années d’indépendance RDC : Vital Kamerhe appelle à un sursaut de la classe dirigeante et politique P.20 Œuvre de l’ex Première Dame Marie-Olive Lembe Kabila Anarchie à l’Assemblée Provinciale N’sele : Ilunga Ilunkamba Kongo Central : Pierre inaugure le Centre Hospitalier Anatole Matusila en danger ! P.18 Initiative Plus P.21 Une petite histoire politique d’un pays au destin broyé (Par le Professeur Jean Kambayi Bwatshia) P.7,9 Revenir aux rêves des pères de l’indépendance. Plaidoyer pour un «Pacte du 30 juin» en RDC (Par Alain Parfait Ngulungu, Association Congolaise des P.24 Sciences Politiques (ACSP) P.4 Série I n° 5353 du jeudi 2 juillet 2020 - 20 ème Année - Prix : 3.000FC - 2USD Bien-aimé, je souhaite que tu prospères à tous égards et sois en bonne santé commeLa Prospérité prospère l’étatn° 5353 de tondu âme2 juillet (3 jean 2020 2) 2 La Prospérité - Sur le vif Massacres, misère, dysfonctionnement, instabilité politique RDC : Martin Fayulu se dit choqué ! *A l’occasion de la commémoration du 60ème anniversaire de l’indépendance de la RDC, Martin Fayulu a profité pour adresser un message fort à la communauté tant nationale qu’internationale sur les tueries perpétrées dans plusieurs villages et territoires, particulièrement à l’Est du pays depuis maintenant plus de deux décennies. -
Post-Colonialism and the Politics of Kenya (Review)
3RVWFRORQLDOLVPDQGWKHSROLWLFVRI.HQ\D UHYLHZ Peter Wafula Wekesa Eastern Africa Social Science Research Review, Volume 18, Number 1, January 2002, pp. 109-114 (Article) 3XEOLVKHGE\2UJDQL]DWLRQIRU6RFLDO6FLHQFH5HVHDUFKLQ(DVWHUQ DQG6RXWKHUQ$IULFD DOI: 10.1353/eas.2002.0004 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/eas/summary/v018/18.1wekesa.html Access provided by Kenyatta University. Library (4 Nov 2014 08:22 GMT) Book Reviews Ahluwalia D. Pal, Post-colonialism and the politics of Kenya (New York: Nova Science Publishers, Inc.) 1996, 217 pp. Post-colonialism as a framework of analysis remains subject to debate and controversy. Although post-colonialism has been around for close to two decades, it has in recent times been a fiercely contested and debated paradigm. Given its newness and elegance in the world of academic discourse, it is not surprising that its reception has been characterized by a great deal of excitement, confusion and in many cases scepticism. Debates surrounding the study have laid claims to questions of the legitimacy of post-colonialism as a separate analytical entity in the academic discourse, its validity as a theoretical formulation as well as its disciplinary boundaries and political implications. Also, the prefix ‘post’ has complicated matters as it implies an ‘aftermath’ in two senses - temporal, as in coming after, and ideological, as in supplanting. It is the second implication that the critics of the study have found contestable. The contestation has been on the dividing line between what is colonial and its link to what counts as post-colonial. The argument has been that if the inequities of colonial rule have not been erased, it is perhaps premature to proclaim the demise of colonialism. -
Race for Distinction a Social History of Private Members' Clubs in Colonial Kenya
Race for Distinction A Social History of Private Members' Clubs in Colonial Kenya Dominique Connan Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Florence, 09 December 2015 European University Institute Department of History and Civilization Race for Distinction A Social History of Private Members' Clubs in Colonial Kenya Dominique Connan Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Examining Board Prof. Stephen Smith (EUI Supervisor) Prof. Laura Lee Downs, EUI Prof. Romain Bertrand, Sciences Po Prof. Daniel Branch, Warwick University © Connan, 2015 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author Race for Distinction. A Social History of Private Members’ Clubs in Colonial Kenya This thesis explores the institutional legacy of colonialism through the history of private members clubs in Kenya. In this colony, clubs developed as institutions which were crucial in assimilating Europeans to a race-based, ruling community. Funded and managed by a settler elite of British aristocrats and officers, clubs institutionalized European unity. This was fostered by the rivalry of Asian migrants, whose claims for respectability and equal rights accelerated settlers' cohesion along both political and cultural lines. Thanks to a very bureaucratic apparatus, clubs smoothed European class differences; they fostered a peculiar style of sociability, unique to the colonial context. Clubs were seen by Europeans as institutions which epitomized the virtues of British civilization against native customs. In the mid-1940s, a group of European liberals thought that opening a multi-racial club in Nairobi would expose educated Africans to the refinements of such sociability. -
Notes and References
Notes and References 1 The Foundation of Kenya Colony I. P[ublic] R[ecord] O[ffice] Kew CO 533/234 ff 432-44. Kenya was how Johann Krapf, the German missionary who was in 1849 the first white man to see the mountain, transliterated the Kamba pronunciation of the Kikuyu name for it, Kirinyaga. The Kamba substituted glottal stops for intermediate consonants, hence 'Ki-i-ny-a'. T. C. Colchester, 'Origins of Kenya as the Name of the Country', Rhodes House. Mss Afr s.1849. 2. PRO CO 822/3117 Malcolm MacDonald to Duncan Sandys. Secret and Personal. 18 September 1963. 3. The new rail routes in question were the Uasin Gishu line and the Thika extension. M. F. Hill, Permanent Way. The StOlY of the Kenya and Uganda Railway (Nairobi: East African Railways and Harbours, 2nd edn 1961), p. 392. 4. Daily Sketch, 5 July 1920, p. 5. 5. Sekallyolya ('the crane [or stork] looking out on the world') was first printed in Nairobi in the Luganda language in 1921. From time to time it brought out editions in Swahili and for special occasions in English. Harry Thuku's Tangazo was the first Kenya African single sheet newsletter. 6. Interview with James Beauttah, Fort Hall, 1964. Beauttah was one of the first English-speaking African telephone operators. He claimed to be the first African to have electricity in his house. 7. PRO FO 2/377 A. Gray to FO, 16 February 1900, 'Memo on Report of Law Officers of the Crown reo East Africa and Uganda Protector ates'. The effect of the opinion of the law officers is that Her Majesty has, by virtue of her Protectorate, entire control over all lands unappropriated .. -
Who Owns the Land? Blood and Soil Issues in the Kenyan Rift Valley
WHO OWNS THE LAND? BLOOD AND SOIL ISSUES IN THE KENYAN RIFT VALLEY PART 1: The passion with which millions of citizens valued their presidential vote in the stolen 2007 presidential elections can be reflected in scenes of the bloody post-election clashes today that engulfed Rift Valley, Nyanza, Coast, Nairobi, Western and to a less extent in other parts of the country. Nakuru was the latest epicenter of inter ethnic murders. The violent reactions to rigged elections may reflect the pain of deep and historically rooted injustices some of which predate Kenya’s independence in 1963. They are in fact motivated and exacerbated by landlessness, joblessness, and poverty believed to be heavily contributed towards by the prevailing political status quo that has dominated Kenya since independence. This is a system that has continuously perpetrated, in successive fashion, socio- economic injustices that have been seamlessly transferred from one power regime to the next. The Land issue With a fast growing population in Kenya, limited resources including land and jobs, have severely been put in extreme pressure. Responsive political operatives cognizant of this reality have appreciated the importance of incorporating progressive policies that seek to aggressively address poverty, landlessness, unequal distribution of resources and unemployment, as a matter of priority (in their party manifestoes) if any social stability is to be maintained in Kenya. Without doubt, the opposition party ODM sold an attractive campaign package that sought to address historic land injustices, unemployment, inequitable resource sharing and poverty through a radical constitutional transformation, under the framework of the people-tailored Bomas Constitution Draft. -
Muslim Relations in the Politics of Nationalism and Secession in Kenya
1 MUSLIM RELATIONS IN THE POLITICS OF NATIONALISM AND SECESSION IN KENYA Hassan J. Ndzovu Moi University, Kenya PAS Working Papers Number 18 ISSN Print 1949-0283 ISSN Online 1949-0291 Edited by Charles Stewart, Emeritus Professor University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Program of African Studies Northwestern University 620 Library Place Evanston, Illinois 60208-4110 U.S.A 2 Abstract Within Kenya’s political scene, racial and ethnic identities play a crucial role in creating division in Muslims’ political engagement. Since independence, the racial and ethnic antagonism among them has weakened a united Muslim’ voice whenever political issues concerning the community arose. As Kenya was preparing for independence, a section of Muslims (Arab Muslims) living at the coast agitated to secede from the rest of Kenya. This demand for secession led to a hostile relationship between the Arab Muslims and other non-Arab Muslim leaders in the country. One effect of this political development is the lasting impact it had on post-independence Muslim politics. The events set a pattern for mistrust between the Arab Muslims and non-Arab Muslims in Kenya. This absence of unity has influenced the way the political elites in Kenya perceive the Muslim community in general. Politicians in Kenya are known to have capitalized on the disunity among Muslims to prevent any united political front from the community. As a result the Muslim community has felt politically marginalized. It is this perceived marginalization which Kenyan Muslims are presently striving to overcome. 3 Introduction In this article, I would like to bring forward the argument that within Kenya’s political scene, racial and ethnic identities play a crucial role in creating division in Muslims’ political engagement. -
Our Turn to Eat: the Political Economy of Roads in Kenya∗
Our Turn To Eat: The Political Economy of Roads in Kenya∗ Robin Burgess R´emiJedwab Edward Miguel Ameet Morjaria Draft Version: August 2010. Abstract By reducing trade costs and promoting economic specialization across regions, transportation infrastructure is a determining factor of growth. Yet, developing countries are characterized by infrastructure underdevelopment, the general lack of funding being often mentioned as the main reason for it. Then, even when such investments are realized, the welfare gains associated to them might be captured by political elites that are strong enough to influence their allocation across space. We study this issue by investigating the political economy of road placement in Kenya, an African country where politicians are said to favour individuals from their region of origin or who share their ethnicity. Combining district-level panel data on road building with historical data on the ethnicity and district of birth of political leaders, we show that presidents disproportionately invest in their district of birth and those regions where their ethnicity is dominant. It also seems that the second most powerful ethnic group in the cabinet and the district of birth of the public works minister receive more paved roads. In the end, a large share of road investments over the period can be explained by political appointments, which denotes massive and well-entrenched ethno-favoritism in Kenyan politics. JEL classification codes: H41, H54, O12, O55, P16 ∗Robin Burgess, Department of Economics and STICERD, London School of Economics (e-mail: [email protected]). Remi Jedwab, Paris School of Economics and STICERD, London School of Economics (e-mail: [email protected]). -
Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity
Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Rhodes, Christopher. 2015. Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts & Sciences. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:14226091 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity A dissertation presented by Christopher Edward Rhodes to The Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts November 2014 © 2014 Christopher Edward Rhodes All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Professor Robert Bates Christopher Edward Rhodes Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity Abstract This dissertation examines the role of internal structure of religious organizations in influencing these organizations’ interactions with incumbent governments and ultimately determining the political activities of religious groups. This -
The Kenya General Election
AAFFRRIICCAA NNOOTTEESS Number 14 January 2003 The Kenya General Election: senior ministerial positions from 1963 to 1991; new Minister December 27, 2002 of Education George Saitoti and Foreign Minister Kalonzo Musyoka are also experienced hands; and the new David Throup administration includes several able technocrats who have held “shadow ministerial positions.” The new government will be The Kenya African National Union (KANU), which has ruled more self-confident and less suspicious of the United States Kenya since independence in December 1963, suffered a than was the Moi regime. Several members know the United disastrous defeat in the country’s general election on December States well, and most of them recognize the crucial role that it 27, 2002, winning less than one-third of the seats in the new has played in sustaining both opposition political parties and National Assembly. The National Alliance Rainbow Coalition Kenyan civil society over the last decade. (NARC), which brought together the former ethnically based opposition parties with dissidents from KANU only in The new Kibaki government will be as reliable an ally of the October, emerged with a secure overall majority, winning no United States in the war against terrorism as President Moi’s, fewer than 126 seats, while the former ruling party won only and a more active and constructive partner in NEPAD and 63. Mwai Kibaki, leader of the Democratic Party (DP) and of bilateral economic discussions. It will continue the former the NARC opposition coalition, was sworn in as Kenya’s third government’s valuable mediating role in the Sudanese peace president on December 30. -
N0n-Governmental Organizations, the State and the Politics of Rural
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by South East Academic Libraries System (SEALS) NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS, THE STATE AND THE POLITICS OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN KENYA WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO WESTERN PROVINCE A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of RHODES UNIVERSITY by FRANK KHACHINA MATANGA November 2000 ABSTRACT In recent decades, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have increasingly taken on development and political roles in Africa. This has partly been attributed to the New Policy Agenda (NPA) mounted by the international donors. The NPA is predicated on neo-liberal thinking advocating for an enlarged development role for the private sector and a minimalist state. This relatively new shift in development thought has been motivated by the declining capacity of the African state to deliver development and guarantee a liberal political system. This study, therefore, set out to empirically examine whether NGOs are capable of effectively playing their new-found development and political roles. The study was based on Kenya with the Western Province constituting the core research area. The fact that the Kenyan state has been gradually disengaging from the development process has created a vacuum of which the NGOs have attempted to fill. Equally important has been the observation that, for the greater part of the post-colonial period, the state has been largely authoritarian and therefore prompting a segment of civil society to take on political roles in an effort to force it to liberalize and democratize. Urban NGOs in particular, have been the most confrontational to the state with some remarkable success. -
Mau Mau Crucible of War: Statehood, National Identity and Politics in Postcolonial Kenya
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2014 Mau Mau crucible of war: Statehood, national identity and politics in postcolonial Kenya Nicholas Kariuki Githuku Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Githuku, Nicholas Kariuki, "Mau Mau crucible of war: Statehood, national identity and politics in postcolonial Kenya" (2014). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 5677. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/5677 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MAU MAU CRUCIBLE OF WAR: STATEHOOD, NATIONAL IDENTITY AND POLITICS IN POSTCOLONIAL KENYA by Nicholas Kariuki Githuku Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Approved by Dr. Robert Maxon, Committee Chairperson Dr. Joseph Hodge Dr. Robert Blobaum Dr. Jeremia Njeru Dr. Tamba M’bayo Department of History Morgantown, West Virginia 2014 Keywords: war, statehood, stateness, security, mentalité, national identity, psychosociological anxieties Copyright 2014 Nicholas Kariuki Githuku Abstract The postcolonial African state has been the subject of extensive study and scrutiny by various scholars of great repute such as Colin Legum, Crawford Young, Robert H. -
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines Dear Country Expert, In this section, we distinguish between the head of state (HOS) and the head of government (HOG). • The Head of State (HOS) is an individual or collective body that serves as the chief public representative of the country; his or her function could be purely ceremonial. • The Head of Government (HOG) is the chief officer(s) of the executive branch of government; the HOG may also be HOS, in which case the executive survey only pertains to the HOS. • The executive survey applies to the person who effectively holds these positions in practice. • The HOS/HOG pair will always include the effective ruler of the country, even if for a period this is the commander of foreign occupying forces. • The HOS and/or HOG must rule over a significant part of the country’s territory. • The HOS and/or HOG must be a resident of the country — governments in exile are not listed. • By implication, if you are considering a semi-sovereign territory, such as a colony or an annexed territory, the HOS and/or HOG will be a person located in the territory in question, not in the capital of the colonizing/annexing country. • Only HOSs and/or HOGs who stay in power for 100 consecutive days or more will be included in the surveys. • A country may go without a HOG but there will be no period listed with only a HOG and no HOS. • If a HOG also becomes HOS (interim or full), s/he is moved to the HOS list and removed from the HOG list for the duration of their tenure.