Fighting Corruption in Africa – a Comparative Study of Uganda and Botswana Dissertation
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Conference of Central and East European Countries on Fighting Corruption
CONFERENCE OF CENTRAL AND EAST EUROPEAN COUNTRIES ON FIGHTING CORRUPTION International Co-operation: Its Role in Preventing and Combating Corruption and in the Creation of Regional Strategies Bucharest, March 30-31st UN Global Programme against Corruption Programme Manager: Dr. Petter Langseth International Cooperation Dr. Petter Langseth Its Role in Preventing and Combating Corruption and in the Creation of Regional Strategies SUMMARY1 According to CICP’s Global Programme against Corruption the purpose of a national anti-corruption programme is to:(i) increase the risk and cost of being corrupt and (ii) build integrity that changes the rules of the game and the behaviour of the players and (iii) eventually ensure the rule of law. Among the few success stories, Hong Kong, should have taught us that it takes time and considerable effort to curb corruption in a systemic corrupt environment. After more than 25 years Hong Kong is spending US$ 90 million (1998) per year and employed 1300 staff who conducted 2780 training sessions for the private and public sector. This is probably more than what all 50 African countries spent fighting corruption in 1999.2 Taking into account the increasing number of international instruments dealing with corruption, the workshop will be aimed at promoting co-ordinated efforts for the development of joint strategies for implementation of international instrument and best prevention practices at the international, national and municipal level. The anti-corruption strategy advocated in this paper rests on four pillars: (a) economic development; (b) democratic reform; (c) a strong civil society with access to information and a mandate to oversee the state; and (d) the presence of rule of law. -
Corruption in Tanzania
Transparency International Anti-Corruption Helpdesk Answer Overview of corruption and anti- corruption in Tanzania Author(s): Kaunain Rahman, [email protected] Reviewer(s): Roberto Martinez B. Kukutschka, Paul Banoba and Brian Cooksey, Transparency International Date: 30 September 2019 The Tanzanian government under the presidency of John Magufuli has cracked down heavily on corruption. Despite the current anti-corruption campaigns, however, political, petty and grand corruption seem to be endemic in the country. The regime is becoming increasingly authoritarian, resulting in the suppression of dissent, banning of protests, and a crackdown on media and opposition forces. Observers state that populist anti-corruption operations have to give way to initiatives aimed at a systemic and structural overhaul to bring about lasting and meaningful change. © 2019 Transparency International. All rights reserved. This document should not be considered as representative of the Commission or Transparency International’s official position. Neither the European Commission,Transparency International nor any person acting on behalf of the Commission is responsible for the use which might be made of the following information. This Anti-Corruption Helpdesk is operated by Transparency International and funded by the European Union. Query Please provide an overview of corruption and anti-corruption in Tanzania. Contents 1. Background Main points 2. Extent of corruption 3. Nature of corruption challenges — The incumbent government is cracking 4. Sectors affected by corruption down heavily on corruption. 5. Legal framework 6. Institutional framework 7. Other stakeholders — Critics allege that President Magufuli is 8. References steering the state towards greater authoritarianism, with little tolerance of Background dissent. The United Republic of Tanzania comprises of a — Citizens perceive that corruption levels union between the Tanzanian mainland (formerly have fallen in the country, but many still Tanganyika) and the semi-autonomous fear reporting acts of corruption. -
Uganda Police Force Anti - Corruption Strategy
UGANDA POLICE FORCE ANTI - CORRUPTION STRATEGY From Colonial Policing to Community Policing 2017/18-2021/22 Uganda Police Headquarters Naguru Plot 42/49, Katalima Road, P.o Box 7055, Kampala Uganda Fax: +256-414-343531/255630. General Lines: 256-414-343532/233814/231761/254033 Toll Free: 0800-199-699, 0800-199-499.Website: http://www.upf.go.ug Aligned to the JLOS Anti-corruption strategy With Support from Contents FOREWORD ........................................................................................... 4 LIST OF ACRONYMS ............................................................................ 6 CHAPTER ONE: BACKGROUND ........................................................ 8 1.0 Introduction ................................................................................... 8 With Support from 1.1 Situational analysis ..................................................................... 10 1.2 Definition of Corruption ............................................................. 12 1.3 The Police Mandate .................................................................... 15 1.4 Forms of corruption in the UPF .................................................. 16 1.5 Factors influencing corruption in UPF ........................................ 17 CHAPTER 2: EXISTING LEGAL AND INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK TO FIGHT CORRUPTION IN UGANDA ................. 21 2.0 Introduction ................................................................................. 21 2.1 NRM Ten Point programme ...................................................... -
The Inspector General of Government and the Question of Political Corruption in Uganda
Frustrated Or Frustrating S AND P T EA H C IG E R C E N N A T M E U R H H URIPEC FRUSTRATED OR FRUSTRATING? THE INSPECTOR GENERAL OF GOVERNMENT AND THE QUESTION OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UGANDA Daniel Ronald Ruhweza HURIPEC WORKING PAPER NO. 20 November, 2008 Frustrated Or Frustrating FRUSTRATED OR FRUSTRATING? THE INSPECTOR GENERAL OF GOVERNMENT AND THE QUESTION OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UGANDA Daniel R. Ruhweza HURIPEC WORKING PAPER No. 20 NOVEMBER, 2008 Frustrated Or Frustrating FRUSTRATED OR FRUSTRATING? THE INSPECTOR GENERAL OF GOVERNMENT AND THE QUESTION OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UGANDA aniel R. Ruhweza Copyright© Human Rights & Peace Centre, 2008 ISBN 9970-511-24-8 HURIPEC Working Paper No. 20 NOVEMBER 2008 Frustrated Or Frustrating TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...................................................................................... i LIST OF ACRONYMS/ABBREVIATIONS......................………..………............ ii LIST OF LEGISLATION & INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS….......… iii LIST OF CASES …………………………………………………….. .......… iv SUMMARY OF THE REPORT AND MAIN RECOMMENDATIONS……...... v I: INTRODUCTION ………………………………………………........ 1 1.1 Working Definitions….………………............................................................... 5 1.1.1 The Phenomenon of Corruption ……………………………………....... 5 1.1.2 Corruption in Uganda……………………………………………….... 6 II: RATIONALE FOR THE CREATION OF THE INSPECTORATE … .... 9 2.1 Historical Context …………………………………………………............ 9 2.2 Original Mandate of the Inspectorate.………………………….…….......... 9 2.3 -
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6 JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS ELECTORAL COMPETITION IN BOTSWANA Is the Playing Field Level? David Sebudubudu and Bugalo Maripe Professor David Sebudubudu is a professor of Political Science and Head of the Department of Political and Administrative Studies, University of Botswana e-mail: [email protected] Bugalo Maripe is a senior lecturer in the Department of Law, University of Botswana e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT The central thesis of this article is that the electoral process in Botswana belies the oft-cited claim that the country is a haven of democracy. Botswana has held ten successive elections since 1965, yet the same party, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), has been returned to power without fail. At a glance, and taking these elections into consideration, Botswana would appear to be an extraordinary country in the African context – one where democracy is in the process of consolidation. Far from it. A closer assessment shows that Botswana’s electoral competition is deceptive and that there is a deficit of competitive elections, a key requisite for the consolidation of democracy. The article examines the factors that contribute to the flawed electoral competition and concludes that the country’s electoral process does not satisfy international standards of free and fair elections. INTRODUCTION Since the term democracy was first used, in the fifth century BC (Holden 1993), unending convoluted debates about its definition have preoccupied scholars, practitioners and students of politics. What is evident from the literature is that there is no one satisfactory or acceptable definition of democracy. This remains a puzzle, if not a paradox, as there has been no unanimity in defining it (Morlino 2012; Economist Intelligence Unit – EIU 2010). -
Fighting Corruption in Uganda: Despite Small Gains, Citizens Pessimistic About Their Role
Dispatch No. 77 | 28 March 2016 Fighting corruption in Uganda: Despite small gains, citizens pessimistic about their role Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 77 | John Martin Kewaza Summary Uganda’s widespread corruption is highlighted in the country’s poor ranking (139th out of 167 countries) in the Corruption Perceptions Index as well as in the recent Africa edition of the Global Corruption Barometer (Transparency International, 2015a, b). Pernicious effects stretch from substandard public services through elections and the judiciary to stunted economic development. In 2012, four in 10 respondents (41%) in an Afrobarometer survey reported that they had been offered money or a gift in return for their votes during the 2011 elections. In petitioning Parliament last year to appoint a commission of inquiry, retired Supreme Court Judge Justice George Kanyeihamba said, “There is evidence of inefficiency, incompetence, and corruption in the judiciary and unethical conduct by members of the bar” (Parliament of Uganda, 2015). The Black Monday Movement, a coalition of anti- corruption civil society organisations, estimates that between 2000 and 2014, the government lost more than Shs. 24 trillion to corruption – enough to finance the country’s 2015/2016 budget (ActionAid Uganda, 2015) The government’s strategies to fight corruption include the National Anti-Corruption Strategy (NACS), the Anti-Corruption Act, and the establishment of a specialized anti-corruption court within the judiciary. Internationally, Uganda has been a signatory of the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) as well as the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption since 2004. Many civil society organisations have joined the anti-corruption fight, including the Anti- Corruption Coalition, Transparency International Uganda, the African Parliamentarians Network against Corruption, Civil Society Today, the Uganda Debt Network, and the NGO Forum (Martini, 2013). -
Why Does Corruption Have Different Effects on Economic Growth? – a Case Study of Sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia
Linköpings universitet | Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling Kandidatuppsats, 15 Hp | Politices Kandidatprogram - Nationalekonomi Vårterminen 2016 | LIU-IEI-FIL-G--16/01535--SE Why does corruption have different effects on economic growth? – A case study of Sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia Varför har korruption olika effekter på ekonomisk tillväxt? – En fallstudie av Afrika söder om Sahara och Sydostasien Amalia Brandt Hjertstedt Hana Cetina Handledare: Bo Sjö Linköpings universitet SE-581 83 Linköping, Sverige 013-28 10 00, www.liu.se 1 Abstract The purpose of this study is to examine and analyse how corruption can have different outcome on economic growth. A clear division can be seen in Sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia where corruption have different economic outcomes. The countries in this study are the following: Botswana, Nigeria, Kenya, South Africa, South Korea, Thailand, Vietnam and Indonesia. The thesis composes of data over corruption indexes, annual growth in GDP, and socio-economic indicators such as political stability and Rule of Law. The result from the assembled statistics is analysed through the Principal-Agent theory as well as previous research. Previous research includes both positive and negative studies on corruption. The conclusion is that corruption has not a direct effect on economic growth but socio-economic indicators have an important role to explain the different outcome on corruption. The Principal- Agent theory helps us to understand the structure of the governmental body and the outcome of corruption. 1 Sammanfattning Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka och analysera varför korruption har olika effekter på ekonomisk tillväxt. Det finns en tydlig skillnad i hur korruption påverkar ekonomisk tillväxt, där det har gått i två olika riktningar. -
ABSTRACT YEMANE DESTA. Designing
ABSTRACT YEMANE DESTA. Designing Anti-Corruption Strategies for Developing Countries: A Country Study of Eritrea. (Under the direction of James H. Svara) The purpose of this research is to identify the anti-corruption strategies available for fighting corruption in developing countries and assess their relevance to the newly independent country of Eritrea by canvassing the opinions of Eritrean public officials. The anti-corruption strategies considered in the study are divided into four broad categories: Economic/Market Reforms, Administrative/Bureaucratic Reforms, Accountability/Transparency Enhancing Reforms, and Political Accountability Enhancing Reforms. Data are collected through the administration of questionnaires to a sample of 62 Eritrean public officials from 13 ministries of the Eritrean Government to assess their views regarding the extent, causes and remedies of corruption in Eritrea. The survey evidence indicates that the overwhelming majority (90 percent) of the respondents believe the issue of corruption in the context of Eritrean public administration is important. Moreover, an overwhelming majority (95 percent) of the respondents think that high emphasis should be given to preventing/fighting corruption at present. For the years 2000 and 2003 the majority (64.5 percent) of the respondents believe that corruption in Eritrea ranges between none to minimal while 35.5 percent think corruption in Eritrea ranges between moderate to prevalent. Two important differences are observed between respondents who perceive lower rates of corruption and those who perceive higher rates of corruption. The research indicates that respondents who have not received foreign education are more likely to perceive higher levels of corruption (38 percent) than respondents who received foreign education (18 percent). -
The Big Governance Issues in Botswana
MARCH 2021 THE BIG GOVERNANCE ISSUES IN BOTSWANA A CIVIL SOCIETY SUBMISSION TO THE AFRICAN PEER REVIEW MECHANISM Contents Executive Summary 3 Acknowledgments 7 Acronyms and Abbreviations 8 What is the APRM? 10 The BAPS Process 12 Ibrahim Index of African Governance Botswana: 2020 IIAG Scores, Ranks & Trends 120 CHAPTER 1 15 Introduction CHAPTER 2 16 Human Rights CHAPTER 3 27 Separation of Powers CHAPTER 4 35 Public Service and Decentralisation CHAPTER 5 43 Citizen Participation and Economic Inclusion CHAPTER 6 51 Transparency and Accountability CHAPTER 7 61 Vulnerable Groups CHAPTER 8 70 Education CHAPTER 9 80 Sustainable Development and Natural Resource Management, Access to Land and Infrastructure CHAPTER 10 91 Food Security CHAPTER 11 98 Crime and Security CHAPTER 12 108 Foreign Policy CHAPTER 13 113 Research and Development THE BIG GOVERNANCE ISSUES IN BOTSWANA: A CIVIL SOCIETY SUBMISSION TO THE APRM 3 Executive Summary Botswana’s civil society APRM Working Group has identified 12 governance issues to be included in this submission: 1 Human Rights The implementation of domestic and international legislation has meant that basic human rights are well protected in Botswana. However, these rights are not enjoyed equally by all. Areas of concern include violence against women and children; discrimination against indigenous peoples; child labour; over reliance on and abuses by the mining sector; respect for diversity and culture; effectiveness of social protection programmes; and access to quality healthcare services. It is recommended that government develop a comprehensive national action plan on human rights that applies to both state and business. 2 Separation of Powers Political and personal interests have made separation between Botswana’s three arms of government difficult. -
Overview of Corruption and Anti-Corruption in Botswana
OVERVIEW OF CORRUPTION AND ANTI-CORRUPTION IN BOTSWANA QUERY SUMMARY Please compile a country profile of corruption and The government of Botswana is internationally anti-corruption in Botswana, with a focus on tertiary credited for its management of corruption. Keeping education. control of and reducing corruption is clearly paramount to maintain its good and clean CONTENT reputation. 1. Overview of corruption in Botswana Following corruption scandals during the 1990s, 2. Corruption in higher education involving misuse of public money or abuse of 3. Legal and institutional anti-corruption framework privileged power by several high-ranking 4. References government officials, Botswana has proactively sought to reinforce its legal and institutional \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ frameworks. Resources have been made available in order to better equip the country against the Author(s) corruption challenges it faces. Michael Badham-Jones, [email protected] Despite Botswana’s good reputation abroad, the country is still faced with some challenges with Reviewer(s): regard to corruption. A lack of transparency, deeply Marie Chêne, Tapiwa Uchizi Nyasulu, entrenched patronage networks, conflicts of interest Transparency International, and nepotism, together with concerns over judicial [email protected] independence, continue to blight the progress made. Date: 27 November 2014 © 2014 Transparency International. All rights reserved. This document should not be considered as representative of the Commission or Transparency International’s official position. Neither the European Commission,Transparency International nor any person acting on behalf of the Commission is responsible for the use which might be made of the following information. This Anti-Corruption Helpdesk is operated by Transparency International and funded by the European Union. -
Role of Media in Curbing Corruption: the Case of Uganda Under President Yoweri K
Economic & Social Affairs DESA Working Paper No. 72 ST/ESA/2009/DWP/72 January 2009 Role of media in curbing corruption: the case of Uganda under President Yoweri K. Museveni during the “no-party” system Monica Nogara Abstract Free, independent and hard-hitting media can play an important role in curbing corruption. Media in Uganda has enjoyed considerable freedom in this regard since Museveni came to power in 1986. The evolving power structure and a changing media landscape, however, have presented both challenges and opportunities for media’s watchdog role on corruption. This paper will explore how this environment defined such role between 1986 and 2006 during Museveni’s “no-party” rule. It argues that, although media won important battles to promote accountability in public offices, the regime’s complex power structure has consistently challenged their role as an instrument of public accountability. JEL Classification: D72, D73, D81, D82, D83, H11, K40, L82 Keywords: corruption, media, press freedom, governance, rule of law Monica Nogara is currently Economic Affairs Officer in the Office for ECOSOC Support and Coordination. E-mail: [email protected] Comments should be addressed by email to the author. Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 1 The role of media in curbing corruption ............................................................................. 2 The case of Uganda under President Yoweri K. Museveni ............................................................ -
The Republic of Uganda in the Supreme Court of Uganda at Kampala
f' THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA IN THE SUPREME COURT OF UGANDA AT KAMPALA [CORAM:KATUREEBE,C.J; TUMWESIGYE; KISAAKYE; ARACH-AMOKO, 5 NSHIMYE, MWANGUSYA, OPIO-AWERI, MWONDHA, TmATEMWA- EK1RIKUBINZA, J JSC} CIVIL APPLICATION NO 03 OF 2016 [Arising from Election Petition No. 01 of2016] 10 IN THE MATTER OF AN APPLICATION FOR LEAVE TO INTERVENE AS AMICUS CURIAE BY THE APPLICANTS HEREIN ARISING FROM ELECTION PETITION NO. 01 OF 2016. 15 BE1WEEN 1. FOUNDATION FOR HUMAN RIGHTS INITIATNE. 20 2. UGANDA ASSOCIATION OF WOMEN LAWYERS (FIDA UGANDA) 3. CHAPrER FOUR UGANDA 4. HUMAN RIGHTS NETWORK UGANDA 5. CENTRE FOR CONSTITIITIONAL GOVERNANCE 25 6. KITUO CHA KATIBA, EASTERN AFRICAN CENTRE FOR CONSTITIITIONAL DEVELOPMENT 7. LEGAL AID SERVICE PROVIDERS NE1WORK UGANDA 8. TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: APPLICANTS 30 AND AMAMA· MBABAZI··············································.............•.........•....••.•.......•...••.....•.... -] PE'I'll'IONER 1 ; ,,'" ". } 1. YOWERI KAGUTA MUSEVENI 2. ELECTORAL COMMISSION 3 .~A 'TIORNEY GENERAL ........................•.........•...............................•.....•....... ] RESPONDENTS 5 RULING OF THE COURT This application was brought by 8 applicants which are Civil Society Organizations. The applicants are non-governmental organizations and Civil Society Organizations. They were 10 accredited by the Electoral Commission as Election Observers. Some of the applicants are members of the Citizen Coalition for Electoral Democracy (CCEDU) and others are members of Citizens Coalition for Election Observers Network (CEON). The applicants are seeking leave of this Court to be admitted as V 15 Amici Curiae in Presidential Election Petition No. 01 of 2016, permission to file amicus curiae brief in the form of written submissions and filing any further materials that the Court may deem fit. The applicants are also seeking such further orders that this Court may deem appropriate.