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Images of the Courtier in Elizabethan England IMAGES OF THE COURTIER IN ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND by MARY PARTRIDGE A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Modern History School of Historical Studies The University of Birmingham April 2008 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. This thesis evaluates cultural constructs of the courtier in Elizabethan England. It focuses particularly on Castiglione’s Book of the Courtier. The Courtier is generally recognised as one of the most influential texts in Renaissance Europe. It was originally published in Venice in 1528; the first English translation was produced by Thomas Hoby in 1561. This thesis aims to provide an integrated analysis of Castiglione’s contribution to English political culture throughout the second half of the sixteenth century. It considers the circumstances in which Hoby translated the Courtier, and his motives for doing so. It identifies two distinct models of courtliness delineated by the Urbino interlocutors, and assesses the extent to which these models influenced the self-presentation of leading Elizabethan politicians. The thesis also engages with negative characterisations of the courtier. In particular, it examines the adaptation of traditional anti-courtier discourse to voice new concerns about the nature and legitimacy of court politics towards the end of Elizabeth’s reign. DEDICATION This thesis is dedicated to Dr Samuel Gerald McComb, who always supported my academic ambitions. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am extremely grateful to my supervisor, Richard Cust, for the guidance and encouragement he gave me over three and a half years. I could not have had a better mentor. I wish to acknowledge the generous stipend I received from the AHRC, formerly the AHRB. I would also like to thank my friends at the IHR, and the Department of Modern History at the University of Birmingham, for their encouragement and advice. Alec Ryrie was my secondary supervisor, and was invariably helpful. M. A. Overell and Elizabeth Evenden were kind enough to read drafts of my first chapter. Their comments were informative and enlightening. Rivkah Zim suggested some useful additions to my bibliography when I was working on Elizabethan poetry. Alex Gajda and Janet Dickinson sent me copies of their doctoral theses, which provided me with some interesting insights into the political culture of the 1590s. CONTENTS List of abbreviations Conventions Introduction 1 Chapter 1 ‘Hee is become an Englishman’ 13 Chapter 2 The reception of the Courtier 38 Chapter 3 Models of courtliness 82 Chapter 4 Anti-courtier discourse 130 Chapter 5 Elizabethan criticism of the courtier in drama, allegory 184 and verse The history play 185 The beast fable 205 Verse satire 232 Chapter 6 The ‘last decade’ 249 Conclusion 288 Bibliography 302 INTRODUCTION ‘[I]n the court I exist and of the court I speak, and what the court is, God knows, I do not’.1 This wry observation from a twelfth century courtier is popular with court historians, many of whom can doubtless empathise with its disarming admission of bafflement. The status, significance and function of courts and their inhabitants are notoriously awkward to define. Rulers have traditionally been surrounded by men and women who attend to their physical needs, assist them with their political duties, entertain them during their leisure hours, and reinforce their self-presentation at home and abroad. Yet such men and women tend to defy posthumous profiling and pigeon- holing. Attempts to delineate them collectively, as a generic type, invite more questions than they answer. Who, exactly, counted as a courtier? Was the holding of court office a prerequisite, or was sporadic attendance on the monarch sufficient qualification? What hierarchies, official and unofficial, operated within the royal entourage? How readily was service - often menial in nature - reconciled with self-aggrandizement and the brokerage of power? What was a courtier’s primary duty, and what could he or she hope to achieve? In 1504, a relatively young but experienced courtier, soldier and diplomat entered the service of Guidobaldo da Montefeltro, duke of Urbino.2 He briefly joined the duke on campaign, before accompanying him back to Urbino at the end of August.3 He took up 1 Walter Map, De nugis curialium: courtiers’ trifles, ed. and trans. by M. R. James, rev. by C. N. L. Brooke and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford: Clarendon, 1983; repr. 2002), p. 3. 2 See James Dennistoun, Memoirs of the dukes of Urbino, illustrating the arms, arts and literature of Italy, from 1440 to 1630, 3 vols (London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1851), II, 15-31. 3 Julia Cartwright Ady, Baldassare Castiglione, the perfect courtier: his life and letters 1478-1529, 2 vols (London: John Murray, 1908), I, 38-50; Dennistoun, Dukes of Urbino, II, 46-7. 1 residence in the magnificent palace built by Guidobaldo’s father, Federico da Montefeltro.4 Under Federico, the Urbinese court had been renowned as a centre of arts and letters.5 Guidobaldo assiduously cultivated this reputation. He recovered his father’s extensive library, which Cesare Borgia had recently looted.6 He also invited cultural luminaries from all over Europe to Urbino.7 Castiglione subsequently recalled with affection ‘the great delite I tooke in those yeeres in the louing companie of so excellent Personages as then were in the Court of Urbin’.8 After the death of Guidobaldo, his duchess Elisabetta Gonzaga, and many of the ‘excellent Personages’ who graced their brilliant court, Castiglione decided to commemorate his friends. He composed a dialogue, which (he explained) was intended to serve ‘as a purtraict in peinctinge of the Court of Urbin: Not of the handiwoorke of Raphael, or Michael Angelo, but of an unknowen peincter, and that can do no more but draw the principall lines, without setting furth the truth with bewtifull coulours, or makinge it appeere by 4 Castiglione described the palace as ‘the fayrest that was to be founde in all Italy’. Federico, he claimed, had so fornished it with euerye necessary implement belonging therto, that it appeared not a palaice, but a Citye in fourme of a palaice, and that not onelye with ordinarie matters, as Siluer plate, hanginges for chambers of verye riche cloth of golde, of silke and other like, but also for sightlynesse: and to decke it out withall, placed there a wonderous number of auncyent ymages of marble and mettall, verye excellente peinctinges and instrumentes of musycke of all sortes, and nothing would he haue there but what was moste rare and excellent. Balthazar Castiglione, The covrtyer of count Baldessar Castilio, trans. by Thomas Hoby (London: William Seres, 1561), sig. Aiiv. The reader should note that the prefatory material published with Hoby’s translation is paginated separately. To avoid confusion, I have italicized the signature references for the preface. 5 See Jacob Burckhardt, The civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, trans. by S. G. C. Middlemore (London: Swan Sonnenschein, 1898; repr. Phaidon Press, 1960), pp. 29-30. 6 Federico had ‘gathered together a great number of most excellent and rare bookes, in Greke, Latin and Hebrue, the which all he garnished wyth golde and syluer, esteaming this to be the chieffest ornament of his great palaice’. Hoby, Covrtyer, sig. Aiiv. 7 Dennistoun, Dukes of Urbino, II, 39-46; 50-65. 8 Hoby, Covrtyer, sig. Biiv. 2 the art of Prospectiue that it is not’.9 He claimed to have transcribed four after-dinner discussions, which took place on four consecutive evenings. The discussions were inspired by a challenge that Federico Fregoso devised for the company: ‘to shape in woordes a good Courtyer, specifying all suche condicions and particuler qualities, as of necessitie must be in hym that deserueth this name’.10 Castiglione circulated the dialogue among friends, one of whom (to his intense irritation) distributed portions of it without his permission. Protesting that his hand had been forced by this betrayal, he arranged for the text to be published in Venice.11 It appeared in 1528, under the title Il libro del cortegiano – the Book of the Courtier. The concept of a good courtier was usually treated as a joke. As we shall see, the reputation of court acolytes in western Europe was consistently low throughout the classical and medieval periods. Castiglione’s dialogue was novel, because his interlocutors sought to demonstrate that courtiers could make a serious, positive contribution to public affairs. The importance of the role that they envisaged for their paragon could scarcely be exaggerated. He would use his wit and accomplishments to win the favour and friendship of his prince. He would subsequently capitalise upon the loving trust his master reposed in him by encouraging the latter to rule justly, wisely and virtuously. ‘Wherfore’, as Ottaviano observed in Book IV of the dialogue, ‘perhappes a man may say that to beecome the Instructor of a Prince were the ende of a Courtier’. Aristotle and Plato had not considered such a task beneath their dignity. Courtiership should be recognised as a legitimate occupation, with enormous 9 Hoby, Covrtyer, sig. Biv r. 10 Ibid., sig. Cir. 11 Ibid., sig. Yy iiv – Yy iiiv. 3 potential.12 On this premise, Castiglione provided a comprehensive analysis of the courtier’s role and responsibilities.
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