KING CHŎNGJO and ROYAL POWER in LATE CHOSŎN By
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TESTING THE LIMITS: KING CHŎNGJO AND ROYAL POWER IN LATE CHOSŎN by CHRISTOPHER LOVINS A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (Asian Studies) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) April 2014 © 2014 Christopher Lovins Abstract The present work examines the attempt of Chŏngjo, King of Korea from 1776 to 1800, to shift the balance of power in late Chosŏn Korea in favor of the crown. It examines the official court records, the King’s official writings, and the recent discovery of Chŏngjo’s “secret” letters to high official and ostensible enemy Sim Hwan-ji, using them to illustrate how the King navigated the labyrinthine webs of power. Chapter 1 lays the groundwork of late Chosŏn history and examines Chŏngjo’s legitimacy issues arising from the death of his father. Chapter 2 deals with political philosophy, as Chŏngjo struggled with the aristocracy over the proper interpretation of Neo-Confucian ideology. Chapter 3 addresses how Chŏngjo dealt with the various power groups at court. After looking at his early struggles with the machinations of Hong Kuk-gyŏng, it examines the intrigues against his half-brother Prince Ŭn-ŏn, his aunt Princess Hwawŏn, and his uncle Hong In-han, and reveals how the King sought to protect royal relatives to preserve the majesty of the royal clan and to dispel any pretensions his mother’s family may have had of dominating the throne. The chapter then turns to Chŏngjo’s handling of the major political factions and his subtle refinement of the Policy of Impartiality. Chapter 4 looks at Chŏngjo’s efforts to institute a system to perpetuate royal power. After briefly examining his struggles with the bureaucracy over a key government position, the chapter investigates his creation of two new administrative organs to strengthen royal power: a system to train future administrators in his own particular throne-centered interpretation of Confucianism, the ch’ogye munsin, and a locus of power outside the traditional bureaucratic ladder, the Royal Library. Chapter 5 addresses Chŏngjo’s military reforms. After gutting the established military organizations, he set up a new army ii under the command of his personally-selected governor in the city of Suwŏn, headquartered at the newly-constructed Illustrious Fortress. The sixth and final chapter concludes with an assessment of Chŏngjo’s reforms: He was largely successful in creating space for royal autonomy during his lifetime but was largely unsuccessful in perpetuating that power beyond his reign. iii Preface This dissertation is original, unpublished, independent work by the author, C. Lovins. iv Table of Contents Abstract..................................................................................................................................... ii Preface...................................................................................................................................... iv Table of Contents...................................................................................................................... v Acknowedgements................................................................................................................... vi Dedication............................................................................................................................... vii Chapter 1: Introduction............................................................................................................. 1 Chŏngjo in Late Chosŏn Historiography.......................................................................... 3 Argument and Structure of the Dissertation ..................................................................... 8 Background and Methodology: Chosŏn Political History at a Glance........................... 15 A Brief Note on Primary Sources ................................................................................... 34 A Brief Note on Names and Titles.................................................................................. 36 Chapter 2: The Politics of Confucianism................................................................................ 38 Education and the Classics.............................................................................................. 40 Discretion 權.................................................................................................................. 48 Chapter 3: Power and Factions ............................................................................................... 66 Early Setbacks: Hongs and Princes................................................................................. 69 The Policy of Impartiality............................................................................................... 78 Chapter 4: Building a System ................................................................................................. 97 Early Setbacks: The Struggle over Selection Secretaries ............................................... 99 Kyujanggak and Ch’ogye munsin: Education and Training......................................... 102 Expanding Recruitment: Northmen and Bastards......................................................... 114 Personal Rule: Circumventing Ministers...................................................................... 125 Chapter 5: Military Matters .................................................................................................. 140 The Illustrious Fortress: A Monument to Sado?........................................................... 141 The Robust and Brave Regiment: Whom Do They Serve? .......................................... 156 Chapter 6: Conclusion........................................................................................................... 164 Bibliography ......................................................................................................................... 176 v Acknowedgements This project could never have been completed without the support of numerous people. Chief among these is my supervisor, Don Baker, who first inspired me to investigate this topic, corrected numerous errors in the present work, and was a continuous source of both knowledge and inspiration. I also have to thank the other two members of the dissertation committee, Timothy Brook and Nam-lin Hur, for their guidance that I could not have done without, along with Timothy Cheek, Bruce Rusk, and Anders Karlsson. Other faculty at UBC who were always warm and supportive include Stefania Burk, Ross King, Sharalyn Orbaugh, Glen Peterson, and Chris Rea. Special thanks must go to Edward Slingerland, who never let me think my work was not worth doing. Much of the research on which this dissertation is based was conducted during a ten-month Fulbright grant in Seoul. I owe a great debt to both the Fulbright Commission and the Korean-American Educational Commission, and especially to the Executive Director of KAEC, Jai Ok Shim, and my academic liaison in Seoul, Milan Hetjmanek. Finally, my friends and family, both inside and outside the academic community: Clayton Ashton, Allen Chen, Wayne Kreger, Si Nae Park, Jen Ritchie, Jeong-a Sang, Edward Schaal, Sun Nee Tan, Robban Toleno, Scott Wells, and my two loving parents. vi Dedication To Dr. S.J. Barrett Who first told me I could do it vii Chapter 1: Introduction 況一天之下, 一國之內, 共尊一人, 同事一君者乎? All under a single Heaven and all within a single state, do they not together do homage to a single person and together as one serve a single ruler?1 For most of the twentieth century, the late Chosŏn 朝鮮 period in Korea (roughly 1700 to 1910) was regarded as a long, slow decline into factionalism and chaos, ending with the ignominy of Japanese colonialism. Locked into rigid Neo-Confucian ideology and riven by hereditary factions that argued over minutiae like proper mourning garments and classical writing styles, Chosŏn was trapped in a state of stagnation and was powerless when confronted with the modern world. However, in the past two decades, scholars have challenged this universally negative discourse of late Chosŏn political history. Perspectives of King Chŏngjo 正祖 (r. 1776-1800) are a case in point. For decades, Chŏngjo was a footnote in Chosŏn history, only mentioned in connection with Christian persecutions or with his copious writings. Only in the past ten years have Korean scholars seriously begun to reconsider the standard view of a corrupt, decaying, backward Chosŏn government (and, by extension, society),2 and commensurate with this, a few Korean scholars have led the charge in re-examining Chŏngjo’s policies and the strength of his kingship. These scholars argue that Chŏngjo was more than just an example of a filial son who protected Catholics from persecution. Building on their work, the present study contributes to the refutation of the 1 Chŏngjo sillok 1776.9.22. 2 Yun Nae-hyŏn, Pak Sŏng-su, and Yi Hyŏn-hŭi. Saeroun Han’guksa. Paju: Chipmundang, 2005. Even this recent history—despite purporting to be a “new” history free from the domination of Japanese colonial historiography—simply gives standard nationalist responses to colonialist claims about Chosŏn. In short, with chapter titles like “Minjung Ŭisik ŭi Hwakdae [Expansion of Mass Consciousness],” the dynasty is given credit for what the authors claim it was about to become (a modern state) rather than for what it was. 1 “steady decline” model of late Chosŏn history, the legacy