PLACE AND CONTESTED IDENTITY: PORTRAYING THE ROLE OF THE PLACE IN SHAPING COMMON SOCIOPOLITICAL IDENTITY IN THE , H.M. Ashraf Ali This research is about how a collective socio-political identity, the ‘Pahari’ (the hill people), is constructed by the ethnoculturally diversifi ed groups of indigenous people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) of Bangladesh. While conducting my PhD dissertation fi eldwork in the CHT, I experienced that most of the non-Bengali ethnicities use a common term ‘Pahari’ in their everyday conversations. This term derives from the Bengali word ‘pahar’, which means “hill”; and the term ‘Pahari’ is the term used by ‘the inhabitants of hills’ or ‘the hill people’ to introduce them to visi- tors, tourists, or in their everyday conversations. Of course, they have their own distinctive and individual ethnic identity marked by language, religion, kinship, and marriage system (e.g., Chakma, Marma, Tanchang ya). Thus, they have two different identities: the ethnic identity and the common socio-political identity. The infl uence of hills, land, forest, Kaptai Lake, and above all, the ecological system of this region on the economy and the lives of the people who live here is immense. In this research paper, I will refl ect on how a particular place, a different geographical setting, is used to bring group members of diverse ethnicities together in order to construct a common socio-political identity. Although the ‘place’ is central to the construction of this Pahari identity, social, economic, and political relations with the Bengalis appear as determining factors in adopting such collective identity by the culturally differentiating ethnicities in the CHT. Finally, I will describe how and why the Pahari identity is contested and contradictory in broader socio-political context in Bangladesh. he historical development, strategic Pali, Burmese, and Assamese dialect where- Tgeograhical position, ethnocultural di- as all the Bengalis of the plain speak in one versity, and economic-political signifi cance language—Bengali. From religious point of of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) has view, a majority of these ethnic groups such marked it as a unique place within South Asia. as the Chakma, the Marma, and the Tan- The CHT is situated in the southeast corner changya are Buddhists and the rest of them of Bangladesh and is bordered by the Indian are either followers of Hinduism or Christi- state of Tripura in the north and Mizoram anity. Conversely, the majority of the Benga- in the east. The country of bor- lis are followers of the religion of Islam. ders in the southeastern part. In Bangla- The twelve ethnic groups largely de- desh, this mountainous region of the CHT pend on shifting cultivation, forest, and hills is comprised of three districts—Rangamati, for their livelihoods whereas the Bengalis of Bandarban, and Khagrachari. The CHT the plain depend on a homogenous form of has been the home of the following 12 eth- agriculture: plough-cultivation (Ahsan and nic groups for hundreds of years: Chakma, Chakma 1989; Ali and Shafi e 2005; Chakma Tanchangya, Marma, Tripura, Reang, Mro, 2010; Schendel 1992). Thus, the CHT is a Lushai, Khumi, Chak, Khyang, Bawm, and very important region in Bangladesh for stra- Pankhua. These ethnic groups of people are tegic geographic position and security rea- distinct from the majority Bengali population sons (e.g., the border with India and Myan- of Bangladesh with respect to race/ethnic- mar), the location of hydroelectric power ity, language, culture, religion and other social resources (e.g., Kaptai Hydroelectric Proj- systems. For example, most of these ethnic ect), natural resources (e.g., forests and Kap- groups speak in a mixed language of Bengali, tai Lake), and possible economic and tourism

Graduate student; Department of Anthropology, University of Alberta Author contact: [email protected]

DIVERSIPEDE, Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 31-46, 2012 31 DIVERSIPEDE VOL. 1, NO. 2, 2012 development. Sociocultural differences and itants. They emphasize four key criteria, cultural diversity are prevalent throughout namely the ‘place’ and ‘time’, the ‘nature and this region, primarily due to the diversity of sources of their livelihoods’; and the ‘tradi- indigenous peoples. tion and pattern of lifestyle’ that markedly However, there are different discours- differs from the Bengalis of the plain. These es, confusions, and debates about the actual Pahari people argue that they are the original identity of these ethnic groups in CHT. The inhabitants of the CHT, as they have been people of the CHT have so far been repre- living in the hills for generations, at least sented as the Tribal or the Upzati in govern- since before the arrival of any Bengali here ment documents from the British colonial In this paper, I examine how and why government to independent Bangladesh. the CHT people from ethnoculturally diverse The Jummas, the Adivashi, and the indigenous groups use the term Pahari. Some anthropol- people are also the parallel collective identity ogists have recently used the term Pahari in for the twelve ethnic groups in the CHT, their research in the CHT (e.g., Ahamed 2006; which are mainly represented by the indige- Ali and Shafi e 2005; Uddin 2008), but none nous political groups, academic and indepen- of them contextualizes and elaborates upon dent researchers, and international human it in relation to place, recent sociocultural rights organizations (Ahamed 2006, 376; Ali change, and unequal power relations with- and Shafi e 2005, 68; UNDP 2009, 1). As this in the Pahari community. Considering the study observed, most of the indigenous peo- scope and objective of this paper, I will not ple in the study locality use the term Pahari in elaborate about the other parallel terms such their day to day conversations or to introduce as the Jummas, Adivashi, and stereotyped themselves to others (i.e., visitors or tourists). identity such as Upzati or Tribal. Throughout Sometimes they also use the term Adi- this paper I will use both terms Pahari and vashi, meaning ‘the original people/inhabit- indigenous to indicate all non-Bengali ethnic ants’, and sometimes they use the term Jum- groups in the CHT. Sometimes, I also use the ma, a term deriving from the practice of jhum phrase ‘CHT people’ to denote all the non- chash (shifting cultivation). The term Jumma Bengali people in the CHT. However, I have was romanticized and popularized by the in- observed that two common words, namely digenous political leadership to mobilize the Pahari and Adivashi, are mostly used by re- diverse ethnic groups from the CHT for the search participants and other local people resistance movement against the Bangladesh in this study area. Although Pahari and Adi- army and the immigrant Bengalis in the mid- vashi are used as the collective socio-political 1970s. Though various international human identity and they have intimate relationship rights organizations including the Interna- to a ‘place’ and ‘time’, I would rather confi ne tional Labor Organization (ILO) and the my focus on the Pahari and its background United Nations Development Programme and signifi cance in relation to their economic (UNDP) identify these 12 ethnic groups col- and sociopolitical life and how it is used to lectively as “indigenous people” based on differentiate the Pahari from the Bengalis of cultural traditions and way of life, the gov- the plains. ernment of Bangladesh has recently enlisted This paper is divided into three major them as “small ethnic groups” in the Bangla- sections. The fi rst section describes meth- desh Constitution (for a more detailed dis- odology, study locality and the ethnocultur- cussion of this, see The Daily Star 2011). al features of the research participants and In response, the people in the CHT dif- the historical/political context of the CHT. fer with this government decision. Rather, It highlights how the indigenous people at- they claim that they are the original inhab- tempt to bring aspects of social, economic 32 H.M. ASHRAF ALI PLACE AND CONTESTED IDENTITY

and political relations with the Bengalis and ples are Buddhist. Although the Tripura fol- the Bangladesh state together to form this lowed Hinduism, most of them in this study sociopolitical identity. The second section locality are converts to the religion of Chris- explains the term Pahari and how it is used tianity. The Lushais are Christians (Chakma by the study community in their everyday life. 2010). Assamese (locally called Ahamiya) It also concentrates on how the indigenous and Nepalese or Gurkha are Hindu. Both people link a place to the construction of the ancestors of the contemporary Ahamiya the collective Pahari identity. Finally, it dem- and Gurkha people living in the study local- onstrates how and why the Pahari identity is ity migrated from Assam in India and Nepal, contested and contradictory in broader so- respectively, during British colonial rule in ciopolitical context in Bangladesh. the 19th century. The social and cultural dif- ferences between the indigenous and Bengali METHODOLOGY population are marked by different ethnic My PhD dissertation fi eldwork on mi- origins, social organizations, and cultural sys- crocredit, power, and poverty at Rangamati tems (e.g., marriage, social customs, kinship, in CHT was conducted in two phases be- religion, and language). The Chakma, Mar- tween May 2009 and July 2011. I used stan- ma, Tripura, Tanchangya, and Lushai people dard anthropological data collection tech- lived in Rangamati long before the Bengali niques, including participant observation, people migrated to this region. It can be as- unstructured interviews with key informants, sumed from different historical sources and and semi-structured focus group interviews narratives of the local indigenous people that following purposive and snowball sampling. they are the original inhabitants of the CHT I talked to key informants, particularly to el- and are of Sino-Tibetan descent, belong- ders and community leaders. I also used rel- ing to the Mongoloid group (Chakma 2010, evant secondary data such as published re- 283). Linguistically, the Chakma, Marma, Tri- search works, books, and articles on the CHT pura, and Tanchangyas are associated with people. A digital voice recorder was used to Sino-Tibetan. It appears that both the major record interviews and informed consent was group of people might have migrated from taken with each informant. I used ATLAS. the Chin Hills and Arakan in Myanmar (e.g., ti 6.2, a qualitative data analysis tool, to code the Chakma, Marma, Tanchangya and Lus- and thematically analyze the data (Bernard hai) and Tripura in India (UNDP 2009; Ud- 2010; Fetterman 2010; Hammersley and At- din 2008). Therefore, most of the indigenous kinson 2007). people in this region are of Sino-Tibetan Who lives in the study locality? descent and have distinct Mongoloid racial characteristics that mark a signifi cant ethnic This study was conducted at Rangamati and cultural difference from the Bengalis, an in CHT of Bangladesh. One of the signifi - Indo-Aryan language group. cant aspects of the research area is the eth- CONSTRUCTING COMMON no- and sociocultural diversity present. Both SOCIOPOLITICAL IDENTITY: indigenous and Bengali peoples reside in the POLITICAL-HISTORICAL BACKGROUND CHT and practice many forms of religion. The indigenous people, collectively known The history of economic exploitation, as Pahari, include the Chakma, Marma, Tan- suffering, and antagonistic relationships be- changya, Tripura, Lushai, Ahamiya, and Gur- tween the Bengali and indigenous people kha. Bengalis are for the most part Muslim, in the CHT is linked to the discriminatory with a Hindu minority. The Chakma are the economic and political policies of both the largest of the indigenous groups of people. Pakistani government (1947-1971) and the The Chakma, Marma, and Tanchangya peo- government of independent Bangladesh 33 DIVERSIPEDE VOL. 1, NO. 2, 2012 that formed in the early 1970s (Nasrin and digenous people, particularly Chakma, who Togawa 2002; Uddin 2008). In 1947, the Brit- were mainly sedentary rice farmers (Bhikkhu ish withdrawal from the Indian subcontinent 2007, 2; Nasreen and Togawa 2002). The suf- led to the rise of two nation-states: India and fering caused by this displacement and loss Pakistan. This division of British India was of land continues to affect people today be- based on the “two nation theory” that inde- cause they have not yet been able to restore pendence activists devised to recognize the this crucial economic base. two major religious identities in the Indian Consequently, the indigenous people subcontinent: Hinduism in India and Islam began to mobilize the diverse ethnic groups in Pakistan (Schendel 1992, 116; Uddin 2008, in order to form a collective sociopoliti- 42). Today’s Bangladesh and the CHT were cal platform to protect their economy, land, included in the state of Pakistan because the and cultural identity. The fi rst collective use majority of the populace was Muslim. How- of the term ‘Pahari’ appeared in the forma- ever, the majority of indigenous populations tion of the “Pahari Chhatro Samity” (Hill in the CHT were non-Muslims. The Pakistani Students’ Association) to protest against the government abolished the semi-autonomous discriminatory economic and political poli- status, known as the CHT Regulation Act cies of the government of Pakistan in the 1900, of the CHT indigenous peoples in 1960s (e.g., the Kaptai hydroelectric project 1963. At the same time, this government im- and abolition of the semi-autonomous sta- posed development projects, including the tus of the CHT) (Schendel 1992, 120). The Kaptai Hydroelectric Project, which brought suffering, exploitation, and discrimination devastating social, economic, ecological, and of the CHT people continued after the in- humanitarian consequences (Uddin 2008, dependence of Bangladesh from Pakistan in 43). The infl ux of Bengali people into the 1971. Politically motivated migration into the CHT region from the plains followed. The CHT by Bengali people occurred on a mas- establishment of the Karnaphuli paper mill sive scale beginning in the late 1970s, backed and rayon, timber, and plywood industries by the military might of the state. However, in the 1950s, fi nanced by the World Bank, a delegation of indigenous political leaders brought immense suffering for the local in- led by the Member of Parliament Manoben- digenous peoples as they lost their lands dra Narayan Larma Chakma called on Prime and sources of livelihoods as forests were Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and sub- destroyed (Nasreen and Togawa 2002, 103). mitted a four-point memorandum on Febru- The construction of the Kaptai Hydroelec- ary 15, 1972. The major aspects highlighted tric Project (1959–1962), locally known as in this memorandum were: 1) recognition of Kaptai Dam, appeared as a curse for the peo- the diverse ethnic groups of the CHT as ‘in- ple who were living here. The construction digenous people’ in the Constitution of Ban- of the Kaptai Dam was fi nanced by the Unit- gladesh and the endorsement of the CHT as ed States Agency for International Develop- an autonomous region and setting up its own ment (USAID) and the World Bank (Nasreen legislative assembly; 2) retention of the CHT and Togawa 2002). It is the largest dam in Regulation Act 1900 in the Constitution; 3) South Asia and created a vast reservoir of retention of the offi ces of tribal chiefs such some 885 km (550 square miles). It was con- as the Chief; and 4) imposi- structed without any impact assessment or tion of constitutional restriction on the infl ux any consultation with representatives of the of the Bengalis in the CHT from the plains. local indigenous community. It submerged Instead, this proposal was refused categori- at least 40% of the total arable land of the cally by the Bangladeshi head of state. The CHT and displaced more than 100,000 in- Prime Minister instigated the indigenous 34 H.M. ASHRAF ALI PLACE AND CONTESTED IDENTITY people’s delegation team to become Bengali cupied by the different indigenous commu- by renouncing ‘the idea of separate identity’ nities was a main cause of antagonism be- (Mohsin 2004, 46; Uddin 2008, 45; UNDP tween the Bengali settlers and the indigenous 2009, 4). In addition to the refusal of this communities. The relationship between the proposal, the Government of Bangladesh indigenous and Bengali people had broken amended rule 34 (1) of the CHT Manual in down because the indigenous people had to 1979 allowing the resettlement of Bengali leave their ancestral lands as a result of this landless people (Nasreen and Togawa 2002, forced resettlement by the Bangladeshi gov- 105). Through this amendment, the Govern- ernment. In order to protect their ancestral ment of Bangladesh legalized the settlement lands and distinct cultural identity, the indige- of outsiders in the CHT that had previously nous political leaders stimulated the common been restricted by the British colonial ad- people from diverse ethnicities to participate ministration in the 1900s (i.e., CHT Regula- in resistance movements against the discrim- tion 1900). It was estimated that more than inatory political stance of the Bangladeshi 400,000 Bengalis had been uplifted from the government. The indigenous political lead- plain districts to transmigrate to the CHT by ers utilized some common grounds of iden- the successive governments of Bangladesh tity formation such as habitat, place, method from 1979 to the mid-1980s (UNDP 2009, of cultivation, and lifestyles of indigenous 5). people to separate all the non-Bengali ethnic Consequences of these political deci- groups from the Bengalis in the plains and sions of the Government of Bangladesh hence the political authority of Bangladesh. were widespread and devastating. An indig- Consequently, the terms ‘Adivashi’, ‘Jumma’ enous political party, the Parbattya Chatta- and ‘Pahari’ appeared in the discourse of the gram Jana Samhati Samity (PCJSS), which identity construction of the indigenous peo- formed in 1972, was involved in a resistance ple in the CHT in recent decades. The notion movement against the Bangladeshi army and of Jumma was developed in relation to jum immigrant armed groups. This indigenous agriculture or shifting cultivation and land armed group was locally known as ‘Shanti rights in the CHT. The indigenous political Bahini’ (Peace Troops). The PCJSS created party—the PCJSS—symbolized this notion the notion of ‘Jumma’, a collective identity of Jumma in order to revitalize the move- of all the indigenous people in the CHT, ment of regional autonomy, distinct cultur- to mobilize its people to participate in this al identity, and land rights. As described by resistance movement. Consequently, an ap- Ahamed (2006, 375): proximately two-decade indigenous resis- The symbolic use of traditional agricul- tance movement continued from 1975 to tural practices (jum) as collective ethnic the late 1990s which cost thousands of lives marker is a process of displaying a shared and brought enormous suffering (Arens and history of common past and present, in Chakma 2002; Levene 1999; Mohsin 2004). which all ethnic groups are intimately re- At long last, the CHT Peace Accord be- lated and attached to CHT land. The use tween the Government of Bangladesh and of Jumma is, in fact, an effort to uphold the PCJSS was signed on December 2, 1997. a common cultural identity. In the con- There is still resentment among the indige- struction of Jumma identity, the historical nous people as the peace accord is yet to be past is shaped by present political realities completely implemented by the Government in the CHT. Therefore, in practical terms, of Bangladesh (Chowdhury and Rafi 2001). Pahari and Jumma supplement each other The infl ux of the Bengali people from in the form of collective mobilization in the plains to lands that were previously oc- the CHT. 35 DIVERSIPEDE VOL. 1, NO. 2, 2012

Although the notion of Jumma was infl uen- Marma, Tanchangya, Tripura, Lushai, Gur- tial in the form of collective ethnic mobili- kha, or Ahamiya. People from each of these zation in the mid-1970s under the regional ethnic groups also use and identify with their political leadership of the PCJSS, it is mainly individual ethnic identity, such as Chakma, limited to the political discourse in the post- Marma, and Tanchangya. One Pahari infor- Peace Accord situation in the CHT. The mant said, “Pahari is our common identity common indigenous people often use the but Chakma, Tanchagya or Gurkha is our term Pahari in everyday conversations in re- individual ethnic identity.”2 It seems that the lation to place rather than Jumma in relation term Pahari is constructed based on territo- to the method of agriculture. Even the indig- rial, ecological, regional, and geographical enous political leaders use the word Pahari in signifi cance and its relations to the various their political speeches, seminars, press con- aspects of life of people in the CHT. ferences, and in other public discourse. This Obviously, this Pahari identity has is because most of these people have left broader social, cultural and political implica- their traditional shifting cultivation and are tions, especially when it is used to mark dif- now adopting new forms of farming in the ferences from the Bengalis and to connect hills. For example, instead of shifting cultiva- it to their struggle for social, economic, and tion, they are practising mixed crop or mixed political freedom (Ahamed 2006; Sen 1999). fruit gardening in the hills. They are relying In the following section, I will examine how on plough-cultivation in the well-suited low the place is brought into a focal point to the and levelled land. Thus, in changing situa- construction of the collective Pahari identity. tions and contexts, these groups of people HOW IS THE PAHARI IDENTITY LINKED TO A tend to choose the term Pahari to construct PLACE, THE CHT? their shared identity in relation to a place, sources of livelihood, and lifestyle. Place has Geographically, the CHT is a part of now become the key criterion for the indig- Hill Tripura and Arakan Yoma, branching enous people in determining difference from off from the Himalayan range and continu- the Bengalis; it has become a powerful sym- ing to the south through Assam and Hill Tri- bol to create a sociopolitical platform, as this pura of India to Arakan of Myanmar. The study observes. Karnaphuli is the largest of the rivers in the region. Due to the construction of a hydro- WHAT DOES THE AHARI TAND OR P S F ? electric project known as Kaptai Dam on the As described above, the people who Karnaphuli in 1962, a major portion of the live in the hills are the Pahari. But the ques- river has turned into Kaptai Lake (Chakma tion which arises is, are all the people who 2010; Chowdhury and Rafi 2001; Schendel live in the CHT in Bangladesh Pahari? While 1992). The hilly topography of the CHT conducting my dissertation fi eldwork in Ran- makes a difference in economic, social, and gamati, I have experienced that most of the cultural systems and lifestyles between Pahari indigenous people use the common term and the people of the plains in Bangladesh. Pahari to introduce themselves to visitors Although it is not known who fi rst used the and tourists. It is also used while interacting term Pahari, it is assumed that the indigenous with each other in various public domains. people in the hills coined it from the Bengali They are also identifi ed as the Pahari by the word pahar ‘hill’ and emphasizing the suffi x Bengali population. This is not their actual -i; together it means ‘inhabitants of the hill’, ethnic identity; they are ethnically Chakma, in reference to their dwelling or living place,

1 Sazib Bahadur, interview by Ashraf Ali. Rangamati, March 27, 2011, Interview #27. 36 H.M. ASHRAF ALI PLACE AND CONTESTED IDENTITY

reliance on hill, land, forest, and ecological tion of a territory, a Pahari homeland, the CHT system for their livelihood and subsistence (Schendel 1992). In fact, the construciton of economy (Ahamed 2006; Ali and Shafi e the Pahari identity is a recent sociopolitical 2005; Bhattacharya et al. 2005). The hill is phenonmenon in the CHT (Ahamed 2006). central to the construction of cultural and The Pahari, a common identity for all diverse sociopolitical identity of the indigenous peo- non-Bengali ethnic groups, is emerging in re- ple in the CHT. It is central because the hill sponse to the cultural, economic, and politi- is an integral part of their social, cultural and cal discrimination created by the government economic lives. The relationship between the and Bengalis in the recent past (e.g., the Kap- hill, ecological system, environemnt and the tai hydroelectric project in the 1960s and the people who live here is inseparable. The hills, resettlement policy in the late 1970s) as well forests, rivers, well-suited low and leveled as the current social and economic relations land between the hills, lake, and hundreds of with the Bengalis. Establishing land and ter- canals are major sources of farming, fi shing, ritorial rights is the central issue for why the and other direct and indirect sources of live- Pahari people have been struggling for de- lihoods for the people who live here. The in- cades to form a distinct cultural and sociopo- digenous hill people traditionally depend on litical platform and a collective identity. subsistence agriculture and they are predomi- A question that arises is, why are the nantly involved in shifting cultivation, which Pahari people so concerned for their territo- is locally called jhum chash; they also practice rial rights? My recent ethnographic fi eldwork plough cultivation at the fringe lands or in in the CHT provides possible explanations. the well-suited low and leveled land which is One of the explanations is that the indige- situated between uplands or mountains (Ali nous people are concerned about their econ- and Shafi e 2005, 81). This pattern of subsis- omy, future generations and their possible tence economy of the indigenous people in adaptation and coping strategies in response the CHT signifi cantly differs from the semi- to increasing population and loss of land and capitalistic agricultural economy of the plains natural resources in the hills. The impact of in Bangaldesh. a changing socioeconomic situaiton, domina- Thus, cultural and economic infl uecne tion of the Bengali business syndicate, and of the hill, forest, and biodiversity or eco- the penetration of the market economy has logical system on the life of the Pahari is im- created a challenge for the traditional subsis- mense. The attachment of the Pahari people tence economy of the indigenous farmers. to this natural environment and land is insep- As discussed above, traditionally the Pahari arable. The place is refl ected on every aspect people used to live solely on the hills, for- of the Paharis’ economic system, living pat- est, land and river for their livelihood. They tern, housing type, food practices, rituals, be- would enjoy a communal and collective land- lief systems, and gendered division of labor, ownership by giving revenues to the tradi- which is markedly different from the way of tional sociopolitical authority. The Pahari life of the Bengalis of the plains. Accordingly, people who live in the hills were the owners the local indigenous people emphasize four of the hills, land, forest, and natural resourc- key criteria: place, time, nature and sources es, but when the idea of propriety claims and of livelihoods, and the tradition and the dis- the conception of private ownership of land tinct pattern of lifestyles as the rationale for was developed and implemented in the CHT, the Pahari people began to encounter a seri- connecting place to their collective Pahari ous economic problem. As Schendel (1992, identity. In other words, social, cultural, and 122-123) wrote: political construction of the Pahari identity is directly linked to the possession or protec- The territorial thinking has developed 37 DIVERSIPEDE VOL. 1, NO. 2, 2012

strongly in reaction to proprietary claims of their pride and sense of belonging, by the British crown and its successor which as understood by them, necessar- governments, the introduction of private ily refutes cultural diversity among them. property rights in land, and exploitation Nevertheless, this study identifi es three key of the region’s resources. Among the in- aspects—place, social life, and economic-po- habitants of the hills, whose precolonial litical relations—between Bengali and non- forebears didn’t feel any particular close- Bengali ethnicities in the CHT. These factors ness to each other because they happened are intertwined and inseparable to the collec- to occupy the same tract of the hill land, tive Pahari identity construction process. It the possession of a homeland has now has already been discussed above how place become a core element in the construc- and political-historical relationships with the tion of a shared identity. Bangladeshi state and the Bengalis together Thus, the fear of the dispossession of rights infl uence the indigenous people in forming to land, hills, and natural resources is one various shared identities (e.g., the Jumma, the of the main reasons for why such shared Pahari). Now I will discuss how culturally identity has been constructed despite ethno- differentiated ethnic groups of people con- cultural differences within these groups. If verge to form a shared identity and how they the Pahari don’t have rights to the hills, it separate other groups in context of social might create a great threat to their existence, and cultural aspects of life and inter-ethnic to their livelihood and economy, culture and relations. identity. Since the hill people are generation- Ethnic boundaries and convergence of diverse ethnicities ally dependent on the traditional knowledge of shifting cultivation and other modern The place is not just a setting for social forms of farming in the hills, it seems to be and economic actions or the refl ections of diffi cult for many of them to fi nd alternative a particular way of life of the people. The means of livelihood. place can be used to represent the temporary grounding of ideas as well, as we experienced “COLLECTIVITY” AND “OTHERNESS”: in the case of the CHT (Rodman 1992). Be- COMPARING THE PAHARI-BENGALI sides, the territorial and ethnic boundaries of IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION the social relations among the Pahari play a Discussion clearly refl ects that the so- critical role in creating an alliance within or cial, cultural, and political construction of alienating others (i.e., the Bengalis). As de- the Pahari is deeply connected to a specifi c scribed above, different ethnic groups such place, the CHT. This Pahari identity has its as the Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Tanchang- local meaning and contexts, interpretations, ya, Lushai, Ahamiya, and Gurkha live in this and enormous implications for the lives of study community. There is a certain ethnic the people concerned. As Ahamed (2006, boundary for each of these ethnic groups 372) observed: based on their distinctive cultural and social organizations (e.g., religion, language, mar- The usage of the term Pahari bears its riage, kinship, sociopolitical leadership sys- own inclusive mechanism of cultural tem). Despite their ethnic and cultural dif- and geographical boundary maintenance ferences, all of these ethnic groups adopt a specifi c to CHT. Pahar symbolises the common sociopolitical identity, the Pahari. special distinction of territorial and cul- This dimension of the convergence of di- tural boundary between Pahari and Ben- verse ethnicities can be explained in relation gali people, highlights the only authenthic to the conception of “ethnic boundary”: home and place for the Pahari. Their unique lifestyle in CHT has become part The ethnic boundary canalize social 38 H.M. ASHRAF ALI PLACE AND CONTESTED IDENTITY

life—it entails a frequently quite com- passed by preparing and serving special items plex oragnization of behaviour and social of foods such as cakes, sweetmeat, and pachan relations. The identifi cation of another (mixed vegetables) to relatives and guests. Fi- person as a fellow member of an ethnic nally, the fi rst day of the Bengali New Year group implies a sharing of criteria for is marked by inviting guests and visiting rela- evaluation and judgement. It thus entails tives and tasting food including liquor, and the assumption that the two are funda- blissing the children and youth by the elders mentally ‘playing the same game’, and (Chakma 2006, 20-22). Thus, these common this means that there is between them a social life practices preformed by the people potential for diversifi cation and expan- in the CHT aid in constructing the common sion of their social relaitonships to cover sociopolitical identity: the Pahari. eventually all different sectors and do- Separating and constructing ‘Other’ mains of activity [Barth 1970, 15]. The Pahari people use the demarcation In this perspective, the construction of territorial and cultural boundaries as the of the Pahari identity within diverse ethnic main criteria in demonstrating their cultural groups in the CHT is based on the sharing distinctiveness from the Bengalis. Patterns criteria for evaluation and judgement (Barth of inter-ethnic relations are also a key aspect 1970, 15). Of course, there are certain indi- that mark differences between the Pahari and vidual and group interests and other social the Bengalis. In most cases, as this study ob- and economic forces that act in motivating serves, the Pahari people identify the Bengalis these diverse ethnic groups to form a shared as the “settlers” and by other negative terms identity. For instance, they live in the same such as Bangiya (strangers/outsiders from place, and they have a common interest to the plains). From an ethno-cultural point of protect their land and natural resources from view, all of the indigenous people are non- the intrusion of the state and the Bengalis. Muslims and their mother tongue isn’t Ben- They are also exploited and discriminated gali. In this regard, the identifi cation of the socially and economically by the Bengalis in Bengalis as outsiders or Bangiya implies that, their everyday life. In order to achieve relief as Barth (1970,15) describes, there is from the domination and exploitation they face, the Pahari want to establish social, eco- a recognition of limitations on shared nomic, and political freedoms. There is also understandings, differences in criteria for a closeness of social life among these ethnic judgement of value and performance, groups as they share some common rituals and a restriction of interaction to sectors and cultural practices including Biju, Boisha- of assumed common understanding and bi, etc. The Biju, the biggest social festival of mutual interest. the indigenous people of the CHT (for more In other words, there is a negative relation- information, see The Daily Star 2010), is cel- ship of “assumed common understanding ebrated for three consective days beginning and mutual interest” (Barth 1970, 15) re- from the second-last day of the past Ben- garding social, economic, and political issues gali year to the fi rst day of the new Bengali between the Pahari and the Bengalis in the year—that is, from April 12 to April 14. The CHT. The relationship between the Pahari grand festival is to say goodbye to the past and the Bengali is confl ictive because the im- year’s sorrows and welcome the new year migrant Bengalis were settled in the lands of with hope for a prosperous future. The fi rst the CHT previously occupied by the Pahari. day is marked by fl oating fl owers on Kaptai There is also an issue of lack of mutual trust Lake, rivers, or water fountains seeking divine and shared understanding, as these two rival blessings and prosperity. The following day is groups are struggling with each other to se- 39 DIVERSIPEDE VOL. 1, NO. 2, 2012 cure their supremacy in the CHT region in That day a Pahari was saying that it is our re- regard to land, economic and political rights. gion we cannot accept the presence of Ben- The Bengali settlers began migrating gali settlers here.”2 This statement implies after the independence of Bangladesh in that the Pahari are the authentic owners of 1971. Based on the narratives of key infor- the hills and lands in the CHT, and the Pahari mants from Pahari communities, this study still view the presence of the Bengali settlers found that the social, economic, and politi- as problematic, a barrier for their social and cal relationship between the Pahari and the economic development. Bengalis was positive before the liberation CHANGE, ASYMMETRY OF POWER, war in 1971, but the situation has changed. AND CONTESTED IDENTITY Bengalis are now perceived as “bad people,” “rapist,” “torturer,” and “killer” by the Pa- As manifested in the above discussion, hari (Schendel 1992, 122). Since the Bengalis the construction of the Pahari identity is not were allegedly involved in various misdeeds independent of prejudgements and contes- and criminal activities such as transgress- tation. It is more of the regional, territorial, ing the lands and natural resources owned economic, and sociopolitical than mere cul- by the Pahari, kidnapping, rape, killing, and tural similarities and differences between the extortion, the Pahari began to change their Pahari and the Bengalis. Besides the recent previous positive perceptions (Halim et al. Bengali immigrants, local Pahari often ad- 2005; Karim 1998). Many indigenous people dress them as settlers, Bangiya or sometimes lost their land and homes and became refu- outsiders, there are a large number of Ben- gees as a result of the social instability cre- gali people who have been living in the CHT ated by rehabilitation of the Bengali people region since the British colonial period. Note, in the CHT region. This resettlement policy however, the British local administration set- was (and still is) considered a nuisance, un- tled some Bengali farmers from the nearby acceptable, and a discriminatory political de- Chittagong district to teach the Pahari how cision which has been directly responsible to use the plough and other modern tech- for deteriorating inter-ethnic relationships nologies and to increase agricultural produc- between the Pahari and the Bengalis. Even tion beyond that of the subsistence economy the relationship between the Pahari and the of jum cultivation. The Pahari people exclude Bengalis who have been living in the CHT the Bengalis from the Pahari categorization since the British period (1760-1947) disin- based on their cultural differences such as tegrated. The Pahari people hardly made a language, religion, economic activities, kin- distinction between Pahari and Bengali in ship, and political systems (Ahamed 2006, the past. The Pahari were used to living to- 371; Schendel 1992, 106). gether peacefully, they co-operated with each The logic of cultural difference used in other, and they rarely participated in ethnic separating the Pahari from the Bengalis has confl ict and violence like murder and arson weakened as the Pahari people are experienc- after the resettlement policy was established ing a signifi cant cultural and sociopolitical in the mid-1970s. Consequently, by identify- change in the post-peace accord development ing the Bengalis as Bangiya, the Pahari people era in the CHT. This study identifi ed that the are separating the Bengalis from the rights to cultural differences between the Pahari and live in the hills. A key Bengali informant said, Bengali has been reduced in the domains of “There are still some Pahari people who can- the style of dress, language, marriage, and so- not accept the presence of Bengali settlers. ciopolitical leadership. Most Pahari men and

2 Momen Ahamed, interview by Ashraf Ali. Rangamati, July 27, 2009, Interview #6. 40 H.M. ASHRAF ALI PLACE AND CONTESTED IDENTITY

women wear Bengali dress, speak in Bengali Dress, behavior, attitude, and pattern of dialect, and have adopted cultural traits and interaction with Bengali people have changed rituals from the pattern of Bengali marriage. signifi cantly for these ethnicities over the Religious transformation and interethnic last few years. One of the key indicators of marriage are notable examples of cultural changing inter-ethnic relationships is differ- change in the CHT. Pahari groups such as ent social and cultural functions and food the Tripura and Ahamiya are converting to practices. Nowadays, most marriage and cir- the religion of Christianity, abandoning their cumcision ceremonies, death or birth rituals, traditional religion of Hinduism. Change of and other major sociocultural and religious religion together with ethnic identity is also festivals (e.g., Biju, Eid, Pujas) are visibly a recent phenomenon in the CHT. For in- marked with the attendance of multiethnic stance, women have to change their religious groups of people with different types of and ethnic identities and even their personal foods. Bengali people participate in the social names if they are going to marry someone occasions of indigenous people (e.g., Biju, from other than their own ethnic group and marriage ceremony) and indigenous people religion. Pahari and non-Muslim Bengali participate in the socioreligious events of Pu- women have to sacrifi ce their traditional re- jas and marriage ceremonies of the Hindus, ligion of Buddhism or Hinduism whenever and Eid of the Muslims. If a Muslim person they wish to have husbands from other eth- organizes a ceremonial occasion, he invites nicities such as Bengali Muslim. A total of guests from multiethnic religious groups in- 37 cases of interethnic marriages were identi- cluding Hindus, Christians, and Buddhists, fi ed in recent years in the study area: within and including Chakma, Marma, Tanchangya the Pahari community, 25; between Pahari people. In this case, the host will serve food men and Bengali Hindu women, 6; and be- that can be eaten by all the guests. For exam- tween Pahari women and Bengali men, 6. ple, chicken or mutton will be served instead In the third category, all the Pahari women, of beef. Similarly, a Hindu or Chakma person including Marma, Tanchangya, Ahamiya, will serve food that is not taboo for any guest and Gurkha, had to change their traditional attending there. In other words, food taboos religion, ethnic identity, titles, and names. are seriously taken into consideration for in- They had to adopt a new ethnic and religious viting guests from different ethnicities. Such identity in accordance with the religious and a trend of social and cultural behavior stands patriarchal tradition of their Bengali Muslim as a symbol of respect and tolerance for husbands. Interestingly, there is no instance each other’s social and cultural practices. The where a Bengali Muslim woman married a personal experience of eating together in a non-Muslim man. Based on the narratives of given place under certain circumstances may the couples this study observed, interethnic transform the event as a whole into a shared marriages may happen because of passion, and collective experience of mutual trust and social and cultural proximity, and economic respect, equity, and pleasure. Thus, sharing factors. Social, cultural, and religious resem- foods and eating together can be a powerful blance is found as one of the dominant fac- symbol of social solidarity, friendship, and tors for the high incidence of inter-ethnic celebration (Korsmeyer 1999). Such changes marriage between non-Muslim Bengali and in the lives of the Pahari and the Bengalis non-Bengali people in the study area. The indicates that the antagonistic relationship weak socioeconomic background of parents between these two groups is diminishing, at sometimes may have forced some young least to some extent. women to choose life partners from other Change has also been observed in the ethnicities and religions. pattern of dress used and worn by indige- 41 DIVERSIPEDE VOL. 1, NO. 2, 2012 nous girls and women, particularly the Chak- confl icts (e.g., marriage, divorce) or disputes ma, Marma, Tripura, and Tanchnagya, who over land under their jurisdiction. This po- are traditionally used to wearing a slightly litical leadership is traditionally dominated shorter dress than that of Bengali girls and by males. However, the effectiveness of this women. They are now tending to leave their sociopolitical system has been reduced with traditional dress for certain social and eco- the introduction of local government admin- nomic realities. In order to better adapt to istration (e.g., Union Parishad, Municipality) changing social and cultural situations, and in the CHT. For instance, the study locality to participate in educational institutions or is part of Bangladesh’s Rangamati Munici- in other public domains, Pahari girls and pality. This is also under the jurisdiction of women are adopting the style of dress from the Chakma Circle Chief, a headman, and a the cultural mainstream in Bangladesh. Edu- Karbari. The local government representa- cated girls seem to have a tendency to wear tives are elected both from the Bengali and Bengali-style shalwar kamiz, a three-piece the Pahari communities. The changing role dress; indigenous women mostly wear the of the traditional sociopolitical leadership saree like the Bengali women, leaving their brings a different experience for the Pahari traditional thamis and pinon when they are out people as they are exposed to more dynamic of the home. Of course, they still wear their and democratic political systems instead of traditional dresses in their own traditional so- patriarchal, male dominated, hierarchical cial and cultural programs. Change has also power structures. In practice, most disputes been observed in the dress of the indigenous centering on land, marriage, and other social men. This change is largely infl uenced by the issues are now settled by the elected politi- greater exposure of the Pahari people to the cal representatives, police stations, or by the wider society in Bangladesh, the increasing courts. rate of education, and the positive interac- In this connection, the construction of tion with the Bengalis. collective Pahari identity based on cultural The Pahari people have also experi- demarcation between the non-Bengali eth- enced an important change in terms of their nicities in the CHT and the Bengalis of the traditional sociopolitical structure in the plains involves overlapping and contestation. CHT. Unlike the other parts of Bangladesh, Moreover, there exists social and economic the CHT has local government administra- inequality and asymmetry of power relations tion with the traditional three administrative within the diverse ethnic groups such as the circles—the Chakma Circle, the , Chakmas, which are percieved as the most and the Bomong Circle—for three separate advanced among all the ethnic minorities in hill districts—Rangamati, Khagrachari, and terms of their social, economic, and political Bandarban, respectively. Each circle is di- development in the CHT. vided into a number of Mouzas, and each Internal power asymmetries, domina- Mouza, a group of villages regarded as an ad- tion, and deprivation are some of the com- ministrative unit of government, particularly mon predicaments which appear for the for revenue collection, is further divided into indigenous people, turning a shared iden- hamlets or villages (Zabarang Kalyan Samity tity (e.g., Jumma, Pahari) into a “political 2012). The Circle Chief is mainly responsible pipe-dream” (Schendel 1992, 124). Even if for administrative functions including land it is compared with that of the Bengalis, the and revenue and dispute resolution. Each Chakmas are almost in line with the Bengalis Mouza has its own headman to collect rev- because they hold some important economic enue for the Circle Chief, and a Karbari as- and political positions in Rangamati, includ- sists the headman in resolving internal social ing on the CHT Regional Council and Ran- 42 H.M. ASHRAF ALI PLACE AND CONTESTED IDENTITY gamati Hill District Council, as well as the for a majority of the Pahari in the CHT, given Chakma Circle Chief; they are also involved current socioeconomic realities. In practical in different government and non-govern- terms, both the internal and external dynam- mental organizations with the Bengalis. As ics of the social, political, economic lives of Schendel (1992, 124) wrote: the CHT people appear as fundamental chal- lenges to strengthening feelings of belong- Acceptance of the Jumma identity de- ing to a community, to mobilizing the diverse pends on the degree to which old inter- ethnicities in order to bring all members to- group perceptions can be neutralized. For gether in one political platform—the Pahari. example, some groups consider them- selves more ‘advanced’ than others; this is CONCLUSIONS especially clear in the traditional division The place—the CHT—is central to the between ‘river-valley’ groups (e.g., Marma construction of the collecitve Pahari iden- and Chakma) and ‘hill-top’ groups (e.g., tity. The Pahari, like Jumma, has appeared as Bawm, Mru and Khumi). a form of imagined community, promoting From this persepctive, the idea of a col- a sense of community-belonging among di- lective identity—the Pahari—is equivocal, verse ethnicities in the CHT despite the ex- especially because of internal dynamics of istence of inequality, asymmetry of power, domination, hierarchies, ignorance, and ex- and contradiction within (Anderson 2006). ploitation. It seems that there exits a recog- The collective Pahari identity has been rep- nition of limitations on shared understand- resented as a sysmbol of protest against the ings and mutual interest within the diverse discriminatory political policy of the state of ethnicities (Barth 1970, 15). For example, the Bangladesh and the intrusion of the Ben- Chakmas are in better positions, both in the galis in the CHT. For the Pahari people, the education and government sectors, because CHT has a “unique reality” (Rodman 1992). they can avail the special quota allotted for all It seems that there is a shared meaning when the disadvantaged ethnic groups in the CHT. the Pahari separate them from the Bengalis Small ethnic groups such as the Tanchangya, of the plains. Certainly, there is a signifi cant Pankhua, Khiang, Mro, Khumi, and Bawam difference of cultural and historical experi- are deprived of these social and economic ences between the peoples who live in the opportunities because they are relatively mar- hills and in the plains. Culturally, the Pahari ginal, both in terms of economic and politi- set themselves apart from the Bengalis in cal power (Ali and Ahsan 2005; Uddin 2008). terms of their non-Islamic religious outlook The way of life of the most of these eth- and different mother tongues. Historically, nic groups has meanwhile been infl uenced the Pahari people have shared a unique ex- by the changing socialpolitical, cultural, and perience, as they have been repeatedly in- economic situations in recent years. Many vaded by outsiders since before the colonial of the Pahari have gradually been connected past (Schendel 1992). Of course, there is in with the wider Bangladeshi society because actuality much ethnic mobilization based on of their increasing physical mobility. Increas- cultural and historical background. For ex- ing population growth, land loss, and limited ample, the indigenous political leadership or lack of sources of livelihoods in the CHT has succeeded in mobilizing the diverse eth- have forced both poor and non-poor Pahari nic groups through the construction of such to migrate to other towns and cities in Ban- shared identities as the Jumma in the mid- gladesh. Pahari people often migrate to ur- 1970s. The indigenous political movement ban centers such as Chittagong and Dhaka to under the leadership of the PCJSS from the seek jobs, business and education opportuni- 1970s to the 1990s contested the military ties, and for other purposes. This is inevitable force of Bangladesh, a protest against dis- 43 DIVERSIPEDE VOL. 1, NO. 2, 2012 criminatory political policies, including the cultural relations. In this regard, the dynamic infl ux of the Bengalis from the plains into construct of place—the CHT—represents the CHT, led to the CHT Peace Accord in the innovative conceptualization of the in- 1997. The government declared to protect digenous people (e.g., the Jumma, the Pa- social, economic, and political rights of in- hari). This is part of an endeavor to achieve digenous people, though the major provision social, economic, and political freedoms (Sen of this agreement has not been fully imple- 1999). The idea of ‘Pahari’ has already been mented yet. Nevertheless, the Pahari political turned into a form of political identity and leadership is encountering internal political into a salient social and economic move- rivalry from a new regional political party, the ment. Dispossession of land, changes in tra- United People’s Democratic Front (UPDF), ditional patterns of livelihood, deprivations, formed in 1998 by a group of the Pahari pro- and uncertainty about the economic future testing the peace accord between the PCJSS are key factors infl uencing the Pahari to form and the Government of Bangladesh (Uddin a shared sociopolitical identity in the CHT. 2010, 27). The UPDF demands regional au- Unlike the direct confrontation with the tonomy for the CHT, which is not a provi- Bangladesh state that took place in the mid- sion in the peace accord. Both the PCJSS and 1970s, the Pahari people are now engaged the UPDF are currently involved in political in devising new strategies to adapt better to dispute over this issue. Whereas the PCJSS changing times. Obviously, the construction seems liberal, the UPDF is very much con- of a shared sociopolitical Pahari identity is servative in maintaining political relations part of this maneuver. Thus, the invention with Bengalis and the Bangladeshi state, es- of the Pahari identity itself is a response to pecially in pursuing their political demands. contemporary societal changes, demonstrat- ing the common goal of turning this collec- Nevertheless, the political goal of both par- tive identity into a form of political existence ties is the same: to relieve the Pahari from the separate from the infl uence of the nation- economic and political domination of the state of Bangladesh. Bengalis and the nation-state of Bangladesh. I have argued here that the construction ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS of the Pahari identity is part of the continu- I am grateful to the Department of An- ous political resistance against the recurrent thropology, University of Alberta, for grant- discrimination, deprivation, and marginaliza- ing me both research and travel grants for tion by the state of Bangladesh, manifested conducting my PhD dissertation fi eldwork in in part by a demarcation of identity between Bangladesh in 2009 and 2011. I am immense- Pahari and Bengalis. The Pahari identity ly indebted to my PhD supervisor, Dr. Helen becomes more meaningful and signifi cant Vallianatos, for her invaluable inspiration, when it is used as a voice against the discrimi- continuous academic support, comments, natory economic and political stance of the suggestions, and direction throughout the Government of Bangladesh; it is a powerful process of conducting and completing my social, economic, and political symbol when fi eldwork and research. I must express my people dedicate themselves to protecting immense gratitude and respect to all of my their rights to land and livelihood. Instead of research participants, key informants, NGO internal cultural differences, the Indigenous offi cials and workers. Without their keen in- Pahari people bring place to the forefront in terest, valuable time, and profound and gen- the construction of this identity shared by erous support, the successful completion of diverse ethnicities. They deliberately exclude my fi eldwork in the CHT, Bangladesh, would Bengalis from the Pahari identity despite have been quite impossible. I am profoundly some signs of increasingly positive social and grateful to them for providing their full sup- 44 H.M. ASHRAF ALI PLACE AND CONTESTED IDENTITY

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