The Game of Pyramids

THE GAME OF PYRAMIDS

MOVEMENTS

HEALTH GUIDELINES

Suela Aksoy Luc Fransen June 2014 ‘Master thesis Political Science’ and Global Politics of Sustainability

CONTENT

1. Food matters 1.1 Methodology 2. Nutritionism paradigms 2.1 Good and bad era – mainstream dietary guidelines 2.1.1 Food Guide Pyramid 2.2 Functional nutritionism 2.3 Counter-movements 3. Theoretical framework: Transition theory 3.1 Regime, niche and landscape 3.2 Conceptual framework of transitions 3.3 Niche conceptualisation 3.3.1 Grassroots initiatives 3.3.2 Grassroots innovative potential 3.3.2.1 Simple niches 3.3.2.2 Strategic niches 4. Empirical analysis I: The Food System 4.1 Landscape 4.2 Regime 4.2.1 Corporate influence on governments, science and consumers 5. Empirical analysis II: Alternative Food Movements as Niches 5.1 Paleo and Het Oerdieet 5.2 Voedselzandloper 5.3 Vegetarians and Vegans 5.4 Raw food 5.5 Youth Food Movement 5.6 Food Guerrilla 5.7 Food Watch 6. Conclusion empirical analysis: How do alternative food movements tackle issues? 6.1 AFM: Alternating the conventional guidelines 6.2 AFM: Alternatives to tackle issues concerning health and other food related issues 7. Discussion 8. References 9. Appendix

2 1. FOOD MATTERS

Food is the number one cause of premature death in the Western world. Over- consumption has become a global problem. Unhealthy food is everywhere, widely available and promoted, easy to consume and often cheaper than a healthier alternative. Governments facing with the human health consequences have put more emphasis on the governance of food as a result of more diets containing fat, salt and sweet (Fuchs & Kalfagianni, 2010: 21). They have been telling people what to eat for more than a century. The advice promoted eating more vegetables and to avoid being overweight, as a means to promote health (Nestle, 2013: 31). Still, since 1980 worldwide obesity has nearly doubled and 65% the population in world live in countries where overweight and obesity kills more people than underweight. In addition, 44% of the diabetes, 23% of the heart diseases, and between 7% and 41% of certain cancer burdens are consequences of overweight and obesity.1 However, there are numerous initiatives around the globe that strive to make food sufficiently available, safe and nutri- tious, and in an honest and sustainable manner. This might also be the reason of an increase in so-called food movements, coming up with alternatives in order to tackle issues concerning dietary patterns, health and other food related issues. Obviously, there is an academic gap in studies on these alternative food movements (AFM), their dynamics and developments, but also their motivations. Scholars mainly refer to obesity as an epidemic, its socio-economical burdens, and the role of the food industry and governments on obesity (Ludwig & Nestle, 2008; Lawrence, 2004; Guthman & Dupuis: 2006). Besides, existing studies on activist movements are often within production-centred perspective (Goodman & Dupuis, 2002: 9). Dahlberg states that if we were serious about food and about laying the groundwork for sustainability (locally, nationally, globally), then ‘we must go beyond the typical narrow focus on production [agriculture] to a broad analysis of complete food systems’ (in De- lind, 2011: 273). The focus on food and sustainability is often manifested in an ecological perspective (McMichael et al. 1999). However, as broader interpretation it could also involve the sustainability of human health. Many scholars have studied the dangers of sugar and sweeteners (Lustig et al. 2012; Popkin, 2012; Pomeranz, 2012); and good and bad fats (McClain et al, 2007; Clouston & Powell, 2004; Ascherio & Willet, 1997). Yet, it is academically relevant to ease the lack of studies in political science and international relations by focusing on how alternative food movements deal with dietary patterns, influenced by the government’s dietary guidelines, in order to promote health. Therefore the research question is as follows:

‘How do alternative food movements tackle issues concerning dietary guidelines and health in the food system?’

The AFM will be approached as a niche within the framework of transition theory (Grin et al. 2010), because this theoretical framework provides the research to explore AFM, and create a better understanding of how and why they operate in a certain way. Obviously, the proposition that comes with this framework – when answering the research question – is the exploration of a certain transformative power of the AFM. The aim of the paper, however, is to emphasize and understand the multitude of AFM, which in turn might imply that some of them might be a part of transition and

1 Website World Health Organisation: http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs311/en/

3 some of them are consciously or unconsciously not involved. Therefore, the core emphasis lies within the aim to analyse and create a better understanding of (a) of the multitude of niches within the food system, and (b) their development regarding how they tackle issues concerning health and dietary guidelines and why they do what they do. As the cover shows, the research question implies three concepts: movements, guidelines and health. I refer to movements as niches, because – within the context of the theoretical framework – niches can be divided into different forms, such as a person or group introducing an alternative guideline for a better health or an organisation/movement who serves an alternative to tackle issues in the food system. I did not prefer to use the term niche in research question, because the term is popularly known as a specialized and profitable segment of the market. However, the transition theory allows conceptualising the niche within the context of (social) movements. Therefore, in order to avoid misunderstandings the research question refers to motivations as niches (within the framework of transition theory). Furthermore, when analysing AFM as movements, it is important to be clear about the notion of alternativeness. Since movements imply specific forms of seize and activities, it might be contrasting to the nature of alternativeness. In this thesis I adhere to the meaning of alternative as the dictionary states, ‘(one of more thing) available as a possibility or choice’ or ‘relating to activities that depart from or challenge traditional norms’. Finally, health is related to diseases such as diabetes, certain cancer burdens and cardiovascular burdens. The societal relevance of this research implies for readers a better understanding of the role of AFM en their importance in a food system, characterised by an increasing need to take action in order to tackle health related diseases. Finally, it has to be said that this paper does not aim to state what is good or bad. It is up to the reader to interpret individually the alternative, which means to determine whether and alternative would work for them or not.

1.1 Methodology The unit of analysis in my research will be alternative food movements, involving nine samples:

• Het Oerdieet (Remko Kuipers, The Primal Diet) • De Voedselzandloper (Kris Verburgh, The Food Hourglass) • Veganism • Vegetarianism • Paleo • Raw food • Youth Food Movement • Food Guerrilla • Food Watch

This thesis is a qualitative research, which involved data gathering through observa- tions (website and documents) and interviews. I gained knowledge on the AFM by, firstly, analysing the form and seize of AFM, which refers to the amount of members or followers, the popularity or impact on people. Secondly, I have focused on the AFMs environment, which implies their commonalities, interlinks or differences with each other, their criticisms, and their relation to the government and corporate actors.

4 Furthermore, I have conducted the interviews in order to orientate, but also to gain insight on the movement’s vision and beliefs, and the personal experiences of the spokesperson. The focus of the research question is on health issues. Therefore, some question were asked as clear as possible in order to gather information that shows the relevance of these AFM concerning health issues. I have asked the questions in semi- structured way (see appendix 1.) in order to conduct interviews that are comparable, but still with the openness for interviewees to give useful information. The selection of the AFM was based on the criteria that it is an innovative practice, it is not merely focused on a weight-loss program, it is globally known or it is a globally known organisation. This implies a variety of niches with a large n. It has been not feasible for this research to do a large n study, but to reduce validity threats I have approached AFM that differ from each other and also some movements that seem to have similar visions but differ in their actions. In order to reduce the chance of biased responses I, consciously, did not use ‘niche’ in the questions, nor did I explore the theoretical framework to the interviewees. Yet, in order to increase reliability I also analysed the available and popular books of AFM. Most of the AFM exist less than five years and others can be described as communities. Therefore I have also analysed all the AFMs websites or searched for the pioneers within the movements. Unfortunately, I could not arrange an interview with Food Watch and some email contact with the Vegetarian movement (Vegetariërsbond), but their websites and literature offered sufficient information in order to make statements. Finally, the locus of this research was mainly the Netherlands. However, food policies are regulated by European legislation. European dietary guidelines are highly influenced by the guidelines of United States Department of Agriculture (USDA). Therefore, I will pay attention to the developments in the US and at the European level. However, there is some space for states to translate these guidelines for their own populations. Sweden, for example is the first western country that it is in favour of the low-carb and high-fat nutrition advice and it is willing to adjust dietary guidelines for obesity treatment.2 The Dutch government has received many critiques concerning the expiration date of the Dutch food guidelines. Therefore, it is an interesting case to look at, since there is an important role to be played by the AFM. I will start exploring the historical outline of the relation between dietary advice and the role of different actors through the ideology and paradigms on nutritionism as it is described by Scrinis (2013). As I advance through the theoretical framework, I will adjust the transition theory through conceptualising the multitude of niches. Sub- sequently, the empirical section is divided in two parts with the first showing the results of document and literature analysis; and the second part shows results empirical analysis obtained from each alternative food movement. Then I draw conclusion from this empirical analysis related to an updated transition theory, which is also suitable for studying alternative food movements as niches in other countries. Finally the discussion will evaluate the research and I will make recommendations for future research.

2 Website of the famous Swedish nutrition expert: http://www.dietdoctor.com/swedish-expert-committee-low-carb-diet-effective-weight-loss

2. NUTRITIONISM PARADIGMS

Scrinis describes the relation between dietary advice and the role of different actors through the ideology and paradigms on nutritionism. The purpose of this section is twofold. On the one hand I will expand on nutritionism, which will serve as a historical explanation of dietary advice and the food system. On the other hand I will touch on the pitfalls of the nutritionism paradigm on the role of AFM. Therefore, this section serves as a starting point to position the AFM in the food system, which will be done through the theoretical framework in the following section. In Nutritionism (2013) Scrinis argues that since the late nineteenth century nutrition science research is framed and shaped by the ideology of nutritionism. Nutrition- ism – or nutritional reductionism – is characterised by ‘a reductive focus on the nutrient composition of foods as the means for understanding their healthfulness’ (p. 2). He says that this ideology of nutritionism has informed dietary advice, food-labelling regulations, food engineering and marketing practices, and the public understanding of food. Nutrition science translated this into nutritionally reductive dietary guidelines, which has resulted in the de-contextualization, simplification, and exaggeration of the role of nutrients in determining bodily health (p. 5-6). Scrinis refers to nutritionism not only as an ideology, but also as a paradigm. The paradigms of nutritionism systematically frame scientific research over the past century and a half. The first era, that of quantifying nutritionism, roughly between 1850 and 1950, was characterised by discovering and quantifying the nutrients in foods and the nutritional requirements of bodies. The key actors establishing and controlling this paradigm were individual scientists by dominating scientific research and controlling the nutritional agendas (p. 12). The USDA was responsible for ensuring a sufficient and reliable food supply and to promote ‘eat more’ in order to prevent dietary deficiencies (Nestle, 2013: 33). The two following eras were: the era of good-and-bad nutritionism, and the era of functional nutritionism (Scrinis, 2013: 11). Hence, this chapter provides a historical outline to explore the developments of the food guidelines through Scrinis’ paradigms. These paradigms clarify the developments in the food system while linking it to the key actors and it helps to distinct the alternative movements. In the following subsections the focus will be more on the two recent paradigms, because they have a clarifying contribution to the analysis of AFM.

2.1 Good and bad era – mainstream dietary guidelines From the beginning of 1960 the era of good-and-bad nutritionism emphasized the avoidance or reduction of bad nutrients in particular to reduce the risk of chronic diseases. The key actors of this era, the government (USDA) and public health institutions (American Health Association), established and promoted dietary guidelines and food-labelling regulations through negatively phrased messages (Scrinis, 2013: 12- 13). These dietary guidelines and mainstream nutritional advice discouraged the consumption of the bad nutrients – particularly fat, saturated fat and cholesterol – and implicitly the bad foods that contained them (p. 73). The Dietary Goals for the United States in 1977 were the first guidelines to em- body a number of characteristics of the era of good-and-bad nutritionism. These characteristics include the shift in orientation from tackling nutritional deficiencies to ad- dressing dietary risks to chronic diseases and obesity, and the shift from ‘eat more’ to ‘eat less’ dietary advice (p. 87; Nestle, 2013: 38). The guidelines emphasized that

6 people had to increase their consumption of carbohydrates and unsaturated fats and to decrease their consumption of fat, saturated fat, cholesterol, salt, and sugar (p. 88).

There are two editions of the Dietary Goals released by the federal agencies that I will elaborate on with the contributions of Scrinis and Nestle. Both describe the development of the guidelines in a common way on several matters. Nevertheless, their different perspectives give some useful insights. Where Nestle comprehensively analyses the interactions between the nutrition scientists, public officials and the industry, Scrinis’ focus lays within the nutricentric realm of these guidelines. Scrinis argues that the guidelines are simplified and centrally focused on nutrients. He calls it a black-and-white and one dimensional understanding which ignores that nutrients may be involved – either in isolation or combination with other nutrients and food components – in multiple and complex metabolic processes that cannot easily be reduced to simplistic characterizations as bad and good (p. 76). Moreover, he also refers to seven food-level goals that serve as a translation of the six nutrient-level food goals (see Appendix 2). Scrinis argues that despite the separation of nutrient-level and food-level recommendations, even most of the food selection goals were qualified in terms of the nutrients they contained (p. 88). Nestle explains this within a more political context. She describes that the food industry, especially meat and dairy producers registered strong protest at the idea that the public officials might be telling that their products were bad for health (Nestle, 2013: 40). She shows how public servants and health institutions attempt to mobilise support and seek consensus with food producers and argues that it is achieved at the expense of clarity. Namely, late in 1977 a revised version of the guidelines strength- ened the advice about obesity and alcohol, and altered the wording of some guidelines to make them more positive and less restrictive. Nestle states that the guidelines transformed some goals from of a negative ‘eat less’ message into a more positive ‘choose’ message designed to placate food producers. For example, the statement ‘reduce consumption of meat’ was replaced with the less offensive ‘choose meats, poultry, and fish which will reduce saturated fat intake’ (Nestle, 2013: 42-50). Scrinis adds, ‘the revised guideline was consistent with the scientific evidence regarding saturated fat rather than meat and was therefore justified in its focus on nutrients rather than foods’ (Scrinis, 2013: 91-92). Thus, the revised wording pushed the dietary goals even further in the direction of nutricentric language and away from the food industry.

2.1.1 Food Guide Pyramid Both Nestle and Scrinis argue that the guidelines do not explicitly refer to processed foods or to the level of refining and processing of the depicted foods that are a part of many peoples diets (Scrinis, 2013: 96; Nestle: 54). Scrinis goes further and analytical- ly divides the first guidelines as nutricentric and the famous Food Guide Pyramid – released in 1992 by the USDA – as whole food-centric (p. 93). He explains that although the Pyramid refers primarily to foods rather than nutrients and in this sense appears to be a food-based dietary guide; it still visually illustrates and translates into the high-carb/low-fat diet (p. 96). Again, Nestle serves a more politically promising analysis of the formation of the Pyramid (see Appendix 3.). She starts with elaborating from the very first edition, the Eating Right Pyramid. The meat and dairy producers opposed to this as well, because of the placement of their food groups in the narrower eat less sectors of the pyramid that caused their products to be stigmatized. Nestle, shows how the revised version, the Food Guide Pyramid, differing in only minor de-

7 tails sufficiently appeased the producers and led to the removal of their overt objec- tions3 (Nestle, 2013: 52). To sum up, Nestle and Scrinis do emphasize the role of the governments as key actors in controlling the food production and consumption, how they shape and modify both the form and content of dietary guidelines. Yet, they also acknowledge the influence of the powerful industries within the food system ((Scrinis, 2013: 97; Nestle, 2013: 53). Nestle highlights that the Pyramid is an icon nowadays that has become highly influential for consumers worldwide. She argues that it has led to numerous offshoots illustrating the dietary pattern of one or another cultural or ethnic group, and that there are Mediterranean, Asian, vegetarian, kosher, soul food, and other pyramids to suit almost any dietary preference. She adds that the serving number became a standard for dietary intake patterns, the quality of foods advertised on children’s tele- vision programs (p. 66). Although Scrinis does not explicitly emphasize the Pyra- mid’s influence as such, he does explain its influential role related to its key actors from the 1970s and onwards as referring to the era of functional nutritionism.

2.2 Functional nutritionism Scrinis sums the developments of the eras thoroughly as ‘from being told to eat more of the protective and growth-promoting nutrients in the quantifying era and to eat less of the bad and fattening nutrients in the good-and-bad era, we are now being urged by nutrition experts and popular commentators to eat smarter (p. 162). He explains that in the 1970s and 1980s, the food industry also began to recognize the commercial potential and the benefits of promoting foods on the basis of their nutrient contents (p. 97). They seemed to recognize that this would be less damaging to the consumer demand for their products and they also realized the commercial potential of exploiting these nutrient-level messages (p. 93). In this order, Nestle explores their lobby practices and their co-optation of nutrition scientist (p. 111), but Scrinis emphasizes first the era of functional nutritionism and goes further in detail about corporate nutritionism and nutritional marketing in subsequent chapters. Functional nutritionism appears from the mid-1990s as a more positive and pre- cisely targeted view of nutrients and foods as functional in relation to bodily health. It involves that particular nutrients, foods, and dietary patterns can enhance and optimize our state of health or particular bodily functions (p. 12). Although experts kept on using the language of good and bad nutrients, they incorporated a broader range of more differentiated and nuanced distinctions. Such distinctions were between good and bad fats (transfats and saturated fats against omega-3 fats and polyunsaturated fats), and good ‘whole carbs (whole grans, and starchy vegetables) and bad ‘refined’ carbs (refined cereals and sugars) (p. 160). Yet, the emphasis within mainstream dietary guidelines was on the more positive and beneficial attributes of good nutrients, which also created the emergence of wonder nutrients. This nutrients are not just good, but functional and almost having medicinal or therapeutic qualities referring to superfoods, nutritionally engineered foods, and dietary supplements (p. 161/164). The imperative, now, is to seek out nutrient-dense foods, which are actually perceived as scarce, to attain the functional nutrients required for optimal health. This has also led

3 The term ‘Eating Right’ had been changed to ‘Food Guide’ in response to complaints from Kraft Foods that the title infringed on its copyrighted line of prepared meals, and to complaints from ConAgra that the Pyramid might give Kraft a marketing advantage. The most important change also was designed to appease food producers. The numbers of recommended servings had been moved outside the design and set in boldface type to suggest that the diet should include at least 2-3 servings of meat and dairy foods each day. This change also implied an increase in servings from the Basic Four (p. 63-64) (See Appendix 3).

8 to the marketization of nutritionally modified or nutritionally enhanced whole foods or processed foods as well as dietary supplements as alternative and necessary sources of these nutrients (p. 174-175). As follows, Scrinis jumps in to showing alternating dietary patterns that take a step away from the single-food nutritionism, such as the Mediterranean, DASH4 and the prudent diet, which is identified in direct opposition to the stigmatized western dietary pattern. His point is, however, that these diets tend to closely resemble mainstream dietary guidelines because they are defined as high in plant-based foods and low in red meat (p. 178). However, it is difficult to relate this issue to functional nutritionism. Instead of outlining whether these dietary patterns are a characterisation of the era of functional nutritionism, he explains it as being part of the mainstream guidelines, whereas Nestle similarly put them under the Pyramid’s influence. Scrinis does pay attention to countertrends and devotes a couple pages to explain vegetarian diets and the traditional Palaeolithic diets. In the next section I will explain his shortcomings in emphasizing their role and dynamics in the food system.

2.3 Counter-movements Scrinis emphasizes that researchers lack in examining the quality of the foods themselves in dietary pattern studies, particularly in terms of the levels of processing the foods have undergone (p. 180). He argues that this has led to limitations and contra- dictions that subsequently have created a crisis of legitimacy for nutritionism (p. 21). He adds that ‘the loss of legitimacy of conventional nutritional theories and mainstream dietary advice has manifested in the growth of counternutritional or counterdi- etary movements since the 1990s, such as the low-carb and Paleo diet movements’ (p. 21) that challenge the status quo and that have been enabled and fuelled by the growth of the Internet and the availability of diverse sources of information (p. 14). However, Scrinis falls short in explaining and analysing the concept of countermovements. Rather, he serves another paradigm that seems to be a recommendation for recent and future nutrition science. He argues that nutrition science and dietary advice have obscured food processing quality and blurred the qualitative distinction between minimally and highly processed foods. This alternative paradigm shifts the focus from nutrients to foods and dietary patterns (p. 216). The so-called food quality paradigm emphasizes the evaluation of foods in terms of their production and processing quality, and appreciation of the wisdom embedded in traditional and cultural- ly contextualized dietary patterns, and the knowledge of food quality gained from our own sensual and practical engagement with growing, preparing, and consuming food (p. 236). Scrinis does pay attention to the alternativeness of dietary guidelines. He says that an alternative message – rather than reductionism – is that nutrition science implies that instead of telling people what to eat, or giving them rules to eat by, it has to provide more detailed nutrient-level and food-level information (p. 248). However, even in the food quality paradigm there is a lack of a comprehensive conceptualisation of the alternative or countermovements, their characteristics and role or influence in the food system. The theoretical framework in the next section serves a broader conceptualisation and a better understanding of the role of these movements in the food system. Besides, it is important to expand on AFM for another reason. Namely, although Scrinis recommends the food quality as an alternative paradigm, it seems that he un-

4 Dietary approach to stop hypertension: reduce blood pressure and the risk of cardiovascular disease

9 derestimates the influence of corporate power. He does acknowledge - in his introduction – that it is important to understand their strategies to combat the power of such corporations that exploit the nutritional knowledge and shape government policies. However, he does not elaborate sufficiently on the ways to do this. Therefore, the theoretical section serves as a framework that outlines the position of each key actor at any level within the food system.

10 3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: TRANSITION THEORY

The theoretical framework that will be used in this thesis is derived from the transition theory (Grin et al., 2010). Grin et al. have developed a theory that deals with radical transformation towards a sustainable society. They argue that transformation could be realised through innovative practices and structural adaptation embedded in the processes of societal structures (p. 2-3). Transition is defined as a shift from one socio-technical system to another, which is characterised by the level of societal do- mains or functions such as transport, energy, housing, agriculture and food, commu- nication, and health care (p. 11). There is an inherent connection between technical and social aspects. Technology development is described as heterogeneous engineering, which refers to the development of knowledge and prototypes, the mobilization of resources, the creation of social networks, the development of visions, the construction of markets, and new regulatory frameworks (idem: 12). The core argument of the transition theory is that transitions come about through interactions between processes at three levels that entails (a) niche-innovations building up internal momentum, (b) changes at the landscape level creating pressure on the regime, and (c) destabilisation of the regime creating windows of opportunity for niche-innovations (Geels & Schot, 2007: 400). The relationships between the three levels can be understood as a nested hierarchy, meaning that regimes are embedded within landscapes and niches within regimes. However, they provide different kinds of coordination and structuration to activities in local practices and differ in terms of stability and size (Grin et al, 2010: 18). In the next section I will elaborate on each level. Furthermore, Grin et al. focus on tracing and managing transitions (p. 126). As argued in the previous section alternative food movements lack a profound conceptualisation and as, Grin et al. mention, little work has been done on multi niche analysis. Most work looks at one radical-innovation that breaks through while many transitions involve multiple niche-innovations. Multiple niches interact with regimes, but they also interact with each other, frustrating or stimulating each other’s development (p. 78). In order to do a multi niche analysis, I will conceptualize the niche within the framework of transition theory and by using the insights of scholars on social movements and grass roots initiatives (Seyfang & Smith, 2007). The framework of transition allows also future research to manage transitions in order to influence the food regime. The next section gives an explanation on regime, landscape and niche. Subsequent- ly, the conceptual framework provides a better positioning of the niche relating to the context of transition, and the last section provides a conceptualization of niches in order to understand their dynamics.

3.1 Regime, niche and landscape A socio-technical regime offers a structure that stabilises a system in many ways. Grin et al. derive its definition from Rip and Kemp (1998) and cite:

A technological system is the rule-set or grammar embedded in a complex of engineering practices, production process technologies, product characteristics, skills and procedures, ways of handling relevant artefacts and persons, ways of defining problems; all of them embedded in institutions and infrastructures (Rip & Kemp, 1998: 340 in p. 20:).

11 The social networks of regimes are large and stable. There is a dominant design, and amalgamation of government institution, market structures, science and professionals, and a supporting civil society. Actors have aligned their activities; they have stabilized market structures with well-articulated rules, and provide structuration to actions in local practices (Grin et al, 2010: 27). It can be characterised as a stabilized lock-in of the existing system, which makes it also difficult for actors in local practices to turn away from regime-rules, although not impossible. Namely, ‘niche-innovations can become regimes when social networks grow larger and rules become more stable and constraining, leading to reversal in their relation to agency’ (idem). Grin et al. explain that ‘at this level there is much resistance to transformative change and innovation, because existing institutions, networks and organizations want to maintain the status quo, i.e. the existing configuration of regulation, working practices and vested interests’ (p. 132). An example of a regime given by Grin et al. is the Dutch Energy system that has an energy system based on fossil fuels with a large do- mestic supply of natural gas. The system that had to liberalize in the past two decades under from national and European government is dominated by large energy companies that had to. There is an increasing urge to change the system into a sustainable energy system, because of a changing energy balance (for example climate change, increasing demand of global energy and the Middle East conflict). So far, numerous technological and other innovations, such as bio-energy, wind and solar energy, and energy saving policies, challenge the energy regime. Not only new technologies which might be close to the regime, but also alternative visions, approaches and lifestyles, etc. outside the regime (p. 181-182). Niches are innovative practices of networks of actors that share certain rules and provide structuration to actions in local practices. However, in contrast with regime these networks are unstable, in the making and uncertain, with actors entering and leaving. This also implies that their rules are vague and imprecise. They provide loose structuration, because the economic structures are not well developed. Moreover, structures are not well articulated and disagreements exist about design specifications, user preferences and regulations. It implies also that a lot work has to be done by actors to sustain structuration (p. 27). Besides, the niche phase lasts a long time: the period between invention and innovation is about often 20-30 years. The socio-technical landscape forms ‘a broad exogenous environment that as such is beyond the direct influence of regime and niche actors’ (p. 23). Grin et al. describe the landscape as factors that change slowly or not and they develop highly autono- mous, such as globalization, individualization, changes in the political arena, culture, transnational actors such as the UN and the WTO and global agreements such as the Kyoto protocol (p.131). Thus, actors cannot influence in the short run. However, they argue that it does not mean that landscape development occurs without human agency. It means that changes come about through a great number of actions (p. 24). Moreover, the socio-technical landscape is a different kind of structure: it provides a broad context from which it is more difficult to deviate than from regimes. It implies that it does not determine, but provides deep-structural gradients of force that make some actions easier than other (p. 27-28).

12 Figure 1. Transition theory visual explanation

(Source: Grin et al. 2010: 25)

13 3.2 Conceptual framework of transition Grin et al. note many concepts and characterizations while referring to transition theory. They thoroughly devote a chapter to serve a description of a conceptual framework that is used for the exploration of transition patterns, pathways and underlying mechanisms. Even though their focus is on analysing and managing transitions, it is useful for this thesis to outline the concepts in order to understand the positioning of niches in the (food) system. In other words, how they relate to each other and the other levels. The conceptual framework consists of the following transition concepts:

• The multi-phase concept • The multi-level concept • The multi-pattern concept

3.21 Multi-phase concept This concept refers to the dynamics of transitions in time as a sequence of relatively fast and slow alternating phases. It can describe the direction, speed and size of a transition (Grin et al, 2013: 126). It can be divided in four phases: (i) the pre-development phase of a dynamic state in which the status quo of the system changes in the back- ground, but these changes are not visible; (ii) the take-off phase, the phase during which the regime in place starts to absorb the transition impulses and shows a visible—be it cautious—start of a change process (Laes et al, 2014: 1132); (iii) the accel- eration phase is characterised by structural changes and translated into mainstream practice of many actors; it is caused by an accumulation of mutually reinforcing socio-cultural, institutional, technological, economical, etc., moves. The new ways of working, thinking, and learning get “anchored” or “embedded” (idem); (iv) the stabi- lization phase is where a new dynamic state of equilibrium is achieved (Grin et al, 2013: 126). Grin et al. explain this framework as descriptive and ordering regarding the changes in phases. The framework, also serves as an explanatory framework for explaining the driving forces and mechanisms behind the phases and their changes (p. 129-130). However, the focus of the paper is not the study on transition an sich. It might be useful in understanding the development of the niche and for future research in order to improve the prediction on the developments of the niches and their ability to change the system.

Figure 2. Different phases of a transition

(Source: Laes, Gorissen and Nevens, 2014: 1132)

3.2.2 Multi-level concept This concept describes the dynamics of transition as the interactions between three different scale levels: the macro, meso and the micro levels, representing functional relationships between the regime- and niche-actors, each with their own structure, culture and practices. The macro level represents the landscape, which as said before changes slowly. Regimes operate at the meso level characterized by systems of dominant structures, beliefs and culture, and practices shared by a social network. At the micro-level niches may develop within new initiatives, new techniques and new forms of culture and management. Within niches, there are learning processes regarding innovations, new practices and behaviour that might develop – as a result – of ideas to alternatives (p. 132). Grin et al. emphasize the role of frontrunners by charac- terizing them as key aspect, ‘because they are the agents with the capacity to generate dissipative structures and operate within these deviant structures. They can only do that without being (directly) dependent on the structure, culture and practices of the regime’ (p. 144). Further, they argue that Frontrunners are energetic go-getters with and with enthusiasm to combat the many obstacles within the regime. They need support and especially space and resources (financial, mental, organization, juridical) for their innovation activities (p. 218-219). Moreover, ‘from a micro-perspective this means that a number of individual actors, so called frontrunners can create stepping

15 stones that make it possible for these actors to function as a catalyst for supporting transition process’ (idem). Grin et al. state existing regimes at the meso level often slow down the processes of change, but their power may also be utilized to bring about a transition (p. 132). Often in the early period of a transition, the regime act as an inhibiting factor, and later on, once a niche becomes successful and comes, act as an unleashing factor. Within this context it is interesting to look at whether innovative practices in the food system are inhibited or unleashed and whether they are embraced, remain as a countermovements or as alternative groups who distance themselves explicitly from the regime. Finally, developments at the macro-level speed up or slow down a transition, or changes in worldviews and macro policies might produce a transition.

3.2.3 Multi-pattern concept The multi-pattern concept describes the nature of the dynamics of transition in terms of generic, irreversible patterns that is manifested in a pathway. A transition pathway describes the initial state of the system and the end state of the system. Grin et al. show that – although multiple patterns are involved – ‘a key pattern is the following: niches emerge and cluster, and by empowering a niche cluster a niche- regime unfolds; the niche regime becomes more powerful, whereas the regime is weakening, and in the end the niche-regime takes over the incumbent regime that is transformed’ (p. 137). Yet, the authors aim to explore ‘a transition pathway in order to make statements about whether a particular transition has resulted in a more or less sustainable state’ (p. 135). The aim of this thesis, however, is to explore multi-niche developments and their internal dynamics. However, they do refer to the role of the niche relating to the regime. As they have explained, in certain patterns the regime gets weak, while a transition is associated with the process of overthrowing the incumbent regime. Yet, they argue, ‘some niches may exist very close to the regime, and therefore both benefit from the support of the regime and they can be constrained by it, while other niches may be protected from the influence of the regime in some way (through support or of political actors in landscape)’. The point is that competitive as well as symbiotic relationships between the niche and regime are possible (p. 137) and, also, that the niche may explicitly stay away from the regime due to other worldviews for example. Thus, Grin et al. emphasize the role of the regime and its importance to realize transition, but lack in analysing the development and dynamics of multiple niches. Following section will provide a conceptualization of niche in order to gain a better understanding of their characteristics and dynamics.

3. 3 Conceptualizing the Niche Grin et al. explain thoroughly that dynamics at regime and landscape levels influence social networks and visions in niches, since emerging radical innovation in a niche has much uncertainty and fluctuation. Three reasons that keep novelties in niches for a long time are technological developments and trouble-shooting that lasts long; mis- matches with the existing regime; and actively opposing existing regimes. Stable existing regimes inhibit novelties to break through. Novelties may remain stuck in niches or disappear (p. 24-25). Niche-innovations take advantage of windows of opportunities when a regime becomes weak and they diffuse more widely when they are able to stabilize and have performance improvements. The most important development in a niche is their ability to stabilize and tighten their structuration: niches alone will not seed wider change, because in an embryotic

16 state, they do not pose a threat to the regime and will not take advantages of windows of opportunity. However, Grin et al. emphasize that novelty is always present although it might be a ‘hidden novelty’, carried by relative outsiders, unorthodox actors or enthusiasts invisible to the outside world (p. 54-55). This assumption is important for understanding the dynamics of multiple niches instead of merely focusing on the ones that break through. The conceptualisation shifts the attention from single projects and their success or failure to sequences of projects. Sequences of projects lead to networking and learning, and serve as test beds for diffuse and broad ideas, and spaces for the elaboration of new ideas. If the learning processes aggregate, rules can be more articulated, specific and stable. Therefore, also hidden or ‘failed’ novelties can contribute to the success of the overall sequence (p. 86).

As argued in the introduction, scholars focus mainly on the production side. The transition theory is also criticized for the fact that it is focusing too much on corporate, technology and policy actors and other important actors, particularly consumers as represents of the demand side, are largely neglected and under-conceptualised (p. 330). However, scholars have recognised the importance of social movements as sources of cultural innovation and contesting and actually changing new organizational forms (Schneiberg & Lounsbury, 2008; Davis et al. 2005; Rao et al. 2000). The most organised for of collective action are social movements. Rao et al. divide them from panics, riots, fad and fashions that ‘are evanescent forms of collective behaviour with few structured roles, collective action refers to a broad range of pur- posive collective behaviour’ (Rao et. Al, 2000: 242). Social movements that occur over longer time stretches, are driven by long-term goals, and develop formal organizations in order to solve social problems (idem). However, another approach for the role of consumers and their ability to influence regimes lies within the emphasis on social practices where consumers are actors who integrate a whole range of social practices related to food, energy, mobility, tourism, etcetera into specific lifestyles. This emphasis – also according to Grin et al. – is close to the work of Seyfang and Smith (2007) who analysed the importance of small community-based or grassroots initiatives.

3.3.1 Grassroots initiatives Seyfang and Smith (2007) make use of the niche framework as a bridge between analyses of grassroots initiatives as civil society activities and a role for them in sustainable innovation policy. They extend and translate the conceptual model of green niches to the grassroots realm and distinguish the social economy from the market economy (p. 590). They consider the grassroots as a neglected site of innovation for sustainability, and by viewing community-level activities as innovative niches they provide a better understanding of the potential and needs of grassroots initiatives (p. 585). Seyfang and Smith define these initiatives as networks of activists and organisations generating novel bottom–up solutions for sustainable development. These are solutions that respond to the local situation and the interests and values of the communities involved. Thus, they are often more beneficial, because they utilize contextualized knowledge (Grin et al, 2010: 330-331; Seyfang & Smit, 2007: 593-594). Grassroots initiatives have many forms, from cooperatives to voluntary associations and social enterprises. This distinction is relevant for the niche developments in the food system, because they might be diffuse and at varying stages as innovative practice or niche.

17 Besides, niche situations (such as unusual applications, demonstrations or social movements) provide space for new ideas and practices to develop without positioning their selves to the processes of regime development (Seyfang & Smith, 2007: 588). However, social movement agitations against regimes might contribute to pressures and open niche opportunities that drive transformation. Seyfang and Smith argue that these are distinct activities from the grassroots innovations (p. 589). In the sustainable innovation niches are spaces where ‘the rules are different’, but still within the conventional rules of the market. Grassroots innovations, in contrast, exist within the social economy of community activities and social enterprise. Seyfang and Smith add to their niche perspective, therefore, the importance of how grassroots initiatives also emphasise different social, ethical and cultural rule (p. 591).

3.3.2 Grassroots innovative potential Seyfang and Smith distinguish between simple niches that do not seek regime change and strategic niches that are seeds for wider transformation. The first values the niche for its own sake, and the latter as a means to an end (p. 593).

3.3.2.1 Simple niches These are groups that aim to improve life in local communities. However, they do not consciously practice ‘strong’ sustainability to impact for example the creation of jobs, health improvements and social capital. These are groups doing ‘simple’ activities like running a volunteering project and perceive this as significant sustainability practices. Seyfang and Smith argue that it is important to appreciate empirically the di- mensions of sustainability. Yet, in this thesis it will be important to look at the dimen- sions regarding guidelines and health issues, developed or encouraged by niches in the food system. It is also relevant to look at what is missing out or obtaining more relevance in niches (idem). Furthermore, simple niches can also be the place where ‘unpopular’ or ‘fringe’ issues not taken up by mainstream actors come to the fore. They become a demonstra- tion of another possible way, building alternative infrastructures to the existing regime. Both Grin et al. and Seyfang and Smith emphasize the diversity and multilevel practices of the niche developments. However, Grin et al. also argue that too much diversity may hamper developments because it creates uncertainty, which prevents full commitments, fragments resources and impedes the emergence of a stable set of rules. At the same time, it might be difficult to increase this knowledge, because the local character and the sense of being alternative in its solutions draws people in, and makes mainstreaming a suspicious goal (p. 87). However, Grin et al. assume that the alternative aims to be a symbolic embodi- ment. Seyfang and Smith make an important contribution here to the alternativeness of these niches. Radical action and unfunded issues may regenerate continuously at the grassroots for several reasons (p. 594). Therefore, it is important to divide them from strategic niches, understand their ideological commitments and, even more important, to be aware of their contribution to the sequences of projects and so the success of overall sequence. Hence, elements of niche practice that do not ‘work’ can be just as informative for developments as those aspects that operate successfully (p. 590). The niche may explicitly stay away from the regime due to other worldviews for example.

18 3.3.2.2 Strategic niche Seyfang and Smith define alternative green niches as sites where people’s motivations for action are based upon different values from the mainstream (p. 594). This implies a bottom–up generation of activists seeking to mobilise communities to create alternative or new systems of provision, in which a particular pattern of production is linked to a particular pattern of consumption. As a consequence, they create the potential to generate transformations in production-consumption systems in a way that is difficult to reach for individuals. According to Seyfang and Smith, communities of citizens participate in that (radical) creative process by joining small, everyday decisions about food, for reasons as taste, health concerns, and food miles supporting local growers (p. 594-595). As the transition framework shows, relations between regime and niche could be competitive or symbiotic. Countermovements are sites where contesting happens, but the regime could also be challenged through a symbiotic strategy. Finally, the authors refer to Church and Elster (2002) who have identified a wide set of indirect environmental and social impacts from grassroots innovations that may result in individuals and communities benefitting in terms of greater empowerment and confidence, skills and capacity for further community-based action (Seyfang & Smith, 2007: 595). These impacts formulated as environmental awareness-raising, education and promotion, changing the attitudes of local policy-makers, engaging people in sustainability issues in their daily lives, and developing new ways of working towards sustainable development are also relevant to look for within the food niche. Hence, conceptual distinction can be made between mainstream dietary guidelines, countermovements and symbiotic movements, and the alternative that is distinguished from the mainstream guidelines wherein people step away from the mainstream.

Regime Niche/regime Niche

Mainstream The Food Guide Pyramid and dietary advice promoted by the current system. It is stable and conventional, it is a universal claim and science-based.

Strategic Symbiotic, the niche aims ‘Countermovements’ and change through interacting competitive striving to with the regime and benefit change the regime and criti- from the support of the re- cize the regime. They aim a gime. replacement of the conventional system.

Simple ‘Alternative’, (loosely structured) communities or individuals step away from the mainstream, aim to improve lives.

Table I.

4. EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS: The Food system?

4.1 Landscape Within the context of transition theory the landscape of the food system is generally rooted in globalisation, leading to changes in nutrition and the food system in the past century, and socio-economic changes. In other words, the food system has undergone the economic processes of trade liberalization, tariff reduction, harmonization of standards and deregulation or self- regulation. Globalisation also required a change of mind-set, encouraging farmers to expand and to increase the size of their holdings or herds not just to compete with other farmers locally but also globally (Lang, 1999: 336). New institutions were created or adapted while having a dramatic effect on the international food governance. Lang recalls the WTO, the World Bank, the Food and Agriculture Organization and WHO as important actors in food politics, social policies of education, health and nutrition (p. 337). Moreover, Popkin states that as incomes rise and populations become more ur- ban, societies enter a certain nutrition transition (Drewnowski & Popkin, 1997: 31). The nutrition transition has affected health profiles and distinctive national diets through a decline in the consumption of traditional foods; increased intakes of fat, sugar, salt and often animal foods; an increase in the consumption of processed foods, as well as an overall reduction in dietary diversity (Fuchs & Kalfagianni, 2010: 21). Lang emphasizes also the export of processed food styles from North to South and implies that ‘consumers in the developing world are encouraged to think of food and drink as coming not from farmers or the earth but from processed food corporations’ (p. 338). Nowadays, every country that has adopted the so-called Western diet has witnessed rising rates of obesity and related diseases, which has resulted in 30% more people obese than undernourished (Lustig et al, 2012: 27). Besides, the demographic factors have led to socio-economic changes as well in (Kearney, 2010; Nestle; 2013). Women entering the work force since the last quarter of the 20th century are unable or unwilling to spend time on grocery shopping, cooking, and cleaning up after meals. Nestle explains that due to these changes nearly half of all meals are consumed outside the home, the rise of pre-packaged goods and ‘home meal replacements’ (Nestle, 2013: 19). Another important aspect of globalisation, mentioned by Lang, is the inherent oppositional dynamic, wherein emerging new forces question or even oppose global- izing tendencies in general (in: Raghavan, 1990; Mander & Goldsmith, 1997; Martin & Schumann, 1997; Gray, 1998), and the food dimension in particular (Lang, 1992; Magdoff et al. 1998). The opposition refers to the dynamic of globalization itself, because it is human-created and, therefore, it can also be resisted and deflected by the population into different directions (Lang, 1999: 337-338). Although Lang does not explain the processes in which population do resist and deflect, he does resemble Grin et al. in the sense that landscape developments do not necessarily occur without human agency. Yet, Grin et al. do refer to counter-tendencies that are triggered by the economic globalization. They argue that a rising transnational civil society has led to several provisions of corporate social responsibility at the regime level (p. 244-246).

4.2 Regime Every five years dietary guidelines are scientifically revised and serve as corner- stones.5 Next year, the Dietary Guidelines Advisory Committee will make recommendations for Americans. In Europe, as well, national authorities such as the Dutch Gezondheidsraad (Health Council) announce that it will use the Dietary Guidelines for Americans 2010 for their revised guidelines in 2015 (Gezondheidsraad, 2014: 29). Voedingscentrum (the Dutch Nutrition Centre) translates the guidelines to practical advice for consumers. The Schijf van Vijf (Disc Five), resembling the Food Guide Pyramid, is the best-known example.6 Moreover, Voedingscentrum is the authority and source for many institutions in terms of knowledge and information about health and dietary guidelines. Voedingscentrum has been criticized in recent years because of potential conflicts of interest with the food industry. For example, the board members come from the industry itself. Although, it does not necessarily imply that they will represent the interests of the industry in their current position, they are perceived as such. In addition, the criticism also focused on subsidizing professorships, which has been sponsored for many years by a voluntary contribution of food companies, such as Ahold, Kellogs Benelux and Suikerstichting Netherlands. On this basis, since 2011, Voedingscentrum decided to accept no fund of the industry in order to avoid any appearance of conflict of interest. The point here is that, as previous section has showed, the conventional dietary guidelines are a result of the standards and rules set by the ‘food regime’, characterised as an infrastructure of institutions, corporations and scientists. However, the largest corporations have obtained a dominant role, influencing scientific research and the nutritional agenda. The guidelines created by each state depend also on their relation with the corporate actors. The Dutch government, who is subsidizing Voedingscen- trum, has been criticized for its close ties with the food industry and the high amounts of subsidies to the sugar, dairy and meat industries.7

4.2.1 The corporate influence in the government… The relation of governments and corporations is best explained through the governance of food and agriculture, which is not just influenced but also more and more ‘created’ by the latter via private governance mechanisms (Fuchs et al. 2011: 335). Private governance implies that the food industry has the power and authority to govern (Fuchs & Kalfagianni, 2010: 1). Many scholars argue that the food industry became a rule and standard setter, the implementer of corporate social responsibility and a service provider (Fuchs & Kalfagianni, 2010; Fuchs et al, 2011; Börzel & Risse, 2005; Scrinis, 2013). The power to govern derives from the strategic positions in ma- terial structures, which refers to the domination of a few corporations and their ability to limit the choices available to actors who desire entry in the supply chain (Fuchs & Kalfagianni, 2010: 12). The authority to govern lies within ideational structures that allow acquiring legitimacy as rule setters and the strategic presentation as superior regulator compared to public actors in global food governance (p. 24). Food compa-

5 Website Food Navigator, a daily online news service available as a free-access: http://www.foodnavigator-usa.com/R-D/Who-will-decide-what-s-in-the-2015-Dietary-Guidelines-for-Americans 6 Website Gezondheidsraad: http://www.gezondheidsraad.nl/nl/Richtlijnen-Goede-Voeding 7 The website on decreasing milk consumption illustrates the critiques: http://melkjekanzonder.nl/de-melkfeiten/uitgemolken-consument/

21 nies are often accepted guardians and ‘educators’, who help to improve – through their public-private relations – the correspondence between the ‘rulers’ and the ‘ruled’ (Reinicke & Deng, 2000). However, even nutrition scientists, practitioners and some civil society organisations believe that these rent-seeking food companies are genu- inely interested in improving health (Fuchs & Kalfagianni, 2010: 18; Nestle, 2013: 2). The sources of this ideational legitimacy are (a) (neo-) liberal norms promoting economic growth and efficiency together with the assumption that corporations also pursue societal well-being beyond the provision of jobs through CSR-practices; (b) corporations are perceived as possessors of ‘expertise’ and technical authority; and (c) regarding health concerns, food corporations encourage healthy lifestyles by describ- ing how they offer the choice of ‘low fat and low calories’ products and through the display of nutritional information on own-brand products. Healthy eating campaigns, advertising and their marketing strategies form an integral part of their commitment to consumers’ well being in order to brand loyalty and install trust (Fuchs & Kalfagian- ni, 2010: 19-23; Scrinis, 2013). The industry’s power and authority is recalled by Scrinis as a corporate food regime that, since the 1980s, controls the production, processing, trade, and retailing of food within and across borders (Scrinis, 2013: 48). This also fits in the concept of regime of the theoretical framework that is characterised by a stabile network operating within a dominant design, sharing certain rules and providing structuration to actions in local practices. This clarifies also that agriculture policy and the Dutch Voedsel en Warenautoriteit (VWA, the Food and Consumer Product Safety Authority) is covered by the Ministry of Economic Affairs rather than Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sport. The latter refers simply to Voedingscentrum regarding health and dietary patterns.8 National authorities are highly linked to the European level, because most legislation of food and food safety is derived from the European Commission. Therefore, I will elaborate on the European food authorities and, also, the corporate food regime within the European infrastructure. The governmental institution that deals with food and feed safety on a regional level is the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA). However, the EFSA has been criticized many times because of its problematic independence, with numerous conflicts of interest with industry among its scientific panels and heated controversies about the quality of its scientific output. A report of the monitoring organisation Cor- porate Europe Observatory (CEO) shows that the agency has implemented a new policy, designed to ensure the independence of its scientific panels, following controver- sy over its close ties with industry. Yet serious conflicts of interest remain. Over half of the 209 scientists sitting on the agency's panels have direct or indirect ties with the industries they are meant to regulate (Horel & CEO: 2013: 3). Another organisation is The European Food Information Council (EUFIC), which is co-funded by the European Commission. EUFIC describes itself as ‘a non-profit organisation, which communicates science-based information on nutrition and health, food safety and quality, to help consumers to be better informed when choosing a well-balanced, safe and healthful diet.’9 It states that it does not act as the spokesperson of industry and does not wish to be perceived as such. Moreover, it claims that it does not promote individual companies' views or brands or any other information ma- terial, which is not based on peer reviewed science. Their website shows also that it is

8 Website of the Dutch Government: http://www.rijksoverheid.nl/onderwerpen/voeding/gezonde-voeding 9 Website of EUFIC: http://www.eufic.org/page/en/page/ONEUFIC/

22 funded by the food industry.10 EUFIC is therefore perceived as a lobby by different organisations, such as Powerbase and CEO. 11 Obviously, the food and drink industry is the largest manufacturing sector in terms of turnover, value added and employment. According, to the report of Food Drink Europe, their lobby group, the industry remains stable, resilient and robust, even in times of economic downturn (Food Drink Europe data & trends, 2013-2014: 5). Nestle shows, for example, how the sugar industry strenuously rejected a report of the WHO that advised restricting intake of ‘free’ added sugars to 10% or less daily calorie. Although this percentage was similar to the 1992 Pyramid (7-13% of calories), when released in 2004 the report omitted any mention of 10% sugar recommendation: it could hardly say ‘eat less sugar’ (Nestle: 379-380). In Europe as well the food industry spends millions of euros lobbying politicians as a means of more directly influencing government food policies and regulations. It is reported that the food industry has spent €1 billion euros lobbying the EFSA to reject proposals to help consumers make 'healthy meal' choices with a system of red, green and amber labels on the front of food packaging.12 Within this context, the manifestation of a corporate food regime implies that ‘the industry has taken the lead in promoting nutritionism, through the nutritional marketing and nutritional engineering of their food products, their funding of scientific research and of expert organizations, and their promises of health-enhancing and targeted foods’ (Scrinis, 2013: 13). Next section elaborates briefly on nutritional marketing mechanisms and the role of scientists and scientific advice in the corporate food regime in dealing with health issues and dietary recommendations. It is relevant to explore how the corporate food regime tackles issues concerning health related diseases in order to understand how it is related to alternative food movements.

…and on science and consumers The corporate food regime as Penders and Nelis (2011) show implies that the interactions of governments, corporate actors, and experts have led a certain unavoidable interdependency. The scientists refer to the credibility engineering of the food industry – Unilever in their case – that leads to the support of health claims on products. Namely, the research and development (R&D) department uses scientific articles to create credit for itself amongst peers and regulators, while marketing strategies con- nect these scientifically approved health claims to a specific public through linking that public to a health issue and a food product (Penders & Nelis, 2011: 487). Credi- bility is obtained through a variety of means: peer-review accreditation by international food agencies, advertising, key opinion formers, and endorsement by celebrities (p. 490). Yearly Unilever scientists publish hundreds of articles in peer-reviewed journals, which serves a strategic goal (p. 493). Penders and Nelis state that (a) publications construct the reputation as a knowledge producer; (b) publications provide support for product claims in the market place; (c) they enable network building; (d) and increase

10 Idem 11 Powerbase is a free encyclopaedia of people, issues, and groups shaping the public agenda that is being written collaboratively. The statement of Powerbase and CEO on EUFIC can be found at: http://www.powerbase.info/index.php/European_Food_Information_Council http://corporateeurope.org/pressreleases/2013/12/european-commission-nominates-food-lobbyist-eu-food-safety- agencys-management 12 Website of the Ecologist and CEO websites: http://www.theecologist.org/News/news_round_up/511976/industry_lobbying_sees_eu_reject_traffic_light_food_l abelling.html http://corporateeurope.org/sites/default/files/sites/default/files/files/article/ceo-food-labelling.pdf

23 the credibility as a science-minded employer (p. 494-495). Moreover, to make sure that products and claims are accepted amongst academic peers, Unilever scientists actively engage with and consult (scientific) key opinion formers. Key opinion formers (KOF) can be prominent scientists (also members of EFSA) or policy makers. Unilever identifies them based upon their expected ability to influence public opinion (p. 495). The product claims refer often to reduced fat and calorie foods, vitamin- and fi- bre-fortified processed foods or whole grains. Penders and Nelis assess that Unilever has made some regulatory gains on their product claims through the approval by regulatory bodies. According to Scrinis, corporations create ‘a health halo effect around a product, such that they may exaggerate the quality or healthful properties of a food in the eyes of consumers’13 (Scrinis, 2013: 208). Here, the interdependence problem of the EFSA comes also to the fore, because the evidence required to legally use health claims on nutrition is judged by it. Although the final decision lies with national organizations dealing with food safety and admissibility (the VWA), the VWA or its sister organizations across Europe will let their decision be guided by the EFSA opinion (Penders & Nelis, 2011: 496). Another strategy to cultivate consumer demand is undertaking self-regulatory actions, issuing statements of concern for public welfare, because of threat by possible government regulations and critical public opinion (Sharma et al. 2010: 240). For example, the industry and lobby group generally created the ‘guideline daily amounts’ (GDAs) which show how many calories, sugar, fat and salt a ‘portion’ contains as a percentage of an adult’s daily needs. However, as the CEO report states, this gives much less of a direct warning against consuming too much, than the so-called ‘traffic-light’ system.14 Yet, the issue of contested claims is a concern of the corporate food regime. It refers to the dilemma between the claims based on nutrition science and the prescriptions delivered by best-selling books. The researchers argue that the best-selling books describe the particular, making use of individual cases and stories; and nutrition science aims to make universally valid claims, dealing with populations and the average men or women (p. 501). They refer to the work of Shapin (2007), who states that the best-selling authors are more successful in engineering credibility for their dietary approach than nutrition scientists and suggests that they use a particular strategy for taming the contested nature of claims: a case-based approach. For example, the prescriptions uttered by authors of diet books, including Atkins, Agatston (the South Beach diet), Tarnower (the Scarsdale diet), Bakker (the Dutch, Sonja Bak- keren), are taken up with much enthusiasm, while science is not easily translated into individual risks or gains. Citing Shapin the research state that the problem is that people tend to be interested in what is likely to happen to them (Penders & Nelis, 2011: 501). However, their work shows that Unilever not only makes use of scientifically approved claims, but also the case-based approaches. They refer to Unilever’s ‘life goal

13 Scrinis adds that the products claim to enhance health, optimize bodily functions and performance; and deliver- ing a broad range of targeted health benefits relating to such issues as weight management, joint and bone health, immunity, digestive health, cardiovascular health, mental performance, and physical energy. The same is for nutritionally engineered foods claiming to provide nutrients and other food and non-food components: sports drinks such as Red Bull, for example, contain added taurine, which the company claims is ‘involved in neurological processes and positively influences the performance of the heart, while probiotic yogurt drinks are laden with specific ‘good bacteria’ that target gut health’ (2013: 194). 14 Website of the CEO: http://corporateeurope.org/sites/default/files/sites/default/files/files/article/ceo-food-labelling.pdf

24 model’, a marketing strategy centred on a set of propositions concerning life and health. The model consists of six goals for life based on market research and expected to guide all activity within Unilever. Penders and Nelis state that the life goals, connected to one or more of Unilever’s particular brands and brand families, are expressed by the first person (‘I’), which reveals the personal focus: a case-study approach. They emphasize the use of ‘I’ as a marketing strategy that aims to be all about being personal. Hence ‘unlike, the EFSA scientific opinion, there is neither talk of the average European, nor the average consumer whatsoever’ (p. 501).

25 5. EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS II: Alternative Food Movements as niches

In this section I will elaborate the empirical analysis of the following AFM.

Combining some of the AFM allowed me to do a comprehensive comparison between them and others. For example, Kuipers’ Oerdieet has its roots in Paleo and the Vege- tarians have similarities with Vegans. It allowed me to analyse their differences in their missions or actions, but also to compare with the other AFM.

5.1 PALEO and Het Oerdieet (The Ancestral Diet)

Paleo diets recommend food that could have been eaten by our ancestors and to which it claims humans are biologically best adapted (Scrinis, 2013:185). It prohibits dairy, grains, processed foods, sugars, legumes, starches and alcohol.15 It is known for its emphasis on a high protein and low carb diet. Since the 1990s interest increased on paleolithic or ‘ancestral’ diets. The best- selling paleo diet books of pioneers – including Loren Cordain’s The Paleo Diet, Robb Wolf’s The Paleo Solution, and Mark Sisson’s The Primal Blueprint (p. 185) – have gained global and local popularity. For example, a Google search of Paleo reveals popular Dutch websites such as www.paleodieet.nl and www.paleo.nl, owned by Mitchel van Duuren, and www.hetpaleoprincipe.nl, owned by Evert Berkelaar. They provide personal diet-plans, coaching, and workshops. Other advocates are mostly active as bloggers, which has led to an increasing Paleo community. Besides, the focus on our ancestors implies that one should live Paleo referring to stay fit. For example, Crossfit, a fitness program combining weightlifting, athletics and gymnas- tics, is popular among Paleo dieters. Paleo is, therefore, associated with bodybuilders and fitness-addicts promoting to eat like a caveman in order to lose fat and gain lean muscle.16 Paleo advocates date the decline of human health to the rise of agriculture and livestock (10000 years ago), the industrial revolution (200 years ago) and the fast- food revolution (50 years ago) (Scrinis, 2013: 185; Kuipers, 2014: 17). They claim that is the only diet that works with our genetics. The apparent absence of chronic diseases in paleolithic people is taken as proof. Therefore, Paleo is presented as the

15 Key advocate of Paleo, Robb Wolf on his website: http://robbwolf.com/what-is-the-paleo-diet/ 16 Many fitness websites could be seen as advocates of Paleo since they present it as the strong and muscled cave- men’s diet. Examples are websites such as Muscle and Fitness, and Men’s Fitness. http://www.muscleandfitness.com/nutrition/gain-mass/eat-caveman; http://www.mensfitness.com/nutrition/what- to-eat/the-paleo-diet-beginner%E2%80%99s-guide

27 solution to diet-related health problems (Scrinis, 2013: 185-186). 17 As Berkelaar states:

‘Clients following my advices experienced a few weeks that a number of promises were fulfilled. You start feeling better. Very many results have been achieved with many different symptoms.’ (Interview, Berkelaar: 27/05/2014)

Yet Paleo is characterised by differing positions among advocates. Disagreements persist also on food groups, such as the appropriateness of consuming milk and dairy products, because they are a product of the domestication of animals (Scrinis, 2013: 185-186). The disagreements have created two separate movements, Paleo and the Primal Blueprint (Interview, Berkelaar: 27/05/2014). The Primal Blueprint more tol- erant towards the consumption of dairy fat products and various fats (such as butter and coconut oil). 18 However, these movements and their followers seem not to seek mobilisation among their communities or with each other. On the contrary, although Cordain and Sisson do not compete explicitly, it seems that there is much discussion about their differences. 19 On a more practical level it seems, rather, competitive as Berkelaar illustrates:

‘I was on my own since 2008. The past two years others noticed that is a growing movement and there is money to earn. I think that they try to cash in on.’ (Interview, Berkelaar: 27/05/2014)

On the other hand, critics argue there is considerable scientific uncertainty as to what paleolithic people actually ate. They argue about the diversity of paleolithic diets and that humans had already adapted to a diversity of foods and patterns in paleolithic times (Elton and Higgins, 2008; Nestle, 2000). Moreover, Scrinis states that the absence of chronic diseases might be a consequence of a shorter life span, rather than the healthfulness of these diets (2013: 185).

As mentioned, there is no single form of Paleo is. Cordain is a founder of mainstream Paleo, but Berkelaar also has his own interpretation. Remko Kuipers, doctor, researcher and author of Het Oerdieet (The Primal Diet, 2014) emphasizing that Paleo is designed by nature and it fits in our genes (2014: 22) illustrates the heterogeneity as well. His rhetoric is close to Cordain’s (Scrinis, 2013: 186), who also credits Kuipers in the book’s preface (Kuipers, 2014: 13-14). However, Kuiper claims that Paleo purely focuses on our ancestors. He states to be unique since he has done research for two years on contemporary hunter-gatherers in different continents (Kuipers, 2014: 19). Therefore, Het Oerdieet is a well thought book with more scientific additions of modern times (Interview, Kuipers: 02/06/2014). He seems, therefore, also in line with the Primal Blueprint, as he illustrates:

17 Website Robb Wolff, author of the Paleo Solution: http://robbwolf.com/what-is-the-paleo-diet/ 18 Mark Sisson explains the difference between Cordain’s Paleo and his Primal Blueprint: http://www.marksdailyapple.com/whats-the-difference-between-primal-and-paleo/#ixzz35HHBWcwk; http://www.marksdailyapple.com/dairy-fat-healthy-paleo-primal/#ixzz35HLWzwUA 19 Sisson criticizes Cordain and Paleo and many debates go on their forums. http://www.marksdailyapple.com/whats-the-difference-between-primal-and-paleo/#axzz35HGHVJZ6

28 ‘Dairy is banned, why? Because it is not Paleo, but what are we talking about? It is about health, certain guidelines are too rigid. So you should not necessarily prohibit, because (scientific research shows) dairy is not necessarily unhealthy.’ (Interview, Kuipers: 02/06/2014)

As a researcher, he gives also useful insights on the scientific environment of the food system. He blames the non-transparency of the provision of subsidies and mentions that self-made scientists (example: Frits Muskiet, but also including himself)20 are put aside or criticized, while having difficulties with research funding. On the contrary, arrogant scientists who dare to bluff receive subsidies for their research (Inter- view, Kuipers: 02/06/2014).21 He mentions that it is difficult to mobilise as self-made man. For example, in 2012 Kuipers gained media attention for his doctoral thesis.22 He argues, however, that Verburgh was then at the right time to launch his book, The Food Hourglass, and jumped in the niche and became very successful in an environment where people become more and more aware of pitfalls of their health and lifestyles (Interview, Kuipers: 02/06/2014). Finally, ancestral diets generally oppose the rise of agriculture, the industry and fast food, but Kuipers stays nuanced regarding the food industry and the conventional dietary guidelines (2014: 27-28). Yet, he does point to the meat industry. Namely, the production could become more tactical and they could respond to the criticisms through corporate responsibility. He calls the Voedingscentrum an inert institution that will not easily change. Kuipers is not willing to pursue for it, since he believes something will happen sooner or later (Interview, Kuipers: 02/06/2014). Although Berkelaar and Kuipers mention contrasts with Voedingscentrum (Interview, Berke- laar: 27/05/2014; Kuipers: 02/06/2014) the message of the latter seems rather symbiotic. Namely, Voedingscentrum does mention Paleo on the website, without forming any threat to their dietary guidelines. It seems that Voedingscentrum attempts to position itself as flexible by embracing diverse dietary patterns, as long as consumers commit to the main principles of their guidelines.23

20 Muskiet is condemned by the Association against Quackery http://www.kwakzalverij.nl/1602/Shortlist_Meester_Kackadorisprijs_2013 21 This fragment confirms Kuipers’ claim, while referring to the original source http://www.ftm.nl/exclusive/de-suikeroom-van-wageningen-komt-uit-brussel/ http://www.tweedekamer.nl/kamerstukken/brieven_regering/detail.jsp?id=2014Z11513&did=2014D23120 22 Kuipers was mentioned in the news: http://www.nu.nl/gezondheid/2770715/gezond-ouder-worden-met-eten-steentijd.html 23 Voedingscentrum positions itself as the orchestrator: http://www.voedingscentrum.nl/nl/nieuws/schijf-van-vijf-biedt-ruimte-voor-eigen-invulling.aspx

29 (Source: Verburgh, 2014: 45) 5.2 De Voedselzandloper (The Food Hourglass)

Verburgh medical doctor, researcher and author of De Voedselzandloper (2014) created a food hourglass, two reflecting triangles and stairs that are polar opposites. It is an alternative to the mainstream dietary guidelines, which he calls scientifically obso- lete (Verburgh, 2014: 9). Although Verburgh does not promote a guideline that is globally popular, he does contribute to a global tendency of alternative dietary patterns provided by scientists around the world. The first emphasis is on the interdisciplinary base of the food hourglass. Insights from disciplines such as dietetics, medicine, bio gerontology, biochemistry and biolo- gy have resulted in a dietary guideline that focuses on the long term (p. 49), and how certain foods influence the aging process. The core of his guideline is that it does not aim weight loss, rather, slowing the aging process and losing weight is possible if one is overweight. It explains how certain foods can reduce the risk of aging-associated diseases, like cardiovascular disease, dementia, diabetes or osteoporosis (p. 8-9). The second emphasis lies within the distinctions that Verburgh makes, such as good and bad fats, red and white meat and so on (p. 43). He explains as follows:

‘This model is specifically designed to offer patients alternatives. You cannot just forbid patients to eat certain things. You should be able to tell, for

30 example, how to replace potatoes and to show clearly what is healthy or unhealthy. Therefore, three main priorities: (a) less emphasis on bread, pasta, potatoes and rice; (b) more red meat replaced with healthier alternatives, such as white meat (poultry) and fat fish and more vegetable protein sources; (c) replace unhealthy fats with healthier fats. With the food hourglass, I really want to show those things. A black-and-white approach does not work. In this model, you still leave a lot of space.’ (Interview: Verburgh, 29/05/2014)

As said, The Food Hourglass might be global in the sense that Verburgh refers to international nutritional scientists, of whom, as he claims, he received acknowledge- ment:

‘Walter Willett – the second most cited nutrition expert in the world – along with his fellow Myer Stanfer have mentioned that the book is fully consistent with the latest scientific evidence.’ (Interview: Verburgh, 29/05/2014)

Verburgh seem to perceive these experts as front-runners. Namely, these Harvard professors have provided a scientifically renewed food guideline, the Healthy Eating Pyramid, while arguing that the previous guideline reflects ‘the tense interplay of science and the powerful food industry’.24 Verburgh even compares the Food Guide Pyramid with the Harvard Pyramid in his book. Moreover, Verburgh argues that his message to eat less of red meat, healthy fats and less grain products is not new and already scientifically proven (Interview: Verburgh, 29/05/2014). Although the book has become a bestseller, and gained much popularity and followers in the Netherlands, Verburgh is practically on his own. He has support of Pauline Weuring who wrote a cookbook created. Moreover, he takes action deliber- ately by gain attention through interviews and documentaries.25 Besides, in 2012 together Verburgh, Kuipers and others signed a petition appealing the government for more focus on healthy diets.26 However, he differs from Kuipers in his expressions towards the food regime. Namely, he explicitly argues that the mainstream guidelines are out-dated and offends popular weight loss diets (p. 25-34); he condemns the food industry and the government (p. 39-44; Interview: Verburgh, 29/05/2014). Thus agi- tates against the system by, as he mentions, ‘shaking up the sacred cows’ (idem). His made some waves, allowing him to get his foot in the door by way of media, but received also critiques from other nutrition experts.27 Moreover, Voedingscen- trum enters the discussion by reacting against the hourglass on their website and comparing it explicitly in order to clarify that it is no alternative to the conventional guidelines.28 Thus, Verburgh seem to relate competitively to the corporate food regime.

24 Guideline that goes beyond the conventional recommendations by Harvard and contributions of Willett: http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/nutritionsource/pyramid-full-story/ 25 NTR Academie: http://www.uitzendinggemist.nl/afleveringen/1389298 26 Website Petitie 24: http://www.petities24.com/petitie_voeding_en_gezondheid 27 Articles on the success and shortcomings of the Voedselzandloper, website Volkskrant and Trouw: http://www.volkskrant.nl/vk/nl/3184/opinie/article/detail/3517465/2013/09/28/De-Voedselzandloper-is- wetenschappelijke-lariekoek.dhtml http://www.trouw.nl/tr/nl/4468/Schrijf/article/detail/3526148/2013/10/13/Nederland-is-in-de-ban-van-De- Voedselzandloper.dhtml 28 Website Voedingscentrum comparing Schijf van Vijf with the Voedselzandloper: http://www.voedingscentrum.nl/encyclopedie/voedselzandloper.aspx

5.3 Vegans and vegetarians – De Vegarevolutie (The Vegan-revolution)

It is possible to write a thesis on solely vegetarianism, since it is a centuries old dietary pattern and many scholars have already brought some clear insights (Fox & Ward, 2008; Craig, 2009). The earliest concept and practice of vegetarianism amongst a significant number of people was found in ancient India and the ancient Greek civi- lizations (Spencer, 1993). However, this section shows briefly the developments from the ancient dogma to current tendencies. Vegetarianism refers to voluntary non-consumption of meat and seafood, with or without abstaining from other animal products. The diet was closely connected with the idea of nonviolence towards animals, promoted by religious groups and philosophers. The ancient Greek philosophers glorified a paradise in which humans neither laboured nor worried. People lived peacefully with one another, with animals, and with the gods. The Greeks implicitly presented a meatless diet as a religious ideal; reflecting spiritual purity and vegetarianism (Walters & Portmess, 2001: 14). Notwithstanding, during the 20th century, there was a shift in motives for being vegetarian. Next to religious motivations, also, a secular form emerged, grounded in non-religious motivations, including health, ethics and environment (Fox & Ward, 2007: 422; Phillips, 2005: 135; Whorton, 1994: 1103). Besides, people restricting meat consumption as a member of an anti-establishment (or alternative) movement; using their dietary choices and lifestyle to make a political or other form of statement (Weinsier, 2000). An example is the Freegans movement, an anti-capitalist and environmental movement that lives according to alternative living strategies based on lim- ited participation in the conventional economy and minimal consumption of resources.29

29 Website of Freegans: http://freegan.info/

32 The common distinctions, nowadays, are vegans who avoid all animal products for food, clothing or other purposes, while lacto-ovo vegetarians consume dairy products and eggs, and semi- and pesco-vegetarians eat poultry and ﬁsh respectively (Fox & Ward, 2007: 422). This is a fixed structure, but also flexible through the clear distinctions acknowledged by each organisation or vegetarian group.30 Donald Watson, who founded the Vegan Society in 1944, created the term vegan. The word is made up from the beginning and end of the word vegetarian, which ‘symbolises that veganism is at the root of vegetarianism and the logical conclusion of the vegetarian jour- ney in pursuit of good health without the suffering or death of any animal.’31 Lisa Steltenpool, a young vegan dietician and author of De Vegarevolutie (Ve- gan-revolution, 2014), however, generates an alternative perspective regarding the environmental, health and ethical motivations within the established movement’s development. During the interview she mentions positive and negative strategies ‘to deliver the message’, which can be separated in a more positive approach and the abolitionist approach. The latter refers to a (ethical) movement aiming for animal rights and the abolition of any form of animal exploitation.32 The more positive approach seems to focus, therefore, on the basis of environment, health and more on animal welfare (interview). Steltenpool aims to stimulate people positively to eat more plant- based. Moreover, as the chairwomen of Viva Las Vegas and the Dutch Association of Vegans, the first Dutch vegan organisations, she initiates with her team events such as the Food Festival and the VeganChallenge.33 However, when her book was launched she received many critics as a student from her lecturers at the Dutch Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics. She explains that her studies are based on the Schijf van Vijf recommended by the Voedingscentrum. The website of the Amsterdam University of Applied sciences notes also, as a selling point, that graduating students may receive awards from Nestlé and the Voedingscen- trum.34 This does not necessarily mean that the University is highly influenced by the Voedingscentrum, but it might imply that it is consisting within the corporate food regime. Yet, Steltenpool has shared what she had experienced:

‘ I have expressed my opinion in Folia, which was not appreciated during my education. I was summoned to appear at the educational-manager, who deni- grated veganism as my religion. It disappointed me, I was expecting some valuable feedback from my teachers.’

Within this context, the Academy can be perceived as rigid and restraining such as other institutions within the (corporate) food regime. On the other hand, vegetarianism might be the most successful developed movement and alternative to mainstream dietary guidelines. Nearly every country has a vegetarian organisation that represents the vegetarians and works together with the corporate food regime actors.35 For example, dietetic associations in the U.K. and U.S. developed a guideline for vegetarians permitted by the Food Agencies (Phillips, 2005: 164-166). The Dutch Voedingscentrum supports vegetarianism, while recommending

30 A clear and acknowledged distinction of vegetarians on websites of Vegetarian Society and Vegan Society: https://www.vegsoc.org/definition; 31 The newspaper refers to the Vegan Society, available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/health/4450376.stm 32 Website Abolitionist approach: http://www.abolitionistapproach.com/about/#.U6cNYo1_uNk 33 Website Viva Las Vegas: http://www.viva-las-vegas.nl/ 34 Website Amsterdam University of Applied sciences: http://www.hva.nl/opleiding/voltijd/voeding-en-dietetiek/ 35 Website Vegetarian Society: https://www.vegsoc.org/aboutus; http://www.vegetariers.nl/over/missie-en-visie

33 meat substitutes, and the consumption grain and dairy products.36 It is noticeable that considerations regarding the criticized dairy industry and high-carbohydrate intakes are neglected. Besides, e-mail contact with the Dutch Association of Vegetarians has led me to the insight that governmental awareness regarding the effects of meat and dairy consumption is focused more on their environmental impact. Namely, it reports on it website that it aims to stimulate sustainable production of meat or substitutions and dairy within a collaboration of farmers, manufacturers, retailers, Nature and Environ- ment Foundation and the Animal Protection. Since sustainability issues have become a priority on the political agendas, it leads to different perspectives concerning the niche developments of the Vegan and Vegetarian movements.

36 Website Voedingscentrum: http://www.voedingscentrum.nl/nl/schijf-van-vijf/eet-gevarieerd/vegetarisch- eten.aspx

5.4 Raw Food

Raw foodies' only eat food, which is not cooked, baked or fried. It allows plant food, which has not been heated above 42 degrees Celsius. Raw foodies claim that food contains enzymes and micro bacteria that get destroyed in heated foods. These enzymes and micro bacterial will benefit metabolism and the immune system (Inter- view, Beukers, 25/06/2014). Raw Food is rooted in the US. Really is no clear organized group, and it gives the im- pression that it is community based. Especially people, who claim that they have gained much advantage or cured from a disease, obtain attention especially through personal websites, online consulting, blogs or web shops. The websites of popular raw food guru’s rather provide information, but sell raw products, books, apps and many other products. A popular raw food guru is David Wolfe37 It is claimed that it is a healthy diet that leads to a balanced body and mind through the source of life that raw food contains. The vitality of raw leads to increased energy and has cleansing effects for the body.38 Raw food serves as a mean to reach ecstatic heights and enlightenment. Experiments such as chocolate gatherings are organised in order to ‘clean out’ body and mind, and which leads to ecstatic experiences through pure and raw chocolate.39 This is also confirmed by Rosemarie Beukers, a raw foodie and owner of www.rawfoodie.nl. Namely, she explains:

‘It is also a spiritual way of eating and you could, which you could experience if you eat raw. Because, everything is energy: our thoughts and body is energy. And so, you can measure energy from food. Food that is not cooked has

37 Website David Wolfe and Paul Nison: http://www.davidwolfe.com/; http://healthwatchman.com/healing-ibd/ 38 Website about raw food: http://rawfood.isis-veganisme.nl/rawfoodfaq.htm 39 Interview with Roxane Catz, celebrity and author of Rox Rauw, conducted by natural dietician Anne Gooskens, information available: http://www.natuurdietisten.nl/detail.php?id=331&cod=103&page=

35 more energy. Energy is for many people the most important goal, but also de- toxification, because raw contains no e-numbers anymore.’ (Interview, Beukers, 25/06/2014)

Some spiritual raw foodies even isolate themselves from the society and grow their own food. Beukers explain they even abandon their citizen service number. However, their purpose is not to rebel against the system or with a political, rather a feeling of ‘not being part of the system’ (Interview, Beukers: 25/06/2014). Raw food receives scientific criticism, because it would be bad for the teeth (Ganss et al, 1998) and negative effects on the menstrual cycle and bodyweight (Koebnik et al, 1999). With children the diet can lead to growth failure. The Dutch documentary, Raw, mainly ensured global upheaval, while social and legal authorities took active measures. Besides criticism in the media, also Voedingscentrum disap- proves the diet, because there is a risk of shortages of iron, vitamin B2, B12 and cal- cium. However, it still tries to show that raw disk in combination with five healthy nuanced.40 Beukers has another perspective on guidelines based on science:

‘Other dietary guidelines focus on science. It counts only if it is scientifically proven. Often there is already a bias in science because you expect a certain outcome. It is not just about science, but also to what the body needs.’ (Inter- view, Beukers: 25/06/2014)

Within this context, Raw Food can be characterised as an alternative wherein people step away from the mainstream and that is distinguished from the mainstream guidelines.

40 Website Voedingscentrum on Raw Food: http://www.voedingscentrum.nl/nl/pers/standpunten/raw-foodisme.aspx

36 5.5. Food Watch

The far most actively opposing among the alternative food movements is Foodwatch, an independent non-profit organisation exposing food-industry practices. The Food- watch website states that it fights for consumer rights by making transparent what they are buying in order enjoy good, healthy and uncontaminated food.41 Foodwatch, founded in 2002 by former Greenpeace director Thilo Bode and with offices in Ber- lin, Paris and Amsterdam, can be perceived as an alternative movement in the sense that is a countermovement. The Dutch Food Watch attempts to show where it goes wrong and holds the government and industries accountable in order to protect consumers. Obviously, Foodwatch aims ‘a Europe-wide consumer movement as a coun- terweight to the food industry lobby’.42 Moreover, they stimulate people to join and make them aware of taking action ‘if they hope to assert their interests against the food industry’.43 Initially, in 2002, Foodwatch started with the focus on food safety and sustainability in food production. Two years later, members organised protests as demonstrat- ed in front of a Berliner McDonald’s against the use of genetically modified animal feeds in hamburger production.44 However, it is rather difficult to find specific goals on health related issues. It seems that the Dutch Foodwatch sheds light on the marketization of unhealthy food products and as being causes of ‘increasing health care costs due to heart diseases, diabetes and cancer’. In general projects – for example, striving for transparency of labelling45 – seem often an indirect solution to health related diseases, rather than Foodwatch fighting against the mainstream dietary guidelines.46 Nonetheless, Foodwatch has fought for the easy-to-understand food labelling with traffic light colour coding that required manufacturers – for the first time ever – to follow consistent food labelling rules for nutritional values, such as fat, sugar and salt. But in 2010, unfortunately, it is rejected by a narrow margin in the EU parliament. The point here is that Foodwatch attempts to tackle food issues on several do- mains such as, safety, fair trade and environmental concerns. For example, the Good Food Alliance with the Good Food Agenda 2030, a manifesto, is created including organisations as the Youth Food Movement and Fairfood International, The Hunger Project. They target issues as availability, affordability and healthy food; safe and nu- tritious food for all; an honest and transparent global food system; and sustainable global production and consumption. Therefore, the collaborating organisations have handed over the Good Food Agenda 2030 to the Secretary of State of the Ministry of Economic Affairs.47 Yet, it is noticeable that the Good Food Alliance mentions health related diseases by referring to a lack of certain nutrients, but neglects the conventional dietary guidelines, nor does it refer to any food product. They combat a broader field on food relating issues.

41 Website Foodwatch: http://www.foodwatch.org/en/about-foodwatch/ 42 According to Foodwatch this is essential because most of the laws governing the food sector are passed at the EU level, text is available at their website: http://www.foodwatch.org/en/about-foodwatch/news-about- foodwatch/foodwatch-membership-reaches-the-20000-mark-number-of-supporters-doubles-in-five-years/ 43 Idem: http://www.foodwatch.org/en/about-foodwatch/news-about-foodwatch/ 44 The Foodwatch website shows 10 year of history with reference to photos of their successes: http://www.foodwatch.org/en/about-foodwatch/10-years-of-success/ 45 For example the Dutch Schijf van Misleiding (Disk of Deception): https://www.foodwatch.nl/foodwatch-nl/content/e32905/e44970/e44989/Deschijfvanmisleiding_nl.pdf 46 Website Dutch Foodwatch: https://www.foodwatch.nl/wat_is_foodwatch/index_nl.html 47 http://www.thegoodfoodalliance.org/the-good-food-agenda-2030-english/

37 5.6 Youth Food Movement

The Youth Food Movement (YFM), founded in 2009, is the Dutch youth department of the Slow Food Movement. Slow Food is a global, grassroots organization linking the pleasure of good food with a commitment to local communities and the environment.48 Their approach is based on a concept of food quality that is defined by three interconnected principles: (a) good, a fresh and flavoursome seasonal diet that satis- fies the senses and is part of the local culture; (b) clean, food production and consumption that does not harm the environment, animal welfare or human health; and (c) fair, accessible prices for consumers and fair conditions and pay for producers.49 The Slow Food movement was founded in Italy in 1986 as a response to the perceived domination of fast food chains, supermarkets and agribusiness. Now, it has become a significant player in debates on biodiversity, local food communities, and genetically modified foods. Slow Food from developed as a mainly gastronomic association into a social and political movement and a growing appeal beyond Europe (Andrews, 2008). Elisabeth Lanz, chairwoman of YFM Netherlands, explains the primary aim of YFM:

‘We want to be a platform where all diversity within the food movement may come together. There is no single truth of what is healthy and what is not, but you can see that it could be better. We try to explore this by bring- ing together the initiators of change.’ (Interview, Lanz, 02/06/2014)

Lanz explores that this is realised through different projects and activities such as debates, a Food Film Festival, and the YFM Academy. The latter is an interactive education program aimed to increase knowledge among participants to gain new insights and give their own meaning to the possibilities of a sustainable food system. Accord- ing Lanz, ‘this will create a network of professionals who all have different back- grounds; but they realize that it can be different than it is today’ (Interview, Lanz, 02/06/2014). Moreover, as the website states YFM also strives for a fair and healthier food system.50 Thus they do mention health, but Lanz says that the YFM has no position regarding the conventional dietary guidelines. She explains that is an interesting point of issue within their board, and a received critic. Since their foundation they attempt- ed to stay in the middle as a link and unifier of alternatives and initiatives in order to accelerate processes. This seems to contrast with Slow Food that took a political standpoint from the beginning. Namely, slowness was understood as a cultural and symbolic form of resistance and important rhetorical strategy referring to a more thoughtful and intense way of living (Schneider, 2008: 398). Slow Food’s rhetoric lies within their aim for the autonomy of the pleasures of the table, seeing the preparation and enjoyment of good, clean, and fair food as a rejection of industrial agriculture and fast food. These acts are seen as taking place within a capitalist context – restaurant dining and market shopping are both dependent on commercial transactions – and, therefore, Slow Food rejects a life reduced to capitalist consumption (Schneider, 2008: 392).

48 Website of the Slow Food Movement: http://www.slowfood.com/international/1/about-us?-session=query_session:9232F1910f306388B2XjB4DD5E65 49 Idem: http://www.slowfood.com/international/2/our-philosophy 50 Website Youth Food movement: http://youthfoodmovement.nl/p/about

38 However, YFM should not be compared with what Slow Food initially was, but it shows that it has a different dynamic and in the same time it asks for a clear vision (Interview, Lanz, 02/06/2014). An event such as Damn Food Waste, seeking for attention by handing out free meals made of discarded food, does reach the political agenda.51 Yet, Lanz explains that even though YFM-members do oppose, they will not initiate action. YFM aims to stimulate and inspire positively, rather than being perceived as a countermovement (idem). It implies also that YFM has symbiotic relations with governmental institutions and actors. Lanz refers to Joris Lohman, director of YFM, who has created a valuable network at the Ministry of Economic Affairs and its Secretary of State. Besides, YFM is funded by OXFAM Grow, which is in turn subsidized by the Dutch government.52 According to Lanz, the government is one of the players.

‘Within our projects, the government is a player we influence directly or indirectly. Or government official who participates and themselves get inspired by YFM and try to convey in the workplace. That is how we usually work.’

Thus YFM aims to be the unifying factor for change through the dynamic that is expressed in their projects and events.

51 The website of the Ministry shows the need to do something about food waste. This is also realised through the creation of a network, the second website, in which YFM is a member. http://www.rijksoverheid.nl/onderwerpen/voeding/voedselverspilling http://www.nowastenetwork.nl/ 52 Websites of Oxfam Novib show what Oxfam funds and by whom it is funded http://www.oxfamnovib.nl/GROW-fonds http://www.oxfamnovib.nl/Overheden-en-bedrijven.html

39 5.7 Food Guerrilla

The first thing to notice on Food Guerrilla’s website is their slogan, ‘an offensive on several fronts.’53 Food Guerrilla is the network of over 150 food initiatives and pow- ered by OneWorld, which deals with sustainability and global issues. They aim to put positive and inspiring actions for a fair, more sustainable and healthy food system. Food Guerrilla attempts to ensure that ‘there is a buzz created to renew our food system because that is desperately needed!’ They, offer their network and also coaching, trainings, meetings and advice.54 Damn Food Waste YFM, for example, was organised among others with Wageningen University, Voedingscentrum and YFM. Sluiter, program designer for Food Guerrilla states that they want to achieve a transition: ‘throw a stone into the water in order to change the system even slightly.’ She adds, ‘if as many people as possible join, sooner or later it will succeed. The aim is therefore to mobilize the general public’ (Interview, Sluiter: 18/06/2014). Although there are also projects concerning healthy food, Food Guerrilla has its focus mainly on sustainability. Food Guerrilla is a result of a task imposed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to translate sustainability and global issues to citizens. That makes health an issue that is indirectly involved. Sluiter explains that this is a difficult situation for them since the Ministry is funding and only interested in the global perspective, rather than the health of an individual Dutch citizen (Interview, 18/06/2014). For example, promoting plant-based nutrients but implying the decrease of meat consumption brings also a better health condition. Yet, Food Guerrilla does not target dietary guidelines, nor does it refer to health related diseases. Sluiter argues:

‘That's actually our difficult position, because we can never take political positions, because the government funds us. It also does not fit our philosophy. If we aim to do something through the people; we actually want to influence demand, and production demand change. We are just on another level. We are just in a positive and inspiring way. Production change will be changed from within.’ (Interview, Sluiter: 18/06/2014)

It seems that Food Guerrilla resembles a niche that has developed itself successfully and takes advantage of the structures of the regime. Yet, the key point here is that the government initiates an innovative practice. Food Guerrilla might be perceived as a socio-technical network of the regime, but it is more similar to a niche. That is because it exists not even two years and Sluiter is the driving force behind the Food Guerrilla. As she explains, ‘whenever she would stop due to any reason, it will break down ‘ (Interview, Sluiter: 18/06/2014).

53 Website of Food Guerrilla: http://www.foodguerrilla.nl/ 54 Idem

6. CONCLUSION: How do alternative food movements tackle issues concerning dietary guidelines and health?

By answering the research question this thesis aimed, firstly, to create a better understanding of the multitude of niches within the food system, and, secondly, their development in order to understand how they tackle issues concerning health and dietary guidelines and why they do what they do. The framework of transition has led to these insights, because it allowed analysing the alternative food movements as niches within the context of a multilevel, multi-pattern and multi-phase perspective. When interviewing and analysing alternative food movements, the multilevel perspective emphasized, at one hand, the role of the food regime. On the other hand, it gave emphasis on learning processes, but also on the role of front-runners. Furthermore, bearing in mind that multi patterns might be possible, it contributed to the observa- tion that some AFM exist very close to the regime, and therefore both benefit from the support of the regime and in some way constrained by it. AFM are related competitive as well as symbiotic to the food regime, and, also, some stay explicitly away from the regime due to other worldviews. Within this context, the research question is illustrated through two graphics. The first exists of a vertical axis, going from strategic to simple, and a horizontal axis that goes from regime to niche in figure 3, which illustrates also the multi-phase perspective. This graphic serves as an overview of the multitude of niches and their typology (as simple or strategic) niche regarding the regime. It shows that Raw Food for example is an outlier regarding their distance to the food regime and the way it is intrinsically motivated to act for its own sake. On the contrary, if explained through the mul- tiphase perspective Food Guerrilla has accelerated as a niche and exists very close to the regime and benefits from the support, but it is not strategic as the name implies since the regime acts as a constraining factor. In figure 4 the horizontal axis divides the motivations of AFM through referring to ideological, cultural, environmental and health (implicitly); and the explicit focus on conventional dietary guidelines and health diseases. This graphic explains the positioning of the AFM, but also how they tackle issues, referring to a direct or indirect approach. But also why, since research question shows to motives dietary guidelines and health. It appeared that some AFM explicitly focus on the conventional guidelines relating to health diseases, but that others have more or other motivations to be alternative. These motivations are relevant, because they clarify whether AFM pursue to tackle issues, and therefore, their distance to the regime.

The empirical analysis shows as first many forms of AFM. There are two observable distinctions within AFM. On the one hand, movements alternating the conventional guidelines and movements, coming up with alternatives in order to tackle issues concerning dietary patterns, health and other food related issues. Secondly, table 1 lends itself well to position the AFM.

41 Figure 3. Niche developments related to the type of niche

Strategic

Food Watch

Voedselzandloper

Food Guerrilla YFM Vegan Regime Niche

Oerdieet Vegetarian

Paleo

Raw Food

Simple

Figure 4. Simple and strategic niches and their motivations

Strategic

Food Watch

Voedselzandloper

Food Guerrilla YFM Vegan Motivations Guidelines

Oerdieet Vegetarian

Paleo

Raw Food

Simple

43 6.1 AFM: Alternating the conventional guidelines Voedselzandloper can be characterised as a best practice niche that aims a change of the current food system. Verburgh is a front-runner operating in a deviant structure by creating an alternative dietary guideline in order to promote health. Moreover, he has created stepping-stones through exposing the structure, culture and practices of the regime. A number of individual actors, as frontrunners make it possible to function as a catalyst for supporting transition process. Therefore, Kuipers (Oerdieet) might also be called a frontrunner, as he mentioned a self made man. However, he refers to the financial, organizational and mental obstacles as inhibiting factors to act more strategically. Moreover, Kuiper’s vision is rooted in the ancestral diet and as Paleo shows they have difficulties as well, because there is no single form. The Paleo network is unstable and uncertain, because structures are not well articulated and disagreements exist about design specifications, user preferences and regulations. Even unstable, is the Raw Food Movement. As Beukers has called it is even a niche in a niche (Inter- view, Beukers, 25/06/2014). Raw food does provide loose structuration, because it they no purpose be a threat to the regime. Raw food is alternative in the sense that it attempts to dissociate itself from the regime, it draws people in and makes mainstreaming suspicious. Although Vegetarians and Vegans promote alternative guidelines, they are slightly different than the movements above. As figure 3 shows, vegetarians are close to the regime and they lean more towards the simple niche and can be called a niche-regime. This means that they accelerated through changes and they are translated into mainstream practices of many actors. This is due to their long existence and attempts to be accepted as an integral alternative. However vegetarianism shows also that, an important factor, and the motivations determines whether a niche is close to the regime. The mission of vegetarianism and veganism has ethical and environmental rules. Since the Dutch government has sustainability and ‘greener’ policies as its priorities, it implies that embracing vegetarianism will not cause an immediate overthrowing of the regime. Still, veganism is more strategic and distanced from the regime, because it is still inhibited by the regime as Steltenpool has experienced during her education. This means that there is still work to do for veganism in order to be accepted by the regime. Steltenpool attempts to become a broader niche through positively promoting veganism, focusing on animal welfare, ecological threats. Hence, Figure 3 shows that the more motivations a movement has, the closer it gets to the regime. This is only the case when these motivations appeal to the regime. Competing with scientific and corporate networks of the regime, removes a niche from the regime; and cultural motivations, based on image (Paleo) or spirituality (Raw Food), reduce the transformative power and willingness.

6.2 AFM: alternatives to tackle issues concerning health and other food related issues YFM and Food Guerrilla are symbiotic niches interconnected to the regime financial and organizational. YFM and Food Guerrilla are characterisations an accelerating niche through the development of knowledge, the mobilization of resources, the creation of a new food network and visions, the construction of markets, and new regulatory frameworks. YFM, Food Guerrilla differ from the movements above, because they mobilise innovative initiators within the food system through bottom–up processes and create alternative and new systems of provision, in which a particular pattern of production is linked to a particular pattern of consumption. As YFM explains, there is no single truth, strength is to bring them together and make people aware and seek wider change from within the regime (Interview, Lanz, 02/06/2014).

44 Food Watch is a movement that attempts environmental awareness-raising, education and promotion, changing the attitudes of local policy-makers, engaging people in sustainability issues in their daily lives as activists that seek for seek regime changes. They are at a distance from the regime, because it is their mission act as a countermovement. What makes these movements common is there focus on different food related issues rather than focusing on dietary guidelines. Health issues benefit from their actions. Again the government seems to experience no threat and embrace or even initiate niches (Food Guerrilla) to create innovative practices. This might be due to environmental and economical issues, but the regime has an increasing awareness in the urge to meet the demands of conscious consumers.

To sum up, AFM tackle issues strategically through opposing the regime and simple niches do not strive for change, since they are intrinsically motivated to improve their lives or others by inspiring them. Thus how a niche tackles issues depends on their type. Moreover, motivations determine whether a movement is more or less distanced from the regime. The regime will embrace and adopt niches when their motivations form is in the interest of the regime due to financial or environmental advantages. Other motivations, in contrast, determine also the type of niche. For example, the ethical and cultural ambitions Raw Food or Veganism make the previous lean to simple and the latter to strategic. In the next section I will discuss these findings and make recommendations for future research.

45 7. Discussion

This research provides space for research on several aspects within the transition theory. It can be said that this is the first Dutch research on alternative food movements. I have focused on innovative practices, the niche, within the food system. As mentioned in the introduction, it was not feasible to do research on more alternative movements. A future research could involve other alternative food movements, such as vegan squatter movements, the Freegans, or the Dutch Voedselbank, The transition framework that I have adjusted lends itself to add these movements. It would have a significant contribution to this research. Moreover, Grin et al. mentions alternative food movements can also have an ambiguous identity, as they may readily fit into, and be associated with, more affluent and elite forms of consumption. This research has not made any distinctions in elite or other forms of niches, than simple or strategic. The point of departure are social movements, but here also, a large n would help to analyse different motivations. Furthermore, the term self-made man is interesting (Interview, Kuipers: 02/06/2014), because it implies the role of frontrunners. Kuipers mentioned that it is difficult to mobilise as self-made man. They gain their attention not through the industry but by claiming their independence and their scientific truths. It is this way of expressing their selves, gaining support and changing beliefs and attitudes. The key opinion formers might be interpreted as frontrunners embraced by the food the corporate regime. Since I focused on the niche it was sufficient to position them in the food system, but future research could provide more insight on the role of frontrunners in a niche, and their ability to mobilise and influence the regime. Furthermore, this research would be more complete if the empirical results of the regime level were obtained from primary data resources. However, this updated framework still allows doing multi niche analysis in regimes of other states or even sectors. Since European legislation dominates food policies, a comparative analysis between countries would provide more knowledge on alternative food movements.

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8. 3 Interviews

Het Oerdieet – Remko Kuipers Paleo – Evert Berkelaar De Voedselzandloper – Kris Verburgh Raw Food – Rosemarie Beukers Veganisme – Lisa Steltenpool Vegetarisme – (email conact) Sytske de Waart Youth Food Movement – Elisabeth Lanz Food Guerrilla – Lotte Sluiter

49 Appendix 1.

Questions - What is it about and what is the essence? - Popularity? o How big is the organisation? o What is the impact on people? Local or global? - Vision and mission o Thus: why and how § Religion? § Ideology? § Science? § Image/culture? § Money? • Health concerns - What does it do? o Book o Activities and events o Volunteering projects o Consults - What is the environment, any critics? - Corporate food regime: o Impact? § Competitive or symbiotic? - How does it tackle issues concerning guidelines and health? o How developed is it? o Strategic, competitive § Watchdog § Front-runners § Case based issues o Strategic, symbiotic: § Ideological § Awareness raising o Simple § Culture or image? § Community?

50 Appendix 2.

Source: US Senate Select Committee on Nutrition and Humand Needs, Dietary Goals for the United StatesI, first edition (Washington, DC, January 1977)

51 Appendix 3.

The Basic Four food guide from 1958 established minimum levels of daily servings to prevent nutritional deficiencies (Nestle, 2013: 37)

The Eating Right Pyramid 1991 (Nestle, 2013: 52)

The USDA Food Guide Pyramid 1992 (Nestle, 2013: 6)