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Francis Bacon's Valerius Terminus and the Voyage to the "Great Instauration"

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Francis Bacon's Valerius Terminus and the Voyage to the Francis Bacon's Valerius Terminus and the Voyage to the "Great Instauration" Richard Serjeantson Journal of the History of Ideas, Volume 78, Number 3, July 2017, pp. 341-368 (Article) Published by University of Pennsylvania Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/jhi.2017.0021 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/665519 Access provided by Cambridge University Library (26 Jan 2018 13:17 GMT) Francis Bacon’s Valerius Terminus and the Voyage to the “Great Instauration” Richard Serjeantson One of the most remarkable and far-reaching developments in post- medieval European intellectual history is the discovery of the future. The Renaissance had discovered the past. But the light that the quattrocento cast backwards took longer to be thrown forwards. The first works of fic- tion to be set in the future are an eighteenth-century phenomenon.1 By the twentieth century the shadow of the future had become an inescapable property of the human condition. Notoriously, Francis Bacon (1561–1626) is one of the earliest heralds of this development. His “unique position” in an “idea of progress,” his particular grasp of the Gesinnung der Wissenschaft (scientific mindset) that would follow him, has become a commonplace, both for optimists and pes- simists about these developments.2 Even Bacon’s most meticulous modern The author is grateful to this journal’s two anonymous referees and to Anthony Grafton and Hilary Plum as editors for invaluable suggestions. The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Research Council under the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013)/ERC grant agreement no. 617391. 1 Samuel Maddan, Memoirs of the Twentieth Century (London: Osborn et al., 1733); Louis-Se´bastien Mercier, L’an 2440, reˆve s’il en fut jamais (Amsterdam: Van Harrevelt, 1770). 2 J. B. Bury, The Idea of Progress (London: Macmillan, 1920), 50; Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno, Dialektik der Aufkla¨rung (Frankfurt: Fischer, 1986 [New York, 1944]), 10. Copyright ᭧ by Journal of the History of Ideas, Volume 78, Number 3 (July 2017) 341 PAGE 341 ................. 19033$ $CH2 06-22-17 11:41:58 PS JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS ✦ JULY 2017 students have sometimes indulged themselves in rhapsodies about this “car- tographer of futurity.”3 The scholar’s task is to elucidate, and also to complicate, the elements from which such mythologies arise. There is no question that Bacon announced himself as Buccinator, a trumpeter, of knowledge to come.4 (He even bequeathed his memory to “the next ages” in his will.5) But how did he arrive at this view? And—no less importantly—how did he decide to present it to his own age?6 The answers to these questions that are offered here will set aside the Bacon of the future in favor of the Bacon of his own moment. I shall identify an overlooked early engagement with the humanis- tic learning of the century in which he was born: learning brought into being in northern Europe, in large part, by the powerful figure of Erasmus. But I shall also identify a turn away from that learning, in favor of an engagement with the implications of the enlargement of that European world by trade and navigation. It will emerge that Bacon’s preoccupation with a new “worlde of invencions and sciences vnknowne,” made him an acute observer of the globalization of the sixteenth century that was occur- ring among China, the Americas, and Iberia.7 The focus of this inquiry will be the earliest surviving version of Bacon’s philosophical instauration, a work that Bacon, exceptionally, ascribed to a pseudonymous author: “Val- erius Terminus.”8 PRESENTING THE INSTAURATION By the time the fifty-nine-year-old Bacon finally published the first install- ment of his Instauratio magna in 1620, he had come to a view at which his compatriot Nicholas Hill had previously arrived: that the unmethodical 3 Graham Rees, “Introduction,” to Francis Bacon, The Instauratio magna Part II: Novum organum and Associated Texts, Oxford Francis Bacon [hereafter cited as OFB], vol. 9 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2004), xlvi. 4 Francis Bacon, De augmentis scientiarum (London: John Haviland, 1623), sig. 2A3v (4.1). 5 National Archives, Kew, PROB 1/33/1. 6 On this point, see also Dana Jalobeanu, The Art of Experimental Natural History: Fran- cis Bacon in Context (Bucharest: Zeta Books, 2015), 173–76. 7 Serge Gruzinski, The Eagle and the Dragon: Globalization and European Dreams of Conquest in China and America in the Sixteenth Century, trans. Jean Birrell (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2014). 8 Bacon, “Valerius Terminus,” in British Library, MS Harley 6463, 14 (hereafter VT). Citations are to this (paginated) manuscript, with cross references to the reordered text in Bacon, Works, ed. James Spedding, R. L. Ellis, and D. D. Heath, 7 vols. (London: Longman et al., 1859), 3:217–52, at 223 (hereafter cited as SEH). 342 ................. 19033$ $CH2 06-22-17 11:41:58 PS PAGE 342 Serjeantson ✦ Francis Bacon’s Valerius Terminus form of the “aphorism” was the best means of presenting an anti- Aristotelian natural philosophy.9 Unlike the “Methods” and “partitions” of their more academic contemporaries, this “brief and scattered” form did not, as Bacon explained, pretend to completeness.10 But Bacon’s road to this decision was a circuitous one. His chaplain and editor, William Rawley, later reported that he had seen “at the least” twelve different versions of Bacon’s Instauratio magna, “Revised, year by year, one after another; And every year altred, and amended, in the Frame thereof; Till, at last, it came to that Modell, in which it was committed to the Presse.”11 A number of those earlier drafts survive to verify Rawley’s claim. The (so-called) Redargutio philosophiarum takes the form of a stately oration purportedly delivered to an audience of civil and ecclesiastical dignitaries in Paris.12 The Cogitata et visa adopts the same vatic third person (“Franciscus Bacon sic cogitavit”) that came to open the Instauratio magna.13 Before settling on the aphorismus, Bacon also tried out the sententia,14 and then the consilium.15 But perhaps the most striking of Bacon’s solutions to the problem of how to present his philosophical ideas is also (probably) the earliest one to survive: the unfinished English manuscript treatise with the pseudonymous title Valerius Terminus of the Interpretation of Nature with the Annotations of Hermes Stella. Apparently written in 1603 or there- abouts, its fullest surviving version is a manuscript, copied by one of 9 Nicholas Hill, Philosophia epicurea, democritiana, theophrastica, proposita simpliciter, non edocta [1601] (Geneva: Franc¸ois Le Fe`vre, 1619), 3–5, defends himself for writing in aphorisms, “sine methodo seu via aut ordine.” 10 Bacon, Novum organum, 1.86 (OFB 11:138). See further Stephen Clucas, “ ‘A Knowl- edge Broken’: Francis Bacon’s Aphoristic Style and the Crisis of Scholastic and Humanist Knowledge-Systems,” in English Renaissance Prose: History, Language, and Politics, ed. Neil Rhodes (Tempe: MRTS, 1997), 147–72. 11 William Rawley, “The Life of the Honourable Author,” in Bacon, Resuscitatio (Lon- don: William Lee, 1657), (c)1r–v. See further Angus Vine, “Francis Bacon’s Composition Books,” Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society 14 (2008): 1–31, at 1. Samuel Hartlib also recorded that Bacon was “said to have written over 7. times his Novum Organum with his owne hand with many other Notes out of which at last hee extracted the choicest Notions.” The Hartlib Papers, ed. Mark Greengrass et al. (Shef- field: HRI Online Publications, 2013), www.hrionline.ac.uk/hartlib, HP 30/4/4B (tran- scription emended). 12 British Library, MS Harley 6855, fol. 4r–v (SEH 3:559). The customary title of this work is an addition in a later hand. 13 Queen’s College, Oxford, MS 280, fol. 212r (SEH 3:581); cf. OFB 11:2. 14 Bacon, “De interpretatione naturæ sententiæ xii,” in Scripta in naturali et universali philosophia (Amsterdam: Lodewijk Elzevir, 1653), T10r–V1v. 15 Bacon, “Aphorismi et consilia, de auxiliis mentis, et accensione lvminis natvralis,” in Scripta, T8v–T10r. 343 ................. 19033$ $CH2 06-22-17 11:41:59 PS PAGE 343 JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS ✦ JULY 2017 Bacon’s scribes, with numerous revisions and additions in Bacon’s own hand.16 Though Bacon abandoned this work and set its manuscript aside, the unfinished Valerius Terminus nonetheless forms a vital seedbed for several of his subsequent writings. Bacon mined it extensively for material that went into the Advancement of Learning of 1605.17 That book principally took up the many aspects of Valerius Terminus that are concerned with “impediments to knowledge,” re-framing them as a discipline-by-discipline discussion of “deficiencies of learning.” But Bacon worked and reworked the philosophical core of Valerius Terminus—its nascent theory of the “Interpretation of Nature”—into what was eventually published as the Novum organum, contained within the Instauratio magna volume of 1620.18 As such, Valerius Terminus has often been discussed in passing by scholars interested in Bacon’s philosophical ideas and intellectual develop- ment. But it has less often been seen as a work that merits attention in its own right. This study assesses the place of Valerius Terminus within Bacon’s authorial career. It considers three related questions: firstly, where the work came from; secondly, the significance of the pseudonyms that frame it; and, lastly, the insights that it offers into the historical, sociologi- cal, and geographical nature of Bacon’s conception of knowledge. By undertaking this inquiry, we shall understand more clearly how Bacon developed his presentation of his vision of the melioration of the human condition.
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