AC Vol 43 No 12
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Les Milices Urbaines Au Congo: La Transition Democratique Et La Dissemination Des Pratiques De Violence
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Afr. j. poll,, sci. (1998), Vol. 3 No. I, 52-69 Les milices urbaines au Congo: La transition democratique et la dissemination des pratiques de violence Rimy Bazenguissa-Ganga* Les processus de transition democratique en Afrique se sont parfois accompagnes de plusieurs types de transformations sociales, entre autre celles du rapport que les gouvernes entretiennent avec les institutions detenant le monopole de la violence tegitime. Dans ce sens, la nouvelle regie politique, un "homme dgale une voix"a tendance a diss£miner l'usage de la violence politique au sein de la soci&6en dehors des organismes qui l'utilisent officiellement. Certains pays, comme le Congo, illustrent bien cette realite. Lors du monopartisme (1963-1990), seule l'eiite politique la violence qui controlait l'armee faisait usage de la violence. Par contre, 1'instauration du multipartisme entraina a deux reprises l'affrontement, dans la capitale, des fractions de la base electorate des leaders les plus puissants, organised en milices. Cependant deux situations doivent etre distingu6es. Durant les premiers affrontements, de 1993 et 1994, la majority des miliciens etait originaire de Brazzaville, tandis que lors des seconds affrontements, en 1997, les originaires des villes secondaires dtaient plus nombreux. Nous aborderons les conditions sociales de ce phinomene en quatre temps. -
CONGO: Peace and Oil Dividends Fail to Benefit Remaining Idps and Other
CONGO: Peace and oil dividends fail to benefit remaining IDPs and other vulnerable populations A profile of the internal displacement situation 25 September, 2009 This Internal Displacement Profile is automatically generated from the online IDP database of the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC). It includes an overview of the internal displacement situation in the country prepared by the IDMC, followed by a compilation of excerpts from relevant reports by a variety of different sources. All headlines as well as the bullet point summaries at the beginning of each chapter were added by the IDMC to facilitate navigation through the Profile. Where dates in brackets are added to headlines, they indicate the publication date of the most recent source used in the respective chapter. The views expressed in the reports compiled in this Profile are not necessarily shared by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre. The Profile is also available online at www.internal-displacement.org. About the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, established in 1998 by the Norwegian Refugee Council, is the leading international body monitoring conflict-induced internal displacement worldwide. Through its work, the Centre contributes to improving national and international capacities to protect and assist the millions of people around the globe who have been displaced within their own country as a result of conflicts or human rights violations. At the request of the United Nations, the Geneva-based Centre runs an online database providing comprehensive information and analysis on internal displacement in some 50 countries. Based on its monitoring and data collection activities, the Centre advocates for durable solutions to the plight of the internally displaced in line with international standards. -
28 June 2008 Sharm El-Sheikh, EGYPT EX.CL/438 (XIII) INTRO
AFRICAN UNION UNION AFRICAINE UNIÃO AFRICANA P. O. Box 3243, Addis Ababa, ETHIOPIA Tel.: 00251-11-5517700 Cable: AU, ADDIS ABABA Website: www.africa-union.org EXECUTIVE COUNCIL Thirteenth Ordinary Session 24 – 28 June 2008 Sharm El-Sheikh, EGYPT EX.CL/438 (XIII) INTRO INTRODUCTORY NOTE OF THE CHAIRPERSON TO THE ACTIVITY REPORT OF THE COMMISSION EX.CL/438 (XIII) INTRO TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages INTRODUCTION Part I: PEACE AND SECURITY a. Continental Architecture of Peace and Security 2 b. Structural conflict prevention 3 c. Development in the field situations 4 d. Financing of Peace Operations 12 Part II: CHALLENGES TO DEVELOPMENT a. General economic issues 14 b. Development of basic infrastructure 17 c. Accelerating Agricultural Investments in Response to High Food Prices and Food Insecurity 21 d. Upsurge in fuel prices 25 e. Science and Technology 26 f. Education and the Youth 26 g. Trade, Partenerships and International negotiations 27 h. Social Development 30 PART III: SHARED VALUES a. Democracy and elections 35 b. The rule of law and human rights 36 c. African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance 37 d. Gender Equality 38 e. Integration, combatting xenophobia and African passport 38 PART IV : STRENGTHENING OF INSTITUTIONS a. Integrating NEPAD in Union Structures 39 b. Establishment of the financial institutions provided for in Article 19 of the Constitutive Act 40 c. Strengthening the Commission 42 d. Basic Principles and Approach 43 e. Cooperating with RECs 45 PART V : CONCLUSION 45 EX.CL/438 (XIII) INTRO Page 1 INTRODUCTION 1. Today we are living in a multipolar world characterized by the establishment of huge sub-regional entities (EUROPEAN UNION, MERCOSUR, NAFTA, ASEAN….) and the advent of many emerging countries on the international scene. -
DANISH INSTITUTE for INTERNATIONAL STUDIES STRANDGADE 56 • 1401 COPENHAGEN K • DENMARK TEL +45 32 69 87 87 • [email protected] •
DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES STRANDGADE 56 • 1401 COPENHAGEN K • DENMARK TEL +45 32 69 87 87 • [email protected] • www.diis.dk CAN NEPAD SUCCEED WITHOUT PRIOR POLITICAL REFORM? Ian Taylor DIIS Working Paper no 2005/23 © Copenhagen 2005 Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK-1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mails: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover Design: Carsten Schiøler Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi as ISBN: 87-7605-112-9 Price: DKK 25.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Ian Taylor, Dr., Lecturer at University of St. Andrews, Department for International Relations CONTENTS Nepad Elites and their Democratic Qualifications............................................................................4 The African Peer Review Mechanism................................................................................................10 The Great Retreat .................................................................................................................................13 Concluding Remarks ............................................................................................................................19 Bibliography...........................................................................................................................................23 DIIS WORKING PAPER 2005/23 Can NEPAD Succeed without prior Political Reform? Ian Taylor The New Partnership for Africa’s Development or Nepad has -
Jaramogi Oginga Odinga: the Man Kenya Can Never Forget,Once Upon a Dome,Handshake Manenos!,Handcheque Part II,Tinga!,Three Wise
Jaramogi Oginga Odinga: The Man Kenya Can Never Forget By Dauti Kahura and Bethuel Oduo If Thomas Joseph (TJ) Mboya was the young man that Kenya wanted to forget, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga is the grand old man who Kenya can never forget. Jaramogi and Tom Mboya were both were nationalists of great distinction from the Luo community who as seasoned politicians posed a threat to the founding president Jomo Kenyatta’s autocratic national designs. Tom Mboya died young, by an assassin’s bullet, on July 5, 1969. Jaramogi died an old man, a mzee, at the age of 82 years on January 20, 1994, after having been tormented by both Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi regimes effectively from 1969 after his fall out with Kenyatta and through the 80s and 90s during iron-fisted Moi’s reign. Jaramogi Oginga Odinga death anniversary on January 20th, twenty-five years since his passing, was marked quietly in a manner that diminishes his immense contribution to the Kenyan national project. If Thomas Joseph (TJ) Mboya was the young man that Kenya wanted to forget, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga is the grand old man who Kenya can never forget No history book on Kenya would be complete without his mention. Jaramogi was the vice president of the nationalist party Kanu when Kenya African Union (Kau) merged with Kenya Independent Movement to form Kanu on May 14, 1960. He was later to become the country’s first Vice President, after Kanu won the 1963 general elections under Kenyatta. When his friend Pio Gama Pinto was killed in 1965, Jaramogi knew he was a targeted man because of his ideological position. -
AC Vol 45 No 9
www.africa-confidential.com 30 April 2004 Vol 45 No 9 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL TANZANIA 3 SUDAN Troubled isles The union between the mainland Mass murder and Zanzibar – 40 years old this Ten years after Rwanda’s genocide, the NIF regime kills and displaces week – remains a political hotspot, tens of thousands of civilians in Darfur – with impunity mainly because the ruling CCM has rigged two successive elections on Civilians in Darfur continue to die as a result of the National Islamic Front regime’s ethnic cleansing and the islands. Some hope that former in the absence of serious diplomatic pressure. United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan has warned OAU Secretary General Salim that international military intervention might be required to stop the slaughter in Darfur, while senior UN Ahmed Salim of Zanzibar will take officials refer to the NIF regime’s scorched earth policy as ‘genocide’ or ‘ethnic cleansing’. Yet last week over from President Mkapa next the UN Commission on Human Rights (UNOHCHR) in Geneva again refused to recommend strong year and negotiate a new settlement with the opposition CUF. action against Khartoum and suppressed its own highly critical investigation, which found that government agents had killed, raped and tortured civilians. On 23 April, the NIF exploited anti-Americanism to defeat a call from the United States and European MALAWI 4Union to reinstate a Special Rapporteur (SR) on Human Rights. At 2003’s annual session, Khartoum had successfully lobbied for the removal as SR of the German lawyer and former Interior Minister Gerhard Bingu the favourite Baum, an obvious candidate for enquiries in Darfur. -
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asdf The United Nations and Darfur FACT SHEET Background More than 200,000 people are estimated to have been killed and at least 2 million displaced from their homes in Darfur since fighting broke out in 2003 between Government of Sudan forces, allied Janjaweed militia and other armed rebel groups. Atrocities such as the murder of civilians and the rape of women and girls have been widespread and continue, under - scoring the necessity for urgent action. The UN raised the alarm on the crisis in Darfur in 2003 and finding a lasting resolution has been a top priority for the Se - curity Council and two consecutive Secretaries-General . In addition to pursuing a political solution , the UN and its part - ners are currently operating the largest aid effort in the world in Darfur and in refugee camps in Chad and the Central African Republic (CAR). In parallel, UN human rights experts have reported on abuses, and monitored efforts by local courts to bring perpetrators to justice. Under the auspices of the African Union (AU) and with support of the UN and other partners, the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) was signed on 5 May 2006. Intensive diplomatic and political efforts to bring the non-signatories into the peace process continue. The UN has also provided logistical and technical assistance to AU monitors dispatched to Darfur since 2004, and has developed , adapted and is now implementing plans for a multidimensional peacekeeping operation. In accordance with the decision of the 16 November 2006 High-Level consultations in Addis Ababa — attended by the former Secretary-General, five Permanent Members of the Security Council, representatives of the Government of Sudan, the AU and other States and organizations with political influence in the region, and some African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) troop con - tributing countries — the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) designed a three-phased approach to augment AMIS and create an unprecedented hybrid AU-UN peacekeeping force. -
Dictators Walking the Mogadishu Line: How Men Become Monsters and Monsters Become Men∗
Dictators Walking the Mogadishu Line: How Men Become Monsters and Monsters Become Men∗ Shaun Larcom Mare Sarr Tim Willems June 2016 ∗Shaun Larcom is University Lecturer in the Department of Land Economy at the University of Cam- bridge. His email address is [email protected]. Mare Sarr (corresponding author) is Associate Professor in the School of Economics at the University of Cape Town. His email address is [email protected]. Tim Willems is an external Research Associate with OxCarre. His email address is [email protected]. The authors thank Denis Norman for sharing his experiences on life within the Mugabe-government. They also thank the editor (Andrew Foster), two anonymous referees, Rob Davies, Georgy Egorov, Bernardo Guimaraes, Juniours Marire, Athanasios Orphanides, Chrik Poortman, Ragnar Torvik, Wessel Vermeulen, Sam Wills, Li Yuan, Alex Zimper and audiences at the 7th Oxcarre Conference, the 2014 Political Economy Workshop in Milan, and the Universities of Cape Town, Oxford, Pretoria, Toulouse School of Economics, and the Graduate Institute Geneva for useful comments and discussions. Adeola Oyenubi provided excellent research assistance. 1 Let them hate me, as long as they fear me. Caligula, Roman Emperor from 37 to 41 AD. At some point in the second half of the 20th century, the world was in a state of excitement. The reason was that the white government of an African country had just announced the discharge of a prominent freedom fighter with a history within the South African ANC. After decades of tireless struggle for freedom and majority rule, he was convincingly elected to lead his country. -
Joint Supervision Mission Report
Multi-Country Demobilization and Reintegration Program Joint Supervision Mission September 23 – October 4, 2002 Aide-Mémoire 1. Within the framework of the Multi-Country Demobilization and Reintegration Program (MDRP), a joint donor/agency supervision mission visited Angola, Burundi, the Central African Republic (CAR), Congo, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Rwanda and Uganda from September 23 to October 4, 2002. The mission objectives were to: (i) assess MDRP implementation progress to date; (ii) explore opportunities to enhance coordination within the MDRP framework; and (iii) identify activities that should be considered for MDRP financing. 2. The joint mission provided a valuable opportunity to strengthen the MDRP partnership. The mission also afforded partners as well as national stakeholders concerned an opportunity to deepen their shared understanding of DDR issues on the ground and to strengthen the effectiveness of coordination at both national and regional levels. The attached mission report and annexed country reports present the mission’s findings and recommendations. 1. Regional context 3. Since the launch of the MDRP in April 2002, there has been a significant improvement in relations between key belligerents, including the termination of the civil war in Angola, the signing of the Pretoria and the Luanda Agreements, and the subsequent withdrawal of Rwandan and Ugandan troops from the DRC. However, there have also been some negative developments, such as the intensification of the conflict in Burundi, the uncertainty about the security framework for the eastern DRC following the withdrawal of foreign forces, and continued instability in northern Uganda. In this context, implementation progress in disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) activities has been limited. -
Year in Review 2007
TABLE OF CONTENTS Overview: 2007: a year of innovation, expansion and restructuring (page 1) Strengthening the Department of Political Affairs: a new focus on conflict prevention and resolution (page 5) Peacekeeping restructures to strengthen field operations (page 6) Africa: The United Nations and African Union forge a new partnership in Darfur (page 8) Slow progress for Sudan's peace agreement (page 10) DRC: a difficult year in the Kivus ends with a ray of hope (page 12) Photo essay (page 14), Combatting sexual violence: UN, government and NGOs take action in the DRC (page 16) UN works to end northern Uganda's 20-year conflict (page 17) Innovation through integration of UN efforts in Burundi (page 18) Americas: UN and national police work to New peacebuilding architecture frames support to Burundi, Sierra Leone (page 19) improve security in Haiti UN works with traditional leaders to prevent violence in Côte d'Ivoire (page 20) (page 28) Tensions build in Ethiopia and Eritrea (page 23) Europe: All-female police unit inspires Liberia's women (page 24) UN guides Kosovo on path towards Parties renew dialogue over Western Sahara while UN keeps the peace (page 26) final status (page 33) New approaches to peace process required in Somalia (page 27) Middle East: UN renews and strengthens its commitment to Iraq (page 31) Peacekeepers take innovative approach to community outreach in southern Lebanon (page 32) Asia: Myanmar: UN diplomacy in the global spotlight (page 35) Timor-Leste consolidates democracy during 2007 (page 36) Peace process challenged -
Kenya Lies on the Indian Ocean in Eastern Africa. It Borders Somalia and Ethiopia in the North, Uganda in the West, and Tanzania in the South and South-West
Kenya minorityrights.org/country/kenya/ June 19, 2015 Kenya lies on the Indian Ocean in eastern Africa. It borders Somalia and Ethiopia in the north, Uganda in the west, and Tanzania in the south and south-west. Lowland plains rise to central Kenya’s fertile highlands and snow-capped mountains. The presence of big game make Kenya’s savannahs a major attraction for international tourists. Colonial Kenya saw large-scale expropriation of agricultural land for European settlement in what is now the Rift Valley province – mostly land occupied at the time by pastoralists. Some of this land was subsequently settled by people from agriculturalist groups who had been recruited to work on the white farms, later acquiring some land themselves. Pastoralist groups played a less important role in the independence struggle and subsequent settlement. Arab traders and slavers profoundly influenced East Africa, leading to the creation of comparatively well-educated Swahili-speaking communities in coastal regions as well as the conversion of a quarter of the population to Islam. Declining political influence, combined with the impact of Islamic politics elsewhere, has led to growing resentment among many Kenyan Muslims. Kenyans of South Asian origin have also attracted hostility as a result of their commercial dominance. This has been aggravated by the wish of some Asian Kenyans not to mix socially with African Kenyans, and the overt racism of some. Pastoralists in the north of the country have long faced government neglect, while Somali pastoralists in the north-east have long been viewed with suspicion if not outright hostility by the authorities due to long-standing disputes between Kenya and Somalia. -
Final Communique of the Fifth Summit of Heads of States and Governments
FINAL COMMUNIQUE OF THE FIFTH SUMMIT OF HEADS OF STATES AND GOVERNMENTS The Fifth Summit of the COMESA Authority of Heads of State and Government was held at Grand Baie, Republic of Mauritius, from 17 - 19 May, 2000 under the theme: “COMESA FTA: Enhancing Investment and Competitiveness”. The Summit was attended by the following Heads of State and Government: a. His Excellency Daniel Toroitich arap Moi, President of the Republic of Kenya. b. Dr. The Honourable Navinchandra Ramgoolam, Prime Minister of the Republic of Mauritius. c. His Excellency Mr. Frederick J.T. Chiluba, President of the Republic of Zambia. d. His Excellency Mr. Robert G. Mugabe, President of the Republic of Zimbabwe. e. His Majesty King Mswati III, King of the Kingdom of Swaziland. f. His Excellency Dr. Sam Nujoma, President of the Republic of Namibia. g. His Excellency Dr. Bakili Muluzi, President of the Republic of Malawi. h. His Excellency Didier Ratsiraka, President of the Republic of Madagascar. i. His Excellency Paul Kagame, President of the Republic of Rwanda. The following Plenipotentiaries represented their countries: (a) The Right Honourable General Moses Ali, Second Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of Uganda. (b) His Excellency Amre Moussa, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Arab Republic of Egypt. (c) Honourable Girma Biru, Minister of Economic Development and Co-operation of Ethiopia. (d) Honourable Joseph Ntanyotora, Minister of Commerce and Tourism of the Republic of Burundi. (e) Honourable Ali Said Abdella, Minister for Trade and Industry of Eritrea. (f) Honourable Yerodia Abdoulaye Ndombasi, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Democratic Republic of Congo.