The Rise of the Courtier-Artist: the Political Careers Of

THE RISE OF THE COURTIER-ARTIST: THE POLITICAL CAREERS OF

PETER PAUL RUBENS AND DIEGO VELAZQUEZ IN PHILIP IV'S SPAIN

A Thesis

Presented to

The Faculty of Graduate Studies

The University of Guelph

NICOLE GRIEVE

In partial fulfillment of requirements

For the degree of

Master of Arts

January, 2008

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THE RISE OF THE COURTIER-ARTIST: THE POLITICAL CAREERS OF PETER PAUL RUBENS AND DIEGO VELAZQUEZ IN PHILIP IV'S SPAIN

Nicole Grieve Advisor: University of Guelph, 2008 Professor S. Humble-Ferreira

This thesis is an investigation of the political involvement of Peter Paul Rubens and Diego Velazquez at the court of Philip IV in seventeen century Spain. It argues that Rubens and Velazquez were participants in a movement begun in fifteenth century Italy to improve the status of artists in society and provide painters with new opportunities to exhibit their political prowess. Although their initial court appointments were as artists, over time both Rubens and Velazquez came to occupy important political appointments as well and became key figures in several of Spain's foreign policy endeavors. As such, Velazquez and Rubens played an important political role in the affairs of the Spanish state, both through their completion of political paintings for Philip IV and Olivares, and through their diplomatic and civil duties. Acknowledgements

First and foremost I would like to thank all the friends, family members, and educators for their inspiration and support. I would like to especially express gratitude to my advisor, Dr. Susannah Humble Ferreira, for her continual encouragement and

guidance, without which this thesis would not have been possible. Specifically, I also want to thank my parents for instilling in me a thirst for knowledge and for guiding me

through my education thus far. Special thanks to Joe for her artistic advice and my

cousin Danielle for her translation assistance. Most importantly I want to acknowledge

my fiance Chris, whose support was instrumental. Thank you for listening to my endless

babbling about subjects that bore you, traipsing acr.oss Europe and somewhat patiently

waiting for me outside numerous museums and galleries, and especially, for reminding

me that even the most unsuspecting airport can be a distinguished king. Last, but not

least to Harley, for keeping my lap warm and my hands clean.

i Table of Contents

Introduction 1

Chapter One 22

Chapter Two 43

Chapter Three 68

Conclusion 98

Bibliography 103

n Introduction

During the Early modern period, and especially during the seventeenth century, artists occupied a unique position in society. For the elite few, such as Rubens, and

Velazquez, they were no longer restricted to life as mere craftsman, but became courtier artists and were able to involve themselves in the realm of politics. Over the course of their careers, they not only became successful court artists, but accomplished politicians as well, serving the monarchy in various diplomatic and domestic posts. Consequently, they reached a position of high social standing from which they had intimate access to

Philip IV and other important courtiers and were granted important titles and knighthood.

All of these aspects of their political and artistic careers demonstrate that Rubens and

Velazquez were successful political agents who occupied a uniquely prominent position in the Spanish court of Philip IV.

Until recently the study of pre-French Revolution courtly society in Europe has been largely neglected, with the exception of its artistic dimension. In part, this was the result of the dominance of liberalism during the nineteenth century which simply labeled the ancient regime courts as paternalistic and despotic. Then, for much of the twentieth century, the supremacy of Marxist and Liberalist history meant that the courts were still virtually an academic taboo. For the most part, they only received scholarly attention as an agent and expression of monarchical absolutism, and as centers of artistic patronage and propaganda.1 Furthermore, it was generally only sociologists, anthropologists, and political scientists who carried out this research, with little or no work done by historians.

Although historians began to focus on the political structure of court society, and to reject

' John Adamson, "The Making of the Ancient-Regime Court: 1500-1700," in The Princely Courts of Europe, edited by John Adamson (London: Seven Dials, Cassell & Co., 2000), 9. its absolutist depiction towards the end of the twentieth century, it is only since the start of the twenty-first century that the perception of the court as a center of propaganda and political absolutism had been challenged by historians.

The first thorough study of court history came when the sociologist Norbert Elias first published The Court Society in 1969 in German.2 Although the majority of his arguments are disputed today, his study broke the stigma of the court as a historical non entity carrying politically offensive associations. Relying heavily on the Memoires of the

Due de Saint-Simon (1607-1693), Elias used Louis XIV's court at Versailles to argue that the court served to centralize power in the hands of an absolute monarch. Furthermore, he saw the French court as an example of a European wide pattern. According to Elias,

Louis XIV was able to rule France by controlling the court, which was principally done through etiquette and ceremony that was carefully designed to enhance the power and prestige of Louis XIV. From this viewpoint, competition for status, prestige and the king's favour - which was dependent upon following etiquette - kept courtiers from joining forces against the king, and public confirmation of the king's power became a value in its own right.3 Overall, Elias argued that court society was an important step in the formation of modern society because it resulted in the emergence of a centralized

state under the king, which reduced the power of the political elite.4 This was one reason why Elias' position became so popular; it agreed with the perspective of nationalist

2 It was first published in English in 1983 3 Norbert Elias, The Court Society, trans. Edmund Jephcott (New York: Basil Blackwell Publisher Limited, 1983), 71, 117,134. 4 Ibid., 1.

2 historians who also argued that the court was important because it contributed to the rise of the modern state by limiting the power of the nobility and upper ranks of society.5

Although after Elias' work was published the court was increasingly studied, it was still not a popular subject for historians, and the 'myth of Versailles' continued to hold influence. Instead of studying the court's political structure, a tradition of aulic history with a strong partiality for conceptual ornament developed; the meaning of ceremony was seen as more worthy of scholarly attention than the concrete forms of ceremony themselves or the daily routines of the court. As a result, aulic history emerged as a specialized domain with a strong cultural bias dominated by scholars from history of art, music, theater, architecture, and anthropology. Even work done by historians on court society during the 1970s continued to support many of Elias' claims. A.G.

Dickens' compilation, The Courts of Europe, also emphasized that the court was the centre of aristocratic culture, and that ceremony was an important part of royal dominance. Furthermore, similar to Elias, Dickens and the other authors within the volume argued that dominance was also achieved through propaganda that suggested power and stability.7 Although this thesis does not agree with the strength these early authors gave to these argument, it does concur with the general principle that courts were centers of artistic patronage and that art contained a political message.

Furthermore this thesis offers additional perspective to the growing body of literature that specializes in patronage networks and the position of clients in society.

This viewpoint began in the mid-1980s, in particular with Sharon Kettering's Patrons,

5 Jeroen Duindam, Vienna and Versailles: The Courts of Europe's Dynastic Rivals, 1550-1780 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 8. 6 Ibid., 9. 7 A.G. Dickens, ed., The Courts of Europe: Politics, Patronage and Royalty (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1977), 7.

3 Brokers and Clients in Seventeenth century France. Kettering's work concentrated on the intricacies and structure of patronage and client-patron relations, with a focus on

France in the seventeenth century. Specifically examining this political aspect of court society, Kettering concluded that patronage was an essential aspect of government and an integral element of royal governance.8 Although her main argument was similar to Elias' conclusions, it was founded upon an understanding of the complexities of political patronage, instead of inferences about the function of etiquette and ceremony. One problem with Kettering's work is that it continued to rely exclusively on Bourbon France for an understanding of court society. While she did not claim that the French court was an example of a model replicated in all European courts like Elias, she still did limit her research to the French court.9 This is yet another issue that this thesis will help to redress, by focusing on the Spanish court of Philip IV.

This project will also expand upon the premises put forth by Ronald G. Asch and

Adolf M. Birke in their 1991 compilation titled Princes, Patronage, and the Nobility: The

Court at the Beginning of the Modern Age, which delved into several European countries, with each chapter devoted to a different monarch's court, such as Philip II and Elizabeth

I. The research done by Asch and Birk, and the other contributors to the volume, represented a switch from research focused on the pomp and ceremony of the court to an analysis of the political structure of patronage. Specifically they wanted to redress the

current imbalance in scholarly literature by concentrating on the role of the court as a

Sharon Kettering, Patrons, Brokers, and Clients in Seventeenth Century France (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1986), 3. 9 Elias, Court Society, 18-19.

4 center of patronage and a forum for politics.10 However, the chapter "The Court of Philip

II of Spain" by M.J. Rodriguez-Salgado demonstrated that court decoration was still viewed as a method of enhancing the prestige of the ruler. In particular Rodriguez-

Salgado argued that Philip II used the arts for the promotion of the dynasty and the

Catholic faith.11 Thus, despite the fact that the political structure of court society was becoming the concentration of historical research on this topic, the purpose and function of the arts was still an issue being studied. Both of these themes will be discussed in this thesis, as they contribute to the understanding of the artists' role in society.

This project challenges several of the ideas proposed in The Princely Courts of

Europe, a collection of essays edited by John Adamson. Similar to Asch and Birke's volume, it also discussed various courts throughout Europe, demonstrating their similarities and differences. Although Adamson also focused on the political structure of the court, unlike other previous authors on this subject he took a strong stance against the argument that court art served a political purpose. Particularly, he clearly stated in the introduction that he and his fellow authors questioned the applicability of the word

'propaganda' with its "automatic assumption that almost all court art was aimed at persuading or indoctrinating a broad and biddable 'public' " Adamson argued that despite changes in the way court society is studied, the influence of the propagandist

interpretation of court cultural remains pervasive, and as such court magnificence is seen as projecting a political message with the intent of persuading a public which the regime

10 Ronald G. Asch, "Introduction: Court and Household from the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Centuries," in Princes, Patronage and the Nobility: The Court at the Beginning of the Modern Age c. 1450-1650, edited by Ronald G. Asch and Adolf M. Birke (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1991), 2, 18. " A.J. Rodriguez-Salgado, "The Court of Philip II of Spain," in Princes Patronage and the Nobility: The Court at the Beginning of the Early Modern Age c. 1450-1650, edited by Ronald G. Asch and Adolf M. Birke (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1991), 238, 242.

5 either wanted to or needed to impress. Moreover, Adamson offered a narrow definition of the term 'propaganda,' applicable only to the furthering of one's cause or ideas in the present. Court art, he claimed, could not be seen as propaganda because monarchs were interested in influencing future generations as well as their peers. Furthermore, Adamson argued that this term, when referring to court art, was also misapplied because monarchs did not seek to influence the public at large, bur rather only a select few: including other monarchs and high-ranking courtiers. Instead, Adamson called for a distinction between

"a general intention of conveying meanings that relate to the exercise of rule and the deliberately opinion-forming objectives of propaganda."13 Thus although he disagreed with the use of the term propaganda to describe court art, he did not entirely deny that it served functional ends. This paper will demonstrate that paintings were more accessible than Adamson proposed, and that one of the primary motivations behind Philip IV and

Olivares' massive program of artistic patronage was to project a certain political method through works of art.

Besides contributing to the field of court history, this thesis also adds to the scholarship on Philip IV (1605-1665) by addressing the imbalance of previous literature, which center on the unfavorable aspects of Philip IV's reign. Most of these scholars based their negative perception of Philip IV on his relationship with his valido, or favorite, Gaspar de Guzman Y Pimentel, Count-Duke of Olivares (1587-1645). As Philip

IV was only sixteen when he became King of Spain, sovereign of the Spanish

Netherlands, and King of Portugal (as Philip III) in 1621, most of his policy was based on the advice of Olivares. Despite the fact that an early study published in 1888 on Philip

12 Adamson, Princely Courts, 10. 13 Ibid., 34.

6 IV by Antonio Canovas del Castillo titled Estudios del Reinado de Felipe IV found that

Philip IV was hardworking, Castillo argued Philip IV was just working on what Olivares told him to do. In part this portrayal was based on Philip IVs support for Olivares' attempts at financial reform, specifically the Union of Arms. Although Philip IV

supported the Union of Arms, which aimed to even out the financial contributions of the realms, the main impetus behind the proposed legislation came from Olivares.14

The first monograph in the twentieth century devoted to Philip IV was Martin

Hume's The Court of Philip IV: Spain in decadence, published in 1907. Overall, Hume's work sought to demonstrate how Philip IV s reign was a period of decline, and marked the triumph of French over Spanish influence. In drawing this conclusion, Hume focused on the numerous foreign policy failures that plagued Spain in the time of Philip IV. For

example, failed efforts to gain control of Mantua in 1628, the recognition of the United

Provinces as an independent state with the 1648 Treaty of Mtinster, and the 1659 Treaty

of the Pyrenees in which Spain ceded several areas of the Spanish Netherlands to France.

His encapsulation "a king to whom pleasure was a business, and a minister to whom business alone was pleasure" has until recently remained the dominant theme of

subsequent historians' work on this subject.15 In part, this perception is based on

Olivares' efforts during the first decade of Philip IVs reign to educate Philip IV and make him a cultured patron of the arts. Scholars such as Hume have viewed Philip IVs

devotion to patronage as a symptom of his neglect of the political and more tedious

aspects of rule, and as a contributing factor to the continued financial problems

14 R.A. Stradling, Philip IV and the Government of Spain, 1621-1665 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 34. 15 Martin Andrew Sharp Hume, The Court of Philip IV: Spain in decadence (London: E. Nash & Grayson, 1907), v, 48.

7 throughout his reign. In fact, as this thesis will demonstrate, Philip IV was a more capable king than Hume argued. In particular, his decision to patronize excellent artists who had great political capabilities, and thus could aid the monarchy both in artistic and political areas, illustrate that he was not a passive and ineffective monarch.

This perception was not challenged until the publication of Dominguez Ortiz'

Politicay Hacienda de Felipe IVin 1960. In his work Ortiz suggested that Philip IV's support for Olivares came from positive political considerations, not from weakness and laziness. However, Ortiz' arguments were largely ignored, and Hume's negative portrayal of Philip IV endured until the mid-1970s. In 1975 Jose Alcala-Zamora attempted to partially defend Philip IV's reign in his work Espana, Flandesy el Mar del

Norte by arguing that he was a hardworking king, and more akin to Philip II than previously believed. Even though Alcala-Zamora's more favourable depiction of Philip

IV was partly supported by subsequent work by J.H. Elliott, it was not until the publication of R.A. Stradling's Philip TV and the Government of Spain: 1621-1665 in

1988 that a serious revaluation of Philip IV's reign occurred. As part of its contribution, this thesis builds upon Stradling's biography, drawing attention to Philip IV's personal involvement in artistic patronage, and his astute appointment of capable individuals such as Rubens and Velazquez as part of a relentless effort to establish peace.

In addition, this thesis also aims to redress the previously limited attention paid to

seventeenth century Spain by modern scholars. Even though its 'Golden Age' has been the subject of much scholarly work, seventeenth century Spain and its age of decline has received meager treatment by the standards of the best European scholarship.16 For

16 J.H. Elliott, The Count-Duke of Olivares: The Statesman in an Age of Decline (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986), ix.

8 example, the chapter on Spain in Asch and Birke's compilation is limited to the court of

Philip II. Even what little work has been devoted to Philip IV s court has been colored by Hume's influence and places a strong emphasis on the role of court ceremony and entertainment. For example, the chapter on Spain in Dicken's Courts of Europe, by J.H.

Elliott is adequately titled "Philip IV of Spain: Prisoner of Ceremony," and Glyn

Redworth and Fernando Checa's look at Spanish Hapsburgs' courts in The Princely

Courts of Europe places a definite emphasis on the role of ceremony during Philip IV's rule. Clearly any effort to dispel the perception of Philip IV as a king whose sole focus was recreation has not yet influenced the work of court historians. Although not the primary purpose of this project, this paper will demonstrate that while Philip IV was heavily involved in artistic endeavors, these were in part meant to increase his ability to rule by establishing an image of himself as a powerful and capable ruler.

As such, this project offers additional perspective to a growing body of literature by art historians that assesses the purpose of court ceremony and art. Often, in their discussions of noted historical paintings, or cycles of paintings, art historians have argued that artwork served a definitive political purpose. Artwork is frequently assessed based on the message the work is meant to convey, whether that message was developed by the artist, or, as is frequently the case in court art, dictated by the patron. As a result, in the majority of books about court artists the focus is on their paintings and how they reflected the propagandist motivations of their royal patron. Steven Orso claimed in Philip IV and

the Decoration of the Alcazar in 1986 that the Hall of Mirrors in the Alcazar of Madrid was, in his words, a "ceremonial chamber splendidly decorated to proclaim the noble

9 virtues, superior character, distinguished lineage, and royal mission" of Philip IV.

Similarly, as part of his research on Velazquez in the early 1990s, Jonathan Brown argued that the paintings in the Hall of Realms in the Palacio del Buen Retiro in Madrid were part of a straightforward program designed to magnify the power of the Spanish monarchy, in particular by emphasizing dynasty and military victories. Within this

framework, specific attention has been paid to the function of portraits. In his 1990 book

Renaissance Portraits: European Portrait-Painting in the 14', 15', and 16' Centuries

Lome Campbell contended that portraits were primarily utilized for commemoration,

often by being publicly displayed at ceremonies such as entries. This thesis will build

upon these ideas by defending this perspective that art served a political purpose.

Furthermore it will argue that the ability to compose political paintings was an integral

element of the political role of Rubens and Velazquez at court.

The purpose of court art is just one area where the research of historians and art

historians has recently converged. Theodore Rabb and Jonathan Brown have commented

on this trend in their introductions to Art and History: Images and their Meanings,

published in 1988. In it they claimed that historians and art historians share similarities

in their approaches to research, the historical questions they ask, and the concerns they

pursue. Furthermore, they demonstrated that visual evidence is becoming increasingly

important to historians. However, they also pointed out some of the difficulties

associated with using works of art as historical evidence: it is harder to interpret and is

17 Steven Orso, Philip IV and the Decoration of the Alcazar (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 89. 18 Jonathan Brown, The Golden Age of Spanish Painting (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), 144, and Jonathan Brown, Velazquez, painter and courtier (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991). 19 Lome Campbell, Renaissance Portraits: European Portrait-Painting in the 14th, 15', and 16' Centuries (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 193, 198, 201.

10 often shaped by the imagination of the artist. Despite these difficulties, they still argued that the way artists represent man and the world illustrates the value of art in understanding the past. The recognition of these similarities has been realized in other recent works, for example the collaboration of Jonathan Brown and John Elliott for their book Palace for a King: The Buen Retiro Palace and the Court of Philip IV, published in

2003. The interdisciplinary nature of this thesis will thus contribute to this new trend and supports the position that there are numerous similarities between the research of historians and art historians.

This paper seeks to redress the imbalance in the historiography of court painters created by the tendency of art historians to limit their work to the function of court painting. Although some scholars have made efforts to analyze the artists' social and political position in society, there are still inroads to be made. Aside from a seminal work by Martin Warnke, entitled The Court Artist (1993), historians and art historians alike have largely ignored this topic. The purpose of Warnke's research was to illustrate how the position of the court artist in the early modern period contributed to the widespread appreciation of the arts seen in modern times. In order to prove his argument,

Warnke gave a detailed analysis of the exact position artists held in society, how they gained access to court, and their role at court. Additionally, he discussed the

opportunities they had to advance within court hierarchy and the political duties some of them performed. According to Warnke artists were able to reach such a high position

because they were "involved in the visible projection of the princely aura and had

privileged access to the ruler's presence." As such, he did believe that there was a

20 Theodore K. Rabb and Jonathan Brown, "The Evidence of Art: Images and Meaning in History," in Art and History: Images and Their Meaning, edited by Robert I. Rothberg and Theodore K. Rabb (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 1-6.

11 political purpose behind court decorations; however, like Adamson, Warnke emphasized that it was meant for a select few, such as foreign diplomats, and not the public at large.21

This project will build upon several of Warnke's arguments, with a detailed focus on the examples of Rubens and Velazquez in seventeenth century Spain.

Warnke based his conclusions on a wide variety of primary source material such as letters, court records, treatises, contemporary biographies, and artists' autobiographies.

Examples of these sources include the letters of Rubens, the artist Benvenuto Cellini's autobiography Vitta (1560), Albrecht Durer's (1471-1528) journal, the imperial court records of Innsbruck which demonstrated what artists received as compensation for their work, and the Varia Velazqueha, a compilation of numerous documents relating to the life of Velazquez. Warnke also utilized numerous artistic treatises, such as Leon Battista

Alberti's famous De Pictura (1435), Cennino Cennini's 7/ libro dell'arte (c. 1410),

Giulio Mancini's Considerazioni sulla pittura (1614-21), a discussion of architecture by

Antonio Averlino detto il Filarete from 1460, and a treatise on sculpture by P. Gauricus from 1503. Naturally, Wanke also relied heavily on the works written by Giorgio Vasari, especially his Lives of the Most Excellent Painters, Sculptures, and Architects, first published in 1550. Although these sources cover a considerable time period, three disciplines of art - painting, sculpture, and architecture - and a vast geographical range, there is still a heavy reliance on primarily Italian, and secondarily, German painters and patrons. The current project will build upon Warnke's work by extending his analysis to

Spain.

21 Martin Warnke, The Court Artist: On the ancestry of the modern artist, trans. David McLintock (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), xv, 197-8.

12 Even though Warnke's research fills a gap in the scholarly work on the status of artists in Early modern courts, a more specific examination on the position of individual artists is still needed, and is yet another inadequacy of previous literature this thesis will address. Many of the biographies written about artists, such as Rubens and Velazquez, concentrate mainly on their artistic output, with little or no reference to their other activities. Rubens was born in 1577 in Westphalia, and after 1589 resided in Antwerp.

He first began a career at court in 1600 under the service of the Duke of Mantua, and his political involvement began when the Duke sent him to Valladolid as part of an embassy to Philip III (1598-1621) in 1603. After remaining in Mantua for several more years,

Rubens returned to the Dutch Netherlands under the patronage of the Archduke Albert and the Infanta Isabella in 1609. In 1623 he was chosen by the Infanta to open negotiations with the Dutch. Although the negotiations ended in 1624, Rubens remained active in politics and was chosen by Philip IV as his envoy to London to negotiate peace between Spain and England in 1629. Before he embarked for London, Rubens spent several months at court in Madrid, where he came into contact with fellow artist and courtier Diego Velazquez. Velazquez had first come to Madrid in 1622 at the age of twenty-three, but it was not until 1623 that he received a permanent position as a court painter. Until he met Rubens in 1628 Velazquez had only served Philip IV as an artist, but after seeing the heights a painter could achieve, he was motivated to seek political

involvement as well. As a result he traveled to Italy on artistic and diplomatic missions

in 1629 and 1648, traveled with Philip IV to Aragon in 1642 and Irun in 1660, and

organized a public ceremony at El Escorial in 1653, and the reception of the French

13 diplomat Marcel Due d'Agramont in 1659. Due to their diligent service to the Spanish monarchy, Philip IV knighted Rubens in 1631 and Velazquez in 1659.

Considering that non-artistic court involvement was a major component of the careers of several artists, this is clearly an imbalance that needs to be addressed. In particular the careers of Velazquez and Rubens were heavily dominated by their political activities at court; while numerous books have been published about their art, few of the works written about them pay tribute to their life at court. Furthermore, little research has been done on Ruben's activities, artistic or otherwise, for his Spanish patrons, until

Alexander Vergara's Rubens and His Spanish Patrons was published in 1999. The only sources that adequately discuss both the artistic and political aspects of either of these artists' careers are Velazquez, Painter and Courtier by Jonathan Brown and Rubens: a

Double Life by Marie-Anne Lescourret. As the title suggests the focus of the first book was equally divided between Velazquez' painting and his activities as a courtier in the king's household; Brown noted in his introduction that one of the main purposes behind the book was to improve the imbalance between Velazquez' activities as an artist and as a

courtier. However, despite the attention to his political career, Brown's main interest in

Velazquez' non-artistic activities came from a desire to understand how his work as a

courtier effected his artwork, and thus is still somewhat limited in its analysis. This thesis aims to redress this limitation, by centering on Rubens' and Velazquez' political

careers, and analyzing how their work as artists facilitated their political involvement.

One other aspect that has been largely ignored is why monarchs chose artists for

political duties and what qualities artists possessed that enabled them to correctly perform

these duties. In his limited discussion of this topic, Warnke explained why monarchs

22 Brown, Velazquez, ix.

14 wanted artists as painters, and why artists wanted to obtain court titles, but not why they were actually chosen or what sort of training they had, if any. Similarly, biographies of

Philip IV and his favorite Olivares, such as Philip IV and the government of Spain by

Stradling and J.H. Elliott's The Count-Duke of Olivares, only discuss why these two patrons were interested in commissioning artwork. Even at that, as Steven Orso has noted, the study of Philip IV's artistic patronage has been relatively neglected, and is mostly seen as an adjunct to studies of Velazquez and Rubens, something that is

especially glaring in relation to the outstanding collection of art he accumulated over his

lifetime.23 Comparably, the few art historians, such as Brown, who have discussed their

subject's political involvement have also avoided a discussion of what attributes artists

occupied that enabled them to succeed as courtiers.

Rubens and Velazquez were more than successful artists, they were also

exceptional political agents who served the Spanish crown diplomatically and through their duties in the king's household. Through the completion of these political tasks, they

aided Philip IV and Olivares by improving Spain's position within Europe. As this thesis

will demonstrate, over the course of their careers both artists were entrusted with political

duties ranging from entertaining foreign dignitaries to acting as an envoy to secure peace

in a foreign court. Furthermore, at the peak of their careers they had frequent access to

political elites at court, including Philip IV and Olivares. Additionally, they were

endowed with important titles typically held by the most influential courtiers both as

rewards for excellent service, and in order to provide them with the requisite titles for

certain duties. Moreover, both Rubens and Velazquez were honored with the title of

Orso, Alcazar, 7.

15 knight. Although being knighted, within the Spanish context, did not mean that they were granted noble status, knighthood still carried a mark of prestige.

With this in mind, the first chapter will demonstrate that Rubens and Velazquez were not the only artists to receive such grand recognition from their patrons, but that their advancement built upon a tradition established by the prominent painters of the

High Renaissance, such as Michelangelo and Raphael. However, Rubens' and

Velazquez' success was only possible because the artists of the High Renaissance initiated a transformation in the purpose and meaning of art, and the role of the artist in society. Beginning in the Italian city-states, this evolution was eventually carried to

Spain in time to influence the patronage of Olivares and Philip IV and provide Rubens and Velazquez the opportunity to become courtier-artists. Furthermore this chapter will provide a background of the typical position of court artists. Both of these topics will allow for a greater understanding and appreciation for the position of Rubens and

Velazquez, as both artists rose to a higher position than any other previous or contemporary artists.

The second chapter will first demonstrate that art contained political messages, which were understood by their intended audience, domestic courtiers and foreign

dignitaries. This chapter will also centre on what motivated Philip IV and Olivares to

employ artists at court. Facing several political, social, and economic problems, Olivares

embarked on a massive program of artistic patronage early in Philip IV s reign in an

effort to demonstrate the young King's power and to provide him with a cultured

education. As problems for the monarchy grew worse, artists were commissioned to

compose paintings with stronger political messages, and eventually, to serve Philip IV as

16 political agents and directly involve themselves in bringing about peace and prosperity.

In addition, the potential reasons why artists were chosen as political agents will be analyzed. Although initially the choice of promoting a painter to a position such as envoy appears strange, upon closer examination several of the qualities that allowed an artist to paint masterpieces also aided Rubens and Velazquez in their court careers.

Overall this demonstrates that by their very employment as artists, painters such as

Rubens and Velazquez were already involved in Spanish politics and that the leap to more traditional political roles was not altogether that great. This chapter also illustrates the close relation between Rubens and Velazquez work as artists and their work as diplomats, and how both aspects of their careers were essential in their advancement.

The focus of the third chapter centers on how Rubens and Velazquez secured themselves prominent court positions. It was not only the desires of Olivares and Philip

IV that determined the path of these two painters' careers at court; it was also fundamentally through their own agency that Velazquez and Rubens were able to rise throughout court hierarchy. Motivated by the desire to improve their status and influence at court, each painter was able to overcome numerous obstacles and best utilize their opportunities and abilities to become the most successful court artists of their time. As a result, by the end of their lives both artists had reached a position from which they had the possibility to influence politics and the decisions made by Philip IV and Olivares. To this end, both painters had risen to a position greater than any other previous artists, and

were rarely rivaled or surpassed by their descendents.

Although the primary sources that form the basis of the research have all been

used by previous scholars, for the purpose of this thesis they will be applied in a

17 completely new way. Instead of utilizing them to analyze the artistic output of Velazquez and Rubens, they will be employed to assess the nature and significance of their political involvement. In this regard, the information drawn from them will be different than that from previous studies. The biggest source of primary source material about Rubens comes from his numerous letters, spanning the whole of the artists' career. These include many of the letters Rubens sent to various individuals, especially Olivares, the Infanta

Isabella, and his contacts in France, such as the scientist Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc

(1580-1637), and Pierre Dupuy (1582-1651); many of the letters sent to Rubens from these persons; and letters between prominent individuals and Philip IV about Rubens.

The language of the original letters varies - Latin, French, Flemish, Italian, English - depending on where Rubens was when the letter was written, and who the intended recipient was. The originals are housed in numerous archives throughout Europe, reflecting the international character of the painters' life, including the Archivio Gonzaga in Mantua, the Archives du Royaume and the Bibliotheque Royale in Brussels, the Public

Record Office and British Museum in London, the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, and the Archivo General in Simancas. Although the subject matter of these letters is

extensive, for the purposes of this thesis, the use of these letters is limited to their ability to demonstrate the political nature of Rubens' career. To this end the letters will be

applied to demonstrate the extensive nature of his network of correspondence, and the types of political events they discussed and subsequent information they shared.

Furthermore, letters to his contacts and employers demonstrate the specific political

activities he was involved in, through Rubens' telling of his daily actions.

18 Several contemporary biographies were written about Velazquez and other painters at the Spanish court, including Rubens. The most detailed is Antonio Palomino de Castro y Velasco's (1653-1726) Lives of the eminent Spanish painters and sculptors, styled along the lines of Giorgio Vasari's Lives of the Artists, which includes separate sections on both Velazquez and Rubens. Palomino was himself a successful court painter named painter to the king ad honorem in 1688, and was a court painter for Charles II

(1665-1700) and Philip V (1700-46). Although his accounts of several artists are based on first hand knowledge, since Palomino came to court eighteen years after Velazquez' death, his depictions of both Velazquez and Rubens are based on other sources. In the case of Velazquez, his information comes primarily from Velazquez' pupil, Juan de

Alfaro (ca.1640-80) and Don Juan Carreno (1614-85), who also knew Velazquez personally. In all cases he made as good an effort as possible to study firsthand the works of art he discussed. Despite some obvious errors in his work, for the most part his recollections are accurate and his sources reliable.24 Francisco Pacheco (1564-1644),

Velazquez' father-in-law, also wrote a biography of Velazquez, Arte de la Pintura, that also includes information on Rubens' activities at the Spanish court. Although Pacheco was somewhat biased in his praise of his son-in-law, the factual information contained with his treatise is accurate and cross-references with Palomino's Lives. A detailed biography of Rubens is given in Roger de Piles' (1635-1709) La Vie de Rubens first published in 1681. Despite being published after Rubens' death, as an art critic, collector, and diplomat, de Piles was extremely familiar with his subject. Unlike previous scholars who used these sources only as a means to establish biographical

24 Nina Ayala Mallory, "Introduction," in Lives of the Eminent Spanish Painters and Sculptors, by Antonio Palomino de Castro y Velasco, trans. Nina Ayala Mallory (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), xv.

19 information and details about the artwork each painter produced, this thesis will utilize them to analyze the exact nature of both Rubens' and Velazquez' roles at court, including the specific political duties they performed and the relationship they held with their patron, Philip IV.

Another group of sources that will be used differently than in the past are contemporary accounts of the artwork at the Spanish court that describe in detail both paintings by Rubens and Velazquez, and those by other artists such as Titian. Examples of these accounts include: descriptions of the New Room in the Alcazar by the Italian diplomat Cassiano del Pozzo (1588-1657), and by the Spanish artist Vicente Carducho

(1568-1638), and the travel diaries of the Comtesse d'Aulnoy (ca. 1650-1705) and

Antoine de Brunei. Previously these sources have been primarily used by scholars to assess what paintings were at court, what they looked like (for comparison with the paintings today to assess potential modifications), and the placement of the artwork within a palace or residence. However, these accounts can also be utilized to demonstrate that numerous individuals had access to, and understood the meaning of, palace artwork.

The resulting study of these sources in a new light will be a greater understanding of the political aspect of Rubens' and Velazquez' careers, in an attempt to rectify a previous oversight in current literature on these two artists. Although the case of these two artists by no means implies that all artists became successful courtiers and politicians, it does demonstrate that for sufficiently talented artists, the opportunity for a

career outside of guild restrictions was available, and that the role of artists in this period was undergoing a shift away from their position during the Middle Ages. Ultimately this

allowed painters to demonstrate that their talents as artists were not limited to painting,

20 but allowed them to become successful political agents as well, filling the increasingly more complicated needs and expectations of their patrons. While their varying goals resulted in Rubens and Velazquez embarking on a slightly different path, the similarities in their careers are still numerous. Within this larger discussion, this thesis will also touch upon several historiographical issues, such as the function of court art, the personality of Philip IV, and the emerging convergence of historians and art historians on relevant topics.

21 The Emergence of the Court Artist

By the seventeenth century, the political role of the court artist had had a long history, however certain changes during the sixteenth century allowed Rubens and

Velazquez to execute their role better than their medieval predecessors. The purpose and meaning of art, under the direction of several Italian theorists such as Leone Battista

Alberti (1404-1472) and Gregorio Vasari (1511-1574), shifted as art began to project a political, rather than a religious ideal. As a result, there was a growing recognition among rulers of the power of art, which in turn encourage them to patronize talented artists and offer them increasingly grander rewards. Both of these factors ultimately culminated in the increasing prominence of the artist at court, and gave him the opportunity to involve himself in political affairs.

The most significant benefit for a court painter was the opportunity to advance throughout court hierarchy and seek appointments as non-artistic officers, such as Valet de Chambre in France or Ayuda de Camera in Spain, thus becoming a courtier-artist.

Overall, the endeavors of prominent artists in the Renaissance served their successors by altering the structure of artistic patronage and improving the status of artists within courtly society. Although this shift began in the Italian city-states, over time it spread throughout the courts of Western Europe. The purpose of this chapter will be to assess the changes brought about in painting, artistic duties, and the opportunities available to court artists. This will be done by illustrating the careers of several prominent High

Renaissance artists, both in Italy and the rest of Europe, as well as theoretical developments regarding the function of art in an effort to demonstrate how this influenced the careers of Rubens and Velazquez.

22 One of the major changes during the Renaissance that allowed for the increase in the status of artists was a transformation in the purpose and meaning of art, and thus the role of the artist in society. In part this came about under the influence of Italian artistic theorists in this period, such as Alberti, and later Vasari, were interested in ancient heroes who had been excited to virtue and good actions by the sight of statues of other great men.25 As a result, during this period art was increasingly viewed as a medium for transmitting morals and stimulating virtue, for in the words of Alberti it "contributes to the most honest pleasures of the mind and to the beauty of things."2 Additionally,

Machiavelli (1469-1527) argued that court art served several political functions. First, court art was supposed to surround the prince with an aura that made him appear important. Second, that it was necessary for a prince's image that he possess a grand collection of works of art.27

Painting was also increasingly being perceived as an exercise suitable for a courtier, so that it was no longer viewed as just a mechanical craft. In his highly influential book, The Book of the Courtier, Baldassare Castiglione (1478-1529), through use of a dialogue outlined the attributes an ideal courtier should possess and debated several of the moral, political, and artistic issues of his time. In a discussion of what the acceptable pastimes of a courtier were, Count Ludovico argues that a courtier must be taught to draw and understand painting.

And this is knowing how to draw and possessing an understanding of the true art of painting. Do not marvel if I desire this skill which today perhaps is judged to be a craft and little fitting for a gentleman; for I recall having read that the ancients, especially through the whole of Greece, used

25 Michael Levy, Painting at Court (New York: New York University Press, 1971), 82. 26 Leone Battista Alberti, 1453, On Painting, trans. Cecil Grayson (Toronto: Penguin Books Canada Ltd., 2004), 60. 27 Warnke, Court Artist, 211, 227.

23 to require that children of noblemen give attention to painting in school, as something wholesome and requisite; and that this subject was admitted into the first rank of the liberal arts... therefore let it be enough simply to say that it is also fitting for our Courtier to have a knowledge of painting...and even when no utility or pleasure is ever derived from it other than that it aids in knowing how to judge excellence...it makes us recognize the beauty of living bodies...

As this quote demonstrates, although there were those who still viewed painting as mere craft, at least a few learned individuals began to accept it as a noble pursuit. As a result, it allowed artists to break free from the guilds and move upward in social rank by claiming they were performing an activity worth of a courtier. The influence of ideas

such as these would have been pivotal in the artists struggle to gain access to the upper tier of society and obtain positions at court normally reserved for the elite.

Moreover, the collecting of painting was now seen as an essential responsibility

of rulers and nobles. Cosimo de' Medici (1389-1464), ruler of Florence, counted it as a

duty to bring costly goods into circulation and to own the best of them himself. As a result, rulers were now competing to have the most impressive collections of art, and to

do so had to remain in touch with international trends in artistic taste and attract the best

foreign artists to their service.29 Similarly, in the fifteenth century, King Francis I(1515-

1547) and King Henri II (1547-1559) energetically promoted the arts in France; they

recruited foreign artists from Italy and the Low Countries, and promoted native talents

such as Pierre de l'Orme (1514-70). Furthermore, Francis established a royal tapestry

workshop and bronze foundry, anticipating such seventeenth-century institutions as the

Gobelin tapestry factory and the French Royal Academy of Painting and Sculpture. Art

had become centralized under royal patronage and now functioned as a tool of statecraft.

28 Baldassare Castiglione, The Book of the Courtier, trans, and ed. by Friench Simpson (New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1959), 39-43. 29 Warnke, Court Artist, 46-8.

24 What this trend, encapsulated by these two examples, meant for artists throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth century was an increase in the opportunities available as art began to serve a wider variety of essential functions related to the necessity of rule.

In the seventeenth century additional changes in art and political structure further increased the importance of court art. Art was no longer limited to religious themes and could now focus on secular subjects such as kings and war, providing artists an opportunity to demonstrate their political savvy. One example is the painting Battle of

San Romano by Paolo Uccello (c. 1455) which demonstrates the strength of the

Florentine army. Politically, many European countries had established permanent or semi-permanent courts, thus partially centralizing government and power. As a result, many court paintings contained messages about a monarch's strength and virtue. In particular, the court portrait was often intended to convey not just a mere likeness, but also the importance of the ruler and the higher ideals he stood for; it became increasingly important to transmit visual signals that demonstrated the status of the prince. Portraiture was a limited art form during the Middle Ages, and while it saw a revival in the fifteenth century, it was still relatively rare. More commonly, portraits figured on tombs and epitaphs, or on altarpieces and devotional images. Any portraits that were completed before the fourteenth century only represented courtiers or princes of the Church.

However, over the course of the fifteenth century a taste emerged for portraiture initially

in the Netherlands, and later in other European countries such as Germany and France.

Examples of portraiture in northern Europe include Albrecht Diirer's Self-Portrait (1500)

and Jean Clouet's Francis I {c. 1525-30). With this new development artists now had an

Jeffrey Chipps Smith, The Northern Renaissance (New York: Phaidon Press Inc., 2004), 95, 104, 108.

25 additional medium with which to demonstrate their political savvy and prove their usefulness to their princely patrons.

Furthermore, the importance of political artwork increased during the Counter-

Reformation, during which the courts took from the church the medieval argument that convictions were more effectively presented and more readily embraced through the senses than through the intellect. Although not published until the eighteenth century, the

German lawyer and historian Johann Christian Lunig's (1662-1740) political writings demonstrate how forms of religious worship were adapted to demonstrate a monarch's prestige. Lunig wrote,

Little would be gained by demonstrating to the common people, many hundreds of times and with the finest reasoning, that they should obey their ruler because this was in keeping with God's ordinance and reason, if at the same time the ruler showed himself, in his attire and in other respects, no better than a common citizen. The people will begin to marvel at him. Such wonderment produces respect and reverence, even the most pious kings among God's people have not refrained from lending dignity to their court audiences with well-ordered ceremonial and grand solemnity.31

This ideology was echoed by the scientist and writer Julius Bernhard von Rohr (1688-

1742) who argued:

If the subjects are to recognize the king's majesty, they must understand that he has supreme authority and power; hence, they must be given cause to recognize his power and authority. The common man, dependent as he is on the senses and making little use of reason, cannot properly imagine what the majesty of the king is, but through what meets his eyes and touches his other senses he obtains a clear notion of the king's majesty, power and authority.

31 Johann Christian Liinig, Theatrum historico-politicum oder Historisch- und Politischer Schauplatz alter Ceremonien, quoted in Martin Warnke, The Court Artist: on the ancestry of the modern artist (Cambridge: Cambrige University Press, 1993), 225. 32 Julius Bernhard von Rohr, 1733, Einleitungzur Ceremoniell-Wissenshaft der grossen Herren, quoted in Martin Warnke's The Court Artist: on the ancestry of the modern artist (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 225-6.

26 Although both these sources were published after Rubens' and Velazquez' careers at court, they still demonstrate a philosophy that emphasized the arts as an important medium for the dissemination of political ideology. This perception of the arts was a pivotal factor in the increase in the political role of the artist, for it enhanced the

correlation between paintings and political ideology.

The increase in the political importance of paintings during the Renaissance

allowed for another artistic trend in this time period: the emergence of the artist as an

important figure at court. It is from this initial appointment as court artists that painters

such as Rubens and Velazquez were able to become more involved in court politics. In

part this emergence of the court artist was the result of the new importance placed on the

arts, but it was also the result of the active pursuit of artist to advance their position and

improve their status. Similar to paintings, artists had not always occupied a dominant

position in society and the royal courts of Europe. During the Middle Ages, monastic

workshops completed the majority of paintings and other artistic works, such as

illuminated manuscripts, commissioned by kings.33 However, with the start of the

Renaissance the increasing demand for court art meant that a monarch needed more non-

monastic sources to produce manuscripts, tapestries, and paintings; as a result, courts

begin to employ city artists to meet their high demands. It was only in the fifteenth

century that painters are first given a title and a regular salary, albeit only for a select few,

such as Donatello (1386-1466) and Masaccio (1401-1428), providing artists with a base

point from which to advance.

Christopher Hamel, A History of Illuminated Manuscripts (London: Phaidon, 1994), 12.

27 Another large shift occurred in fifteenth century Florence when Cosimo de'

Medici engaged in a cultural policy that strongly promoted the arts, which as a result increased artists' prominence at court, thus providing them with great opportunity to improve their status. Cosimo appointed artists to high positions in his court, similar in rank to those courtiers who attended to his well-being. Many Renaissance artists used involvement at court as an opportunity to rise in the hierarchy, until over time this became one of the most important features of their employment, to the extent that a tradition of painters being knighted developed. Although knighthood was no longer synonymous with nobility, it was still a well-respected title for a painter to hold, and thus demonstrates their social advancement. For example, Giovanni Bellini (1430-1516) was knighted by Emperor Frederick III and Carlo Crivelli (1435-1495) by Ferdinand, King of

Naples. In part, this increase in the status of artists stems from the increasing desire on the part of monarchs to attract the most talented and popular artists to their courts.

However, it was also connected with another change: the public recognition that artistic genius possessed something of divine right and royal status.35 Not only did these trends have repercussions for an artists' position at court, they also effected the general position of artists in society. Thus by the end of the sixteenth century, the concept of the courtier- artist had clearly emerged, providing a framework for the prominence of artists at court, which ultimately granted them the opportunity to become the king's political agents.

Fortunately for the historian, Giorgio Vasari's (1511-1574) Lives of the Artists, first published in 1550, provides excellent knowledge, either firsthand or from reliable witnesses, of the major Italian artists during the Renaissance. In particular, it

Warnke, Court Artist, 46. Levy, Painting, 118-9.

28 demonstrates the newly established role of the artist in society, which came to influence all of Europe in subsequent centuries. Focusing on Italy, Vasari sought to demonstrate the perfection and nobility of the arts. He accomplished this through an illustration of the lives of the masters of the High Renaissance, such as Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1519),

Raphael of Urbino (1483-1520), Michelangelo Buonarroti (1475-1564), and Titian of

Cadore (1485-1576). Not only does his discussion of prominent artists and the positions they advanced to reveal the increasing importance of the artists, this trend is also demonstrated by the very fact that Vasari published the Lives. Without a significant pool of successful artists to write about, or a considerable interest by readers on the subject of artists and their role in society, it is unlikely that Vasari's work would ever have been published, or been as well-received by contemporaries.

As the Lives demonstrates, one of the first indications of these artists' high status is the amount of financial compensation they received for their work. Not only were they paid large sums for their artwork - for example Charles V (1500-1558) paid Titian one thousand gold crowns per painting - but they were also given monthly or annual pensions similar to non-artistic courtiers. Michelangelo was paid five ducats a month by Lorenzo de' Medici (1449-1492), and by the end of his career Titian was receiving an annual pension of four hundred gold crowns. Several artists also received non-monetary recompense for their services, a common occurrence in a period when crown finances were frequently strained. For example, Lorenzo rewarded Michelangelo by appointing his father to a post in Customs, and Charles V ennobled Titian shortly after he came to

Madrid in the 1540s. Another form of reward was the granting of titles, courtly offices,

36 Evidence from its popularities comes in part from its use as a model for subsequent books of the same theme, such as Palomino's Lives of the Eminent Spanish Painters and Sculptors.

29 and rank. For example, Charles V conferred on Titian the rank of Knight of the Golden

Spur in 1533 and nominated him to the position of pintor primero.

Often these new rewards, such as pensions and titles, were a means of enticing an artist to take up permanent residence at court, or in the house of his patron. One example is Leonardo's employment by the Servite Friars in Florence. The friars commissioned

Leonardo to paint the altarpiece for their high altar, and while he was working he was lodged in their monastery, with all of his expenses, and those of his assistants paid.

Another example is the treatment Michelangelo received from his patron Lorenzo, who gave the artist a room in his house, and according to Vasari looked after him as though one of the Medici family. Vasari wrote that,

Michelangelo ate at Lorenzo's table with the sons of the family and other distinguished noble persons who lived with the lord, and Lorenzo always treated him with great respect.39

A last example is Charles V's request that Titian take up permanent residence at his

Spanish court and become the only artist to paint him.40 There are three things of particular significance about living in the house of one's patron. First, it was another way for patrons to compensate their artists, because it meant their living expenses were covered. Second, it marked a transition from being paid just for individual works, like a craftsman, to becoming part of a household like a courtier or a personal servant. Third,

and most important, it provided artists with greater access to their patron. This was

especially meaningful in the early modern period when access to a prince or king was a

37 Giorgio Vasari, 1568, The Lives of the Artists, trans. George Bull (Penguin Books: Baltimore, 1968), 331,456. 38 Ibid., 265. 39 Ibid, 331. 40 Ibid., 456.

30 prominent marker of status among courtiers, and was an aspect greatly utilized by Rubens and Velazquez as they promoted their cause for advancement.

Once at court in the service of a prince, artists were often granted new duties to perform for their patron that reflected their change in status. It is from these initial non- artistic duties that the political responsibilities bestowed upon Rubens and Velazquez emerged. For example, in the late fifteenth century Leonardo was required to devise the entertainment for King Louis XII of France's visit to Milan, a task that was outside the normal obligations of an artist. Even more significantly, Michelangelo was sent as a public servant of Florence, protected by the title of ambassador, to improve relations with

Pope Julius II.42 The importance of these examples is that they set a precedent for artists becoming involved in other areas of court life than painting. This new opportunity in turn allowed changes in the way that artists saw themselves, and most importantly, were perceived by others, making it socially acceptable for ambitious artists to occupy political court posts.

Although all of these artists, and the majority of their patrons, were Italian, their influence was by no means limited to the Italian peninsula, but was felt throughout

Europe, including Spain. These ideas were spread as Italian artists sought patronage in courts throughout the rest of Europe, and as artists from other countries traveled to Italy to study Italian masterpieces and brought both the artistic techniques, and the ideals of

artistic appointments at court, back to their native countries. For example, Jan Gassaert

(c. 1478-1532) accompanied Philip of Burgundy to Italy in 1508 where the Renaissance

art made a great impression on him, and Albrecht Dtirer (1471-1528) traveled to Venice

41 Ibid., 265. 42 Ibid., 347.

31 in 1494-5, and again to Italy in 1507. With respect to the former way Italian influence was spread, despite their geographic concentration, many of these artists also painted for international patrons and held international renown. Apart from his work at the courts of the Popes Julius II and Leo X and Cosimo de'Medici, Raphael also produced art for King

Francis I of France.43 Furthermore, as well as his numerous Italian patrons, Suleiman, emperor of the Turks, King Francis I, and Charles V all desired Michelangelo's artwork.44 King Francis I of France recruited numerous Italian artists, most famously

Leonardo da Vinci who from 1516-1519 was the king's "first painter and engineer" in residence at Amboise. Additionally, King Henry VII invited the Florentine artist Pietro

Torrigiano (1472-1522) to England. After Henry VII's death in 1509, he was patronized by Henry VIII, completing such works as a funerary monument for the king. One last example is the artist known as El Greco (1541-1614). Born in Crete, he trained in

Venice, and traveled to Spain in 1576, where he completed several works for Philip II

(1527-1598) such as Martyrdom of St. Maurice and the Theban Legion (ca.1582).

Furthermore, the Italian model spread throughout Europe as other European courts patronized non-Italian artists and frequently employed them as court artists. Even as early on as the fifteenth century artists such as the Dutch Jan van Eyck (c. 1385-1441) were being rewarded for their artistic service with court titles. Consequently, van Eyck was appointed valet de chamber by Philip the Good (1396-1457) at his court in Bruges.

Aside from being a court painter, he was also a regular member of embassies that made a number of journeys on behalf of the Duke in 1426, 1427, and a lengthy stay in Portugal

Ibid., 306. Ibid., 418.

32 and Spain from 1428 to 1429. The example of Hans Holbein the Younger (1497-1543) in the sixteenth century demonstrates that this improvement in the status of artists in northern Europe was not limited to its artistic centre in the Low Countries. Born in

Augsburg, around the age of sixteen Holbein moved to Basel where he began his formal training as an artist. Holbein first sought a court appointment from King Francis I of

France in 1524, but was not successful. Seeking patronage elsewhere, Holbein first traveled to England in 1526, equipped with a letter of introduction from Erasmus (who he had met during his travels throughout France and the Netherlands) allowing him to join the household of Thomas More, his first patron in England. Between the years 1533-34

Holbein was patronized by several courtiers, such as Robert Cheseman, the falconer of the king, and Sir Nicolas Carew, the horseman of the king, both of whom eventually brought the artist to the attention of the King Henry VIII. By 1636 Holbein had been appointed to the court of Henry VIII and, in 1537 payments as the king's painter were being received. One last example comes from the French court, where the painter Jean

Clouet (1480-1541) was granted the title peintre et valet de chamber in 1533 by King

Francis I of France, whose famous portrait Francis I was completed in the late 1520s.47

The most influential Italian painter for subsequent Spanish artists was Titian; his involvement at the Spanish court had a great impact in both the style of art, and the status of court artists, especially during the reigns of Philip II and Philip IV. Artistically, Titian initiated a new way of making official portraits, creating models that would be followed for several centuries by painters such as Velazquez, Rubens, and Francisco Goya (1746-

45 James Snyder, Northern Renaissance Art: Painting, Sculpture, the Graphic Arts from 1350 to 1575, 2nd ed (Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice Hall Inc., 2005), 89. 46 Ibid., 382-6. 47 Stefano Zuffi, The Renaissance 1401-1610: The Splendor of European Art, eds. Tatjana Pauli and Sergio Scardoni, trans. Jay Hyams (New York: Barnes & Noble, Inc., 2003), 449.

33 1828). Both Velazquez and Rubens greatly admired Titians' paintings; they studied them greatly and sought to paint in Titian's style.48 In terms of establishing a courtier-artist model in Spain, Titian brought with him the Italian notion that talented artists deserved the highest form of appreciation. The recognition he received from Charles V - in particular being knighted in 1532 - was instrumental in improving the status of future artists such as Rubens and Velazquez.

However, even with Titian's influence initially the position of artists did not drastically change, and it was not until the reign of Philip IV that painters in Spain received the same recognition as their Italian counterparts. As painting in Spain was primitive when Philip II ascended to the throne - most artists focused on wooden polychrome and gilded sculptures - he primarily looked to foreign painters to distribute his artistic patronage. Before he became King of Spain, Philip II had traveled extensively throughout Europe between 1548 and 1551 and had come into contact with many prominent artists, such as Titian, Antonis Mor (c. 1520-1576), Leone Leoni (1509-1590) and Pompeo Leoni (1533-1608). Once he was king he sought to bring many of these foreign painters to Spain as court artists, but most would not stay permanently, in part because they were not always treated as highly as they were in their native countries; as yet the status of the artist in Spain had been little effected by the changes brought about by the Italian artists of the High Renaissance. However, the presence of foreign artists, particularly Italians, even if not as permanent court residents, introduced new working

Ibid., 293.

34 methods and ideals at the Spanish court, in particular more exalted values about the social status of the artist.49

The manifestation of this Italian influence is best illustrated in the careers of two

Spanish artists who painted at the court of Philip II: Juan Fernandez de Navarrete (1526-

1579) and Sanchez Coello (1531-1588). Fernandez was Philip IPs favorite Spanish painter of religious subjects and as a result was appointed royal painter in 1566, with an annual salary of two hundred ducats and an agreement that he would be paid adequately

for any artistic works he produced for the King. Furthermore, Philip II required that he reside permanently at El Escorial, and made him one of the most important artists in the decoration of his new monastery-palace. Philip IPs desire to have Fernandez reside at court demonstrates the increased status of the courtier-artist, who has now become

similar in status to individuals who personally attend to the king. Similarly, Coello entered Philip IPs service in 1555 and became his primary court portraitist. Although he did not receive as formal a position as Fernandez, Pacheco's writing makes it clear that

Philip II treated him highly.

The King honoured him with extraordinary favours at his court in Madrid. He lodged him in a grand house beside the palace...

Despite this progress towards the type of recognition Italian artists were experiencing, the transition was not yet complete. Many artists were still not recognized socially as

anything more than craftsmen, and even the few who did become court artists, like

Fernandez and Coello, found that court life in Spain was not as glorious as in Italy. For

example, Fernandez had great difficulty collecting his pension from Philip II, and as a

Rosmary Mulcahy, Philip II of Spain: Patron of the Arts (Portland: Four Courts Press, Ltd., 2004), 5-16, 50.

35 result needed other sources of income. It is only in later generations, during the time of

Rubens and Velazquez, that the status of artists reaches its pinnacle. However, these artists still helped to introduce to Spanish patrons the changes in the role of the artist that were occurring in other parts of Europe which allowed artists to receive greater recognition and take on more serious political responsibilities.

Although by the seventeenth century artists were receiving more recognition for their talents in the illustrious European courts, their position in society was still not

definitive and the majority of painters continued to be viewed as craftsmen. Outside of the courts, in the towns and cities, artists were still regulated by a craft guild, and thus

were lower down in the hierarchy of society than their courtly peers. As a result, one of

the primary motivations for an artist to become established at court was the desire to be

exempt from guild regulations, and thus improve his position in society. Furthermore,

artists often sought court appointments as a way to secure their domestic independence,

by allowing them to secure their citizenship and avoid having to buy themselves into a

guild.51 However, the majority of artists did not make it to court and remained in the

guilds, held back by either a lack of talent, a lack of initiative, not having the right

connections, or all of the above. It is thus important to keep in mind both in the

discussion of sixteenth-century artists, and in discussions of Velazquez and Rubens, that

these painters were the exception and not the norm; although they did embody what many

artists strove to achieve, they are not representative of the position that most painters

actually held.

50 Ibid., 117, 135, 148,255-6. 51 Warnke, Court Artist, 65.

36 Similar to artists, the role and status of heralds at European princely courts also evolved over the course of the Renaissance. Their rise from merely announcing competitors at jousts to holding official court positions may have also affected or influenced the corresponding effort of artists to raise their status in society. This parallel is especially poignant given the artistic responsibilities of heralds, such as the Letters

Patent that granted arms which typically had elaborate decorated borders and embellishments printed by specialist scriveners and artists. Furthermore, heralds were

involved in producing vellum rolls or manuscript books containing records of armorial bearings, which also often included intricate details.52 By 1350 heralds in England had been granted the duty of making royal or state proclamations, and of bearing ceremonial messages between princes or sovereign powers. Similar to artists, this improved rank in

society was the result of two hundred years of upward struggles; furthermore, there were

grander heralds than the rest, who held permanent appointments in royal and princely households such as Kings of Heralds or Kings of Arms. In 1415 Henry V created the new office of Garter King of Arms, and heralds had gained immense wealth and prestige.

For example, in 1416 William Bruges (c. 1375-1450), the first Garter King of Arms, was rich and grand enough to host a feast for the Emperor Sigismund (1368-1437) at his

home in Middlesex when he came to England.

Throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth century in England heralds were part of the

Royal Household, and as such were servants of the sovereign. In part their duties

consisted of conducting ceremonies such as the Order of the Garter and the Knights of

the Bath. Sir Thomas Wriothesley (held office 1505-1534) had a great part in the Roll of

52 College of Arms, "Artwork and scrivening," http://www.college-of-arms.gov.uk/About/14.htm (accessed November 28, 2007). 53 Sir Anthony Wagner, Heralds and Ancestors (London: British Museum Publications Ltd., 1978), 8-9, 52.

37 the Westminster Tournament of 1511, and in 1512 the Roll of the Procession to the

Parliament at Trinity College in Cambridge. Wriothesley's father, John Writhe, the first

Garter King of Arms to preside over the College of Arms, dined with the future Emperor

Maximilian I (1459-1519) in 1490 and Emperor Ferdinand in 1523 in Nuremburg.54

Thus similar to artists, heralds had utilized their initial duty to proclaim knights at tournaments to become, in the case of the most successful, members of the king's household. Furthermore, as the careers of William Bruges and John Write demonstrate, they were able to interact with important foreign dignitaries, and orchestrate

entertainment, similar to Leonardo's planning of entertainment for King Louis XII when he was in Milan. Although it is unclear whether or not the rise in the status of heralds

influenced that for painters the similarities between the two professions in the

Renaissance demonstrate that both groups were expanding their duties and improving their status.

By the seventeenth century, court artists were presented with a new opportunity to rise within the social hierarchy, which in turn provided them with a greater chance to pursue a political career. One of the first advancements bestowed upon a court artist was the title Valet de Chambre in northern European courts such as France, or Ayuda de

Camera in Spain. Acquiring this title allowed the painter to distinguish himself from the

craftsmen to whose rank he formerly belonged. Specifically, it provided the painter with

a monthly pension, the opportunity for advancement, and most importantly the position

also brought the artist into closer proximity with the prince.55 This last benefit was of

particular significance, for throughout the early modern period access to one's monarch

54 Ibid., 53, 74. 55 Warnke, Court Artist, 114-7.

38 was one of the strongest determinants of rank, and also the best means of assuring advancement at court. Physical intimacy with the monarch was the key to success at court, and a political commodity that favorites and other palace officials highly valued.56

Once an artist was given a court title, he was expected to work at court, and produce

numerous paintings for his patron. As a result he was in frequent contact with the king

either as a result of painting a portrait of him, or because the king's frequented the artists' workshop to assess the progress of his commissions. An ambitious artist could utilize this proximity to increase his position at court by promoting his agenda of advancement

on the king and making use of their interactions to demonstrate his ability and aptitude

for performing political duties.

As well as the title of valet de chambre, many other positions were also available

to court artists, allowing them to rise higher in the court hierarchy, even beyond the status

that court regulations assigned based on station and parentage. With these new titles

came yet greater access to the monarch and his favorite courtiers and advisors, and yet

greater chance of performing political duties, or influencing the king on various political

decisions. Often the conferment of a new title did not burden the artist with further

duties, but was simply a way to honour him and provide him with material recompense.

However, as Palomino demonstrates when discussing Velazquez' appointment as Chief

Chamberlain, this was not always the case, and receiving new titles could greatly hinder

an artists' ability to paint.

...but in men with a profession, such reward robs them of their merit, for if it was based on the exercise of their profession, they will be very hard put to continue earning it if they have no opportunity to practice that

56 Antonio Feros, "Twin souls: Monarchs and favourites in early seventeenth century Spain," in Spain, Europe, and the Atlantic World, ed. Richard L. Kagan and Geoffrey Parker, 27-47 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 36.

39 profession...For to suspend the practice of their profession, even by honorable employment, is the sort of reward that seems to wear the disguise of punishment.57

Given that the conferment of a title could mean a wide range of things in terms of the artists' function at court, it was not clear to individuals not immersed in court life, and historians today, what that the exact nature of the position the artist occupied was. As a result, ambassadors visiting a foreign court were often unable to determine the nature and importance of the artist's role in the prince's household.58 This was a pivotal factor in the advancement in the diplomatic careers of both Rubens and Velazquez.

Over the course of the sixteenth century, painters thus established a new rank for artists in court society, and a new stature for which they could aspire. This not only would have influenced the possibilities available to talented painters, but along with the enhancement of the political purpose of art, it would have altered the expectations of prominent patrons, such as kings and popes, which would have eased the artists' path for

advancement. It is plausible to assume that patrons would have anticipated more from

artists, given that court art was now intended to fulfill a more exalted role, and that the

rewards they bestowed upon their favorite painters were grander than ever before. As the

artists discussed above demonstrate, painters were now receiving large sums of money,

not only for each work they completed, but also as monthly pensions, titles at court, and

knighthood. With these new benefits, artists were entering the hierarchy of court society

and became servants to the king. As a result, seventeenth century artists, such as Rubens

and Velazquez, were expected to perform additional duties in the same manner as the

Renaissance courtier-artists discussed earlier in this chapter. For example, the Duke of

57 Palomino, Lives, 163. 58 Warnke, Court Artist, 120-1.

40 Milan requested that Leonardo da Vinci prepare the entertainment for the visit of King

Louis XII (1498-1515). Later in the seventeenth century, this same duty would fall on

Velazquez as he prepared for the French Royal family's arrival at Fuenterrabia for the marriage of the Infanta Dona Maria Teresa and Louis XIV.59 Furthermore, patrons would have expected a high level of personal devotion and subservience from those artists in their service at court. In the past the various popes who patronized

Michelangelo demonstrated this most explicitly by controlling which projects

Michelangelo worked on, and by summoning him to their courts despite Michelangelo's desires to stay away from Rome. Lastly, as artists had now entered into the personal service of their royal and ecclesiastical patrons, they were often expected to travel with their prince as part of his entourage. An early example of this is when Titian went with

Charles V and his most important courtiers to Augsburg in 1547. Again, Velazquez met this same requirement by traveling, among other places, to Aragon in 1642 with Philip

IV. The performance of these new duties would have only served to bring the artist in closer proximity to the prince, and thus, increase his opportunity to exert his influence and further advance within the court hierarchy to a firm political position.

Patrons would have also had certain presumptions about the style and subject matter of the paintings they were commissioning; art was now supposed to conform to international standards and styles, and often was intended to disseminate a political message about the ruler who commissioned it. As a result, patrons would be increasingly interested in artists familiar with this international style, and sufficiently versed in political symbolism and imagery. It is only reasonable to assume that with these new

59 Antonio Palmonio de Castro Y Velasco, 1742, Lives of the eminent Spanish painters and sculptors, trans. Nina Ayala Mallory (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 175.

41 trends in art, new expectations on the part of the upper ranks and royalty would have developed. For politically motivated portraits, kings would likely have insisted painters portray them as possessing noble qualities such as morality, wealth, military power, and piety, depending on the theme of the portrait. Furthermore, since the political message of this artwork was meant to be understood by not only a domestic, but also an international audience, kings would also have presumed that their artists could paint according to international standards. If such requirements were not met, a prince would often intervene personally to ensure that his art was stylized in agreement with convention. For example, Charles V asked Titian to repaint his nose on a portrait completed in 1545.60

Overall, changes in the function of court art, the recognition of art as a political tool, and the increasing prominence of the artist at court resulted in the complete transformation of early modern artistic society. Art was no longer restricted to religious subject matter, and had become more sophisticated in its political message. As a result patrons and society in general gained a greater appreciation for the arts, and were more inclined to reward artists with large sums of money, court offices, and ennoblement. In turn this provided artists with the opportunity to gain a more prominent role in society, and to advance their position beyond that of mere craftsmen. Naturally this influenced the expectations of painters and patrons alike, as artists anticipated greater rewards and patrons anticipated greater devotion. Ultimately, this determined what opportunities were available to both Rubens and Velazquez, as they sough to achieve their life goals through advancement within the hierarchy of the Spanish court.

Warnke, Court Artist, 216.

42 The Political Aspect of Art and Artists

The political nature of art has been a source of debate amongst historians and art historians alike. However, as this chapter will demonstrate, seventeenth-century Spanish court art contained specific political messages that were perceived by a large audience of important courtiers and dignitaries. Specifically, the art commissioned by Philip IV and

Olivares was designed to revive the monarchy's image through an artistic return to the glory of the reign of Philip II. This was achieved in part by patronizing artists such as

Rubens and Velazquez to complete flattering portraits of Philip IV and battle paintings that glorified Spain's military victories. Although Philip IV and Olivares initially perceived Rubens and Velazquez as simply artists, both painters came to occupy important political positions at court. In part this was the result of Spain's increasing political problems, which meant their was an increased need for capable political agents.

However, this chapter will also demonstrate that the talents that made Rubens and

Velazquez successful artists also made them attractive candidates for performing political duties. Furthermore, their educational and family backgrounds also made Olivares and

Philip IV more inclined to assign them political responsibilities. Ultimately, both their artwork and the political applicability of their artistic skills demonstrate that there was a strong political aspect to Rubens' and Velazquez' careers.

Recently, in his edited volume of essays on the court, Adamson argued that court art was not as politically motivated as previously believed. Specifically, he argued that even though there was some sense of political content in art, the word propaganda is

inappropriate. Another claim made by Adamson is that art was not an effective tool for the dissemination of political ideology. Adamson supported this claim by arguing that

43 palace decorations were only intended for a select few, and thus would have had only a minimal impact, and even at that, it is unknown how much of the political message was deduced from the paintings.61

However, there are numerous documents and sources that suggest that palace

artwork was observed and understood by a wide range of individuals, such as local painters and foreign courtiers. Throughout Philip IV's reign, numerous individuals, domestic and foreign, recorded their impressions of the various royal palaces in the form of treatises, memoirs, diaries, and letters. Thus, evidence from the memoirs and letters of

individuals from varying social and ethnic backgrounds demonstrates that at least during the seventeenth century in Spain this was not the case. The majority of evidence that

demonstrates that many individuals had access to palace artwork and were able to

interpret its political message comes from the accounts made by individuals about palace

decoration. In Dialogos de lapintura, an artistic treatise written in Velazquez' lifetime,

Vincente Carducho (1568-1638) commented on the decorations in the New Room of the

Alcazar in Madrid. Carducho was an Italian painter, who painted some works for Philip

II for El Escorial and later for both Philip III (1598-1621) and Philip IV. As someone

who was not from the upper ranks, Carducho's description of the paintings demonstrates

that access to palace galleries was not limited to the elite. Moreover, his descriptions

reveal that he had a keen understanding of the deeper significance of the paintings. In a

description of one of the royal portraits, he wrote,

King Philip II [is] standing, holding out Prince Ferdinand, who was born in the year 1571, the same year as the great naval victory of Lepanto that was won from the great Selim II and Euldj Ali. This allegory was painted for its having been thought Spain had been given a needed successor in that year, and for such a glorious victory over such a powerful enemy.

61 Adamson, Princely Courts, 34.

44 Thus the Turks are cast down at their feet, and an angel descends from Heaven with a palm branch and utters the motto, Miora tibi.

Carducho clearly understood that this portrayal of Philip II was meant to convey more than a likeness; it was intended to convey not only the current glory of Spain with respect to its recent military victory, but also its future grandeur through its heir Prince

Ferdinand.

Additionally, Antonio Palomino's biography of Velazquez demonstrates that was not only individuals in the artistic community who had access to the paintings in the royal collection. Palomino was a court painter under Charles II and Philip V in the late- seventeenth and early-eighteenth centuries. His biography of Velazquez is contained within his book Lives of the eminent Spanish painters and sculptors. Although his biography is not based on first hand knowledge of Velazquez, he gathered his information from individuals close to Velazquez, such as Velazquez' pupil Juan de

Alfaro and his friend Don Juan Carreno. Furthermore, even though Palomino clearly favoured Velazquez, his information correlates with Pacheco's biography of the artist.

Additionally, there is little reason to suspect that Palomino would have completely misrepresented the praise and rewards that Velazquez received, even if there is the possibility of slight exaggeration. In reference to Velazquez' duties as Chief

Chamberlain, Palomino described how when the French Ambassador, Monsieur le

Marechal, Due d'Argramont, visited Spain, Velazquez gave him and his entourage a private tour of the King's palace:

Since Monsieur le Marechal had wanted to see the King's Apartments at leisure, His Majesty ordered Don Diego Velazquez to wait on him with

62 Vincente Carducho, Dialogos de la pintura: su defensa, origen, esencia, definition, modos y diferencias (1633): 433-35, quoted in Steven Orso, Philip IV and the Decoration of the Alcazar (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 188.

45 great solitude, showing him whatever was most precious and remarkable in the palace. On Monday, October 20, at two o'clock in the afternoon, Monsieur le Marechal entered the palace through the private staircase that leads to the park's gardens...Velazquez showed them all the rooms in the Palace, where they found much to admire on account of the multitude of original paintings, statues, objects of porphyry, and other treasures with which its great fabric is adorned.63

This passage demonstrates that Monsieur le Marechal had tremendous access to the King's palace, as exemplified by his use of the private staircase. Furthermore, this description illustrates that the magnificence of Philip IV's collection of artwork and artifacts left a favourable impression on the Marechal.

In addition, the accounts of several other foreign visitors to the Spanish court, including the Comtesse d'Aulnoy and Antoine de Brunei, demonstrate that not only was palace

artwork viewed by non-artists, its significance was also understood. The descriptions of the Comtesse d'Aulnoy (ca. 1650-1705), a French writer most famous for her fairy tales, writing to her relative back in France are not as detailed, but they still give a feel for the overall quality of the king's collection and the impact it had on those who viewed it.

During her visit to one royal palace the Comtesse wrote,

The Apartments are furnish'd with excellent Pictures, admirable.Tapestry, most rare Statues, stately Household Goods; and in a word, with everything suitable to a Royal Palace. 4

This account demonstrates that foreigners were able to view the Royal Apartments, and

that the objects found there left a positive impression on the viewer. Furthermore, the

last part of the passage reveals that visitors had expectations about what a royal palace

Palomino, Lives, 172. 64 Comtesse d' Aulnoy, Ingenious and diverting letters of a lady's travels into Spain: describing the devotions, nunneries, humour, ...of that people. Intermix'd with great variety of modern adventures and surprising accidents, 9th ed., 2 vol. (London: Printed for E. Bell, J. Darby, A. Bettesworth, F. Fayram, J. Pemberton, [and five others in London], 1722), 37.

46 should contain, thus indicating that having a certain amount of decorations was required to form a positive impression.

The most detailed foreign account of the Spanish royal palaces comes from

Antoine de Brunei, a French traveler who journeyed throughout Spain, and published the memoirs of his visit in 1667. During his travels, Antoine visited several palaces,

including El Escorial, the Buen Retiro Palace, and Aranjuez. Throughout his visit to El

Escorial, Antoine was able to interact so closely with the king's staff that he became thoroughly knowledgeable about Philip IVs routines. With respect to the king's morning schedule, Antoine wrote,

But in the Kings Apartment all is very still, and no body appears till he goes to Mass, the only time of seeding him.

Antoine also commented on the paintings and rooms in the palace, such as the library and the pantheon, which housed the remains of the Spanish Hapsburg monarchs. As well as being impressed by the king's collection of works by Titian and other excellent masters,

he also wrote that,

The Library I have spoken of; the high Altar and Monument of their Kings, which they call Pantheon, are certainly the best pieces of this Magnificent Fabrick.65

These accounts demonstrate that notable foreigners had access to a wide variety of palace

rooms, from painting galleries, to the royal apartments, and even the sacred royal crypt.

Not only that, but the lavishness of the decorations of these rooms left a notable

impression on these visitors, several of whom also comprehended the significance behind

many of the paintings.

Antoine de Brunei,/! Journey into Spain (London: Herringman, 1670), 19.

47 Further documentation exists that demonstrates that native Spaniards also had access to, and an appreciation for, palace artwork. Specifically, Palomino and Francisco

Pacheco's biographies of Velazquez describe the reaction his artwork received by fellow artists and courtiers. Specifically, Pacheco described the public's reaction to Velazquez' painting Philip IV on Horseback (1634-5).

The King was pleased to give permission for it to be shown in the Calle Mayor, outside San Felipe, where it won the admiration of all the court and the envy of artists, for which I can vouch. Very elegant verses were written about the portrait.. .66

Palomino's biography also demonstrates the extent to which Velazquez' art was viewed at court. Describing a portrait (c. 1622) Velazquez made early on in his court career Don

Juan de Fonseca writes,

Within an hour it had been seen by all the grandees, by the Infantes Don Carlos and Cardinal Don Fernando, and by the King.6

Evidently then, counter to what Adamson suggests, a range of individuals had access to the royal palaces, understood the significance of the artwork presented, and left with an

impression of Philip IV as a magnificent collector and patron of the arts.

One account, by the Italian Cassiano Dal Pozzo, demonstrates that not only was

palace artwork accessible and appreciated, but that its symbolism was understood. Dal

Pozzo (1588-1657) was born into a noble family originating from Vercelli (his

grandfather was the first minister of the Grand Duke of Tuscany), and during his early

career he served as the secretary of Cardinal Francesco Barberini. Similar to Carducho,

Dal Pozzo also describes the New Room of the Alcazar. He describes one of the

paintings by Titian as,

66 Francisco Pacheco, 1649, Arte de la Pintura, quoted in Enriqueta Harris, Velazquez (Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 1982), 192. 67 Palomino, Lives, 144-5.

48 ...a picture in which was portrayed Religion or Faith in the form of a beautiful, mostly nude, and sad woman on a beach, as if shipwrecked. She is gathered up and aided by Spain.68

This description clearly reveals that Dal Pozzo was able to correctly interpret the mythological allegory of the painting, and appreciate how it demonstrated positive attributes about Spain's religiosity.

Thus, although access to paintings would not have been extended to the general pubic, it was accessible for its primary audience, the aristocracy, influential locals, political elites, and foreign diplomats. Moreover, even if paintings were not an effective form of persuasion, this by no means implies that they were not still intended to act as such. Furthermore, an analysis of court artwork demonstrates that a vast array of artwork contained messages about the grandeur and importance of monarchs. Thus, it is likely that the majority of monarchs either believed it was an effective endeavor, or that it was part of their duty as sovereigns, regardless of whether or not it was actually effective.

Either way, what is clear is that paintings frequently portrayed a secondary meaning, which was intended to serve as a means of political persuasion.

Another body of evidence that demonstrates the political function of artwork is the fact that it was often commissioned to project an image of success in a period of political failure. When Philip IV took the throne, it was in the shadow of the disastrous reign of Philip III which had burdened society with heavy taxes and military losses during the Eighty Years War. Specifically, the new millones tax, which was introduced in 1590, continued to financially drain society, and several losses to the Dutch in the

Eighty Years War resulted in the humiliating Twelve Years Truce from 1609 to 1621.

68 Cassiano dal Pozzo, untitled journal of Cardinal Francesco Barberini's legation to Spain in 1626 (1626): unpaged, quoted in Steven Orso, Philip IV and the Decoration of the Alcazar (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 187.

49 Thus when Philip IV began his reign it was clear that Spain was in need of numerous modifications and changes in both foreign and domestic policy. As the king's foremost minister and valido, Don Gaspar de Guzeman y Pimental, Count-Duke of Olivares (1587-

1645) guided the young and inexperienced king and developed a plan of massive reform.

In general, Olivares sought a complete break from and reversal of the failure of Philip

Ill's reign. In part, the new crown wanted people to forget the failures of Philip III by looking back to the glorious reign of Philip II. In particular under Philip II Spain's military had flourished with such victories as the resistance of Mantua in 1565 during the

Turkish siege and the 1577 victory at the Battle of St. Quentin over Henry IPs French

forces.

One of the first problems Olivares sought to correct was the corruption in

government, prevalent in the reign of Philip III. This was the main impetus behind both the 1622 Junta de Reformation, which was aimed at eradicating vices, abuses, and bribes, and the Twenty Three Articles of Reformation released in 1623, which enacted

laws against vices and improper spending. To further emphasize the break from Philip

Ill's reign, the trial of Rodrigo Calderon, the assistant of Philip Ill's valido the Duke of

Lerma, was continued and resulted in his beheading in 1625 in the Plaza Major of

Madrid.

One of the methods proposed by Olivares to combat these continual political and

military problems, and distinguish the new King from his father, was to renew Spain's

greatness, in part by creating an aura of grandeur around the young King Philip IV.

Olivares believed that the King of Spain needed to demonstrate to his own elite subjects,

and to all the kings of Europe, the riches and glory of the Spanish court; as a result he

50 sought to create a brilliant cultural life that revolved around the most brilliant court in the world. In an effort to achieve this, Olivares sought to transform Philip IV from an inexperienced prince into a cultivated king.69 In part this was accomplished by providing

Philip IV with examples of cultured monarchs, such as the future King Charles I of

England (1625-1649) during his visit in 1623. Olivares also helped Philip IV by supervising the court's artistic patronage. This is evident in his recruitment of artists such as Velazquez to the king's service, and his involvement in the building of the Buen

Retiro Palace in 1632.

Apart from simply improving the glory of Spain, Olivares also hoped that a renewal of artistic patronage would further his efforts to distinguish Philip IV from the reign of his father; specifically Olivares wanted to mark a complete break from the problems of Philip III and instead return to the glory of Philip II. A renewal of artistic patronage could help Olivares achieve this for two reasons. First, Philip Ill's reign had marked a decrease in artistic talent and a shift in style; a reversal of these two trends would return court patronage back to its structure under Philip II. Second, the imagery and subject of new artistic pieces could be utilized to emphasis the glory and power of

Spain, thus increasing the monarchy's prestige both domestically and abroad.

With respect to the former reason, during Philip Ill's kingship artistic talent and originality declined, primarily because the court was mostly interested in decent reproductions of classic works. As a result superb quality was not highly valued, which blocked the more distinguished talents from entering the workshops, thus reducing

competition for court posts. The outcome of this was that the workshops of Juan Pantoja

69 Elliott, Olivares, 171-3. 70 Ibid., 170.

51 de la Cruz (1553-1608), and after him Bartolome Gonzalez (1564-1627) dominated and there was little fluctuation in court artists. Stylistically, the format of court portraits changed as the king became more inaccessible and portraits rejected the style of Titian in

favour of a more remote and icon-like portrayal.71 Introducing new artists at court who had the talent to bring the artistic program of the court back to the heights it reached was

one way that Olivares sought to reverse these changes under Philip II. Once he

established an impressive assemblage of artists Olivares and Philip IV initiated a period

of extensive artistic commissions. Between the two of them they financed and supervised

the building of the Buen Retiro Palace, the redecoration of the Alcazar and the Torre de

la Parada, as well as numerous other paintings, tapestries, and sculptures, all designed to

demonstrate the wealth and prestige of Spain and its magnificent king.

Several examples of the artwork produced at the Spanish court in the time of

Philip IV demonstrate this use of political messages in paintings, and how artwork was

used to both celebrate the monarchy's few successes, and compensate for its failures.

One of the most common mediums for this was the royal portrait. Although Spanish

portraits were aimed at demonstrating the same qualities of the ruler as those from other

European courts - piety, power, royal legitimacy - the method by which they achieved

this differed greatly. Unlike portraits from countries such as France and England, the use

of allegory was extremely rare in Spanish court portraiture. This was the result of a

tradition of Spanish Hapsburg portraiture dating back to Charles V that believed that

there was little symbolism that could add to the power of the subject; the king's presence

alone expressed royal character and power and thus he could afford to dispense with the

71 Mulcahy, Philip II, 291, 296.

52 trappings of majesty. As a result portraits tended to rely on more subtle forms of flattery, as demonstrated in the portraits of Philip II by Titian, such as Portrait of Philip II

in Armor completed in 1550, and later the portraits of Philip IV painted by Rubens and

Velazquez.

Despite a few military victories in the early 1620s - such as the recapture of

Bahia, a region of Portuguese Brazil, from the Dutch in 1625 - after 1626 Spain suffered

from a continual string of military failures. In addition, in 1628 Olivares committed

Spain to an ultimately unsuccessful, expensive crusade in Mantua. Several portraits of

Philip IV completed throughout the 1620s demonstrate the transformation in Spain's

military success. One portrait by Velazquez, titled Philip IV, (see fig. 1) was completed

c. 1624-27, before the onset of Spain's failures in foreign policy. The painting is based

on a bust-length life study of the King, completed around 1623, shortly after Velazquez

received his first court appointment.73 Similar to the portraits of Philip II, the painting uses little embellishment to demonstrate the prestige of its subject; it relies on the belief

dating back to Charles V that the king's presence was sufficient enough to demonstrate

power.

Contrasting Velazquez' painting is an equestrian portrait completed by Rubens

after Spain's military problems intensified. Besides the failure in Mantua, peace

negotiations between Spain and the Dutch, who were seeking independence from the

monarchy, were breaking down. In an effort to compensate for these difficulties, the

crown commissioned artwork demonstrating Philip IV's military prowess by utilizing a

Brown, Velazquez, 123. Ibid., 45-6.

53 theme dating back to Titian's work for Charles V. Rubens' Equestrian Portrait of

Philip IV (ca. 1628, later destroyed), portrays Philip IV as calmly executing the haute ecole maneuver called the levade, using only one hand to control the horse in this difficult exercise. Through its use of allegory and composition, this piece emphasizes the military prowess of its subject, and was completed during a period full of military failures, such as several losses in the Netherlands to the Dutch . Velazquez utilized this same format in his equestrian portrait of Philip IV. Commissioned in 1634-5 for the Hall of the Realms in the Palacio de Buen Retiro, Philip IV on Horseback also depicts Philip

IV performing the levade. Furthermore, Velazquez rejected allegory in favour of more direct symbols of leadership - the red sash, armor, and baton.75 It is possible that this change in imagery was derived from a heightened urgency to illustrate Philip IV s power in the wake of further military and foreign policy disasters. Both of these portraits illustrate that art often had a political meaning, and could be commissioned as a result of certain political events.

The 1630s represented a period of numerous setbacks for the monarchy and

Olivares. War with France was imminent, and in 1635 became a reality. Spain also suffered other international setbacks: in 1637 the Dutch recaptured Breda, in 1638 the key Rhine fortress of Breisach was taken by France's allies, also that year the French destroyed a Spanish naval fleet in the harbour of Guetaria, in 1639 the Dutch defeated the

Spanish fleet at the battle of the Downs, and in 1640 the Dutch overpowered a Hispano-

Portuguese fleet off Brazil. Additionally, tax riots broke out in 1631 in Vizcaya and in

1637 Evora, Portugal, and other towns, symptoms of a general collapse of confidence in

74 Titian, The Emperor Charles V on Horseback (1548), Prado, Madrid. 75 Brown, Velazquez, 114.

54 the regime. Later that year French troops crossed into Catalonia, followed by a full scale revolt in Catalonia and Portugal in 1640, which resulted in the crown loosing control of both realms. Moreover, these failures all reduced support for the regime and caused defections among its closest sympathizers. For example, the grandees went on strike by refusing to attend official functions and retiring to their estates.76

As a result of these failures, and stimulated by the threat of war with France, throughout the 1630s the monarchy placed a greater reliance on artwork to improve its image. One prominent example is the painting The Surrender of Breda by Velazquez, painted in 1635. Commissioned for the Palacio de Buen Retiro, the painting depicts the victorious Spanish forces after capturing the city of Breda from the Dutch in 1625.

Instead of depicting the victors completely devastated, the painting portrays the victor

and vanquished meeting in benevolence; this made the surrender into more than just a military victory - it is also a metaphor for Spanish morality.77 The timing of the painting

is also significant; since the Spain captured Breda the tide of the war had turned in favour

of the Dutch, who captured the fortified city of 's-Hertogenbosc in 1629. Thus not only

did Velazquez' painting demonstrate the military power of Spain, it also served as a

poignant reminder of past glories, in face of renewed hostilities.

The biggest artistic project of Philip IV's reign also occurred during this time

period: the building and decoration of the Buen Retiro Palace. Overall, the palace was

built to suggest the majesty of the king, and to provide a forum for entertainment - such

as plays, autos defe, and masquerades - meant to distract the courtiers from the

Henry Kamen, Spain: 1469-1714 (New York: Longman, Inc., 1983), 203, 208-9, 213. Brown, Velazquez, 119.

55 kingdom's numerous problems. Of all the aspects of the palace, none demonstrates the political motivations greater than the Hall of Realms. As a Hall of Princely Virtue it was designed to glorify the superior moral and physical qualities of Philip IV. Specifically it sought to emphasize dynasty and right to rule through the portraits by Velazquez of

Philip III, Philip IV, Margaret of Austria, Isabella of Bourbon, and Baltasar Carlos; and military power through paintings depicting victories such as the Surrender of Breda by

Velazquez, the Recapture ofBahia by Juan Bautista Maino, and the Recapture of Puerto

Rica by Eugenio Cajes (1575-1634). Both of these cycles of paintings would have emphasized to the viewer the glorious tradition of Spanish rulers and military victories.

Another political issue that was influential in the decoration of the Buen Retiro

Palace was Olivares' attempt to reduce government spending and improve the Spanish economy. The most comprehensive of Olivares' proposed reforms was the Union of

Arms, which sought to fully unite Spain by bringing all realms under the laws of Castile and ensuring that all regions contribute equally to state finances based on their population. He presented the idea to Philip IV in 1624, and began to seek approval from the realms under Philip IVs governance in 1625. Although the Aragonese and Valencian

Corteses ratified the agreement, it was only with hefty subsidies. Catalonia did not agree to the Union of Arms in 1626, and a second round of negotiations in 1632 was one of the realm's reasons for starting hostilities between Catalans and the monarchy; Portugal also revolted in 1640 in part because of the financial repercussions of the Union of Arms.

Again, Olivares relied partially on visual media to rectify Spain's problems; specifically he used the Hall of Realms to demonstrate his dream of a united Spain under the Union 78 Jonathan Brown and John Elliott, Palace for a King: The Buen Retiro Palace and the Court of Philip IV (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 65. 79 Ibid., Palace, 161, 170.

56 of Arms. The twenty-four escutcheons on the ceiling demonstrate the links between the different realms under Philip IV's rule, and the battle scenes show the king's commitment to defend all his lands, such as the state of Bahia in Portuguese Brazil.80 The result is a demonstration of the strength and potential successes of a united Spain under the

leadership of Philip IV.

Spain's political problems also increased the need for capable individuals who

could assist the government by working towards solutions to these problems. For the most part, Philip IV and Olivares used traditional resources, such as conventional

diplomats, established military leaders, like the Marquis Spinola, and advice from

experienced counselors. However, they also employed other, less customary, sources; in particular they increasingly relied on artists such as Rubens and Velazquez to help

resolve their political difficulties. There are several reasons why Philip IV and Olivares

would have decided to employ artists as political agents in this manner. First, while it

was certainly not the most common approach, over the preceding century artists had

become more prominent court figures, and had taken on increasingly more political

duties, especially in Italy. Furthermore, in Spain during the reign of Ferdinand (1452-

1516) and Isabella (1451-1504) men of letters, such as the chronicler Alonso de Palencia,

were often used as proto-ambassadors.81 This example demonstrates that the was a

precedent for the use of individuals from the lower ranks of society as diplomatic agents.

Second, the political paintings both Rubens and Velazquez produced for their

Spanish patrons demonstrated their political aptitude. In order to successfully compose

these political paintings artists would have needed to possess a certain understanding of

80 Ibid., Palace, 178-9. 81 Henry Kamen, Spain's Road to Empire: the making of a world power, 1492-1763 (Toronto: Penguin Books, 2002), 38.

57 politics and political symbolism. Most significantly, these skills were also useful in fulfilling other political duties, and were a contributing factor in their appointment to key court positions. As royal portraits of various monarchs throughout Europe demonstrate, the use of symbols was one of the most common methods utilized by princes to portray certain desirable qualities, such as power and piety. In order to maximize their success at court, artists would need to know of, understand, and appreciate the importance of these symbols. Just like any other successful court artist in this time period, Rubens and

Velazquez employed direct symbolism to emphasize whatever noble attributes their patron desired. For example, take Velazquez' painting Count-Duke ofOlivares on

Horseback, completed sometime in the 1630s. Olivares is portrayed in glistening black armor with an exceptionally large and showy red sash, the ensign of the captain-general, over his shoulder. The sash is most likely exaggerated in size and importance to commemorate Olivares' role as a victorious commander in the battle shown in the distance.82 The ability to compose paintings such as these that effectively utilize political symbolism would have been a clear demonstration of Rubens' and Velazquez' political comprehension.

Another reason why Philip IV and Olivares would have given Rubens and

Velazquez' political duties is that several of the skills required to be excellent artists would have also made them competent political agents. In order to produce convincing political paintings, artists needed the ability to accentuate certain aspects more than

others in order to properly present the desired message of their patron. Since paintings were meant to depict more than just an image, but a political message as well, an artist was often obliged to portray only the desired aspects of an event or individual. This was

82 Brown, Velazquez, 125-7.

58 particularly true of the early modern court portrait, which was meant to portray more than just a mere likeness of its subject; it was also supposed to express a higher ideal by conveying the noble aspects of its subject's personality. For example, Velazquez' painting Philip IV as Hunter (c. 1632-33) portrays the King ready to hunt, with his musket in his hand and his hound at his side. As demonstrated by Castiglione in his

Books of the Courtier, hunting was widely considered to be an important attribute of the perfect courtier, because it was pertinent practice for warfare.83 Moreover, patrons often wanted any unsightly features, such as a pronounced nose, reduced or removed from their portraits. For example, Charles V asked Titian to straighten his nose in a portrait in

1545.84 In order to achieve all these modifications, not only did an artist need to be able to carefully observe the details of his subject's face, but he also often needed to be able to

stretch the truth in order to portray a weak king as powerful, or an amoral king as pious.

This ability to emphasize only certain aspects of one's subject would have also proven

essential in certain diplomatic negotiations. The capacity to hide his monarch's true

intentions, or to exaggerate the size of an army, for example, would have helped an artist

gain more clout for his party at the discussion table. For example, when Velazquez was

preparing the peace conference between Philip IV and Louis XIV in Fuenterrabia in

1660, one of the artists' goals would surely have been to compensate for Spain's military

defeat by demonstrating its glory in the fine arts through carefully planned decorations.

Another transferable skill any successful artist required was observation and a

heightened attention to detail, especially for the large-scale works, such as battle

paintings, that masters such as Velazquez and Rubens produced. Often in these paintings

83 Castiglione, Courtier, 19-20. 84 Wanike, Court Artist, 216.

59 every small detail had a symbolic significance, and thus it was very important that a great deal of attention was paid to them. For example, in the Surrender of Breda, Velazquez specifically chose the composition, with every detail conveying an important meaning.

The victory is conveyed by the famous motif of the upright Spanish pikes, whose number

Of and prominence form a contrast with the defeated Dutch troops on the left. An example from Rubens comes from the landscape paintings he completed for Philip IV for the redecoration of the Torre de la Parada in 1640 in Antwerp. In a letter to Balthasar

Gerbier, Master of the Horse for the Duke of Buckingham (1592-1663), in April of that year he describes the details of the painting, which portrays the landscape surrounding El

Escorial with great detail, even though he has not seen it for roughly a decade. By this point in his life, Gerbier had become Rubens' most trusted confidant, suggesting that

Rubens' motivation for writing letters to him were purely comnlunicatory, and there was no incentive to misrepresent the truth. Additionally, the nature of this particular excerpt, the description of a painting, further reduces any possibility of dishonesty. Rubens wrote, The mountain which is called La Sierra de S. Juan en Malagon, is very high and steep...there is, as the summit, a great wooden cross, which is easily seen from Madrid, and nearby a little church dedicated to St. John...86

As this except demonstrates, Rubens had a keen sense of observation, and also, the ability to recall his perceptions many years after their first conception. This ability would have been extremely useful to both Rubens and Velazquez when they were instructed to perform additional non-artistic duties for Philip IV. Specifically, Rubens' political duties frequently involved relaying information from foreign courts back to Madrid. For

85 Brown, Velazquez, 119. 86 Rubens to Balthasar Gerbier, Antwerp, April 1640, in The Letters of Peter Paul Rubens, ed. and trasn. Ruth Saunders Magurn (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971), 414.

60 example, while in London Rubens constantly relayed his observations of the English court back to Olivares. Given Rubens' dedication to the peace process, it is unlikely he would have been motivated to misconstrue the truth, as this would have only impaired

Spain's decisions. In one such letter written on 21 September, Rubens stated,

A few days ago something occurred which disturbed me very much. The Lord Treasurer told me openly that it was not fitting of Cottington to leave before an answer to the document arrived; and going on to discuss the contents of this document, he insisted that it was not His Majesty's intention to make peace with pain based on promises which His Catholic Majesty had made in advance, but only at the end of negotiations in Madrid.87

As this passage demonstrates, given the significance of some of the information Rubens relayed back to Madrid, the ability to notice and remember important information would have been a tremendous asset for any political agent.

Another example of a transferable skill that would have appealed to Olivares and

Philip IV was Rubens' and Velazquez' knowledge of current events. Clearly in order to compose paintings of certain subject matters - such as The Surrender of Breda by

Velazquez' and Rubens' paintings depicting the life of Marie de' Medici - artists would need to understand not only the event they were depicting, but the current events

dictating the message their painting was meant convey. For example, when composing a

painting such as Philip IV at Fraga, the nature of the portrait was clearly dictated by the

context of the campaign to recapture Catalonia from the French. In the painting Philip IV

is portrayed in a more luxurious manner than his previous portraits, suggesting the

Velazquez was attempting to improve the image of the king during a time of national

crisis. The implications of such knowledge for success as a political agent are obvious:

without an understanding of Europe or an individual country's political situation it would

87 Rubens to Olivares, London, 21 September, 1629, in Letters, 340.

61 be impossible for anyone to effectively perform the political duties Philip IV and

Olivares required.

A further attribute that would have made Rubens and Velazquez attractive to

Philip IV and Olivares as political agents directly derives from their international experiences as artists. Since like most successful artists Rubens and Velazquez had worked for patrons in numerous countries, they had already experienced the intricacies of foreign courts, and furthermore had formed connections all throughout Europe. Thus, if sent on a mission to a foreign court, for whatever purpose, an artist would already know the correct way to act, the important figures at court, and have reliable associates who could provide him with information. The value of this type of international experience, particularly the importance of foreign connections, is best illustrated in the career of

Rubens, who had formed connections with prominent individuals in all the important countries of Europe. For example, one of the prime reasons he was chosen as Philip IV's envoy to England in 1629 was due to his previous involvement in the preliminary peace negotiations, which was a direct result of his foreign connections, in particular the

English artist Balthasar Gerbier. Having already discussed with Gerbier several of the issues surrounding the proposed Anglo-Spanish treaty, Rubens' knowledge would have been an essential asset to the Spanish crown. Philip IV recognized this in 1628, accepting the position of his advisors who argued bringing Rubens to Madrid could only benefit

Spain. As this example illustrates, the connections Rubens made as an artist were one of the factors that made Philip IV and Olivares choose to utilize him as a political agent.

Moreover, the nature of an artists' profession, and his role in society, had implications that would have made him useful as a political agent. Specifically, artists

88 Magurn, Letters, 224. 62 could be sent to foreign countries as covert observers, who would then transmit any information to their patron. Princes could send artists to other courts on artistic missions

- transporting paintings, visiting other studios, studying foreign art, etc. - while unofficially mandating them to gather as much information as possible. Furthermore, since artists typically had many foreign connections, it was relatively easy for them to draw out intelligence. This ability benefited Rubens' career in 1627 during the preliminary peace negotiations between Spain and England. Along with his English counterpart Gerbier, Rubens was able to obtain a passport to travel throughout the United

Provinces, ostensibly to visit various artistic studios and study the paintings produced there. However, the real purpose of the mission was to gather information about the movements of the Prince of Orange among other things, for the Infanta, and ultimately,

Philip IV. This accessibility to inside information would have been tremendously useful to Philip IV; similar to the purpose of modern spy networks today it would have permitted him to base his decisions on inside information. Additionally, courtiers often had difficulty assessing the true nature of an artists' position at court. One example of this is the uncertainty foreigners in Madrid projected to their native courts when Rubens arrived there in 1628. Specifically, this excerpt from a letter from the Papal Nuncio,

Giovanni Battista Pamphili to the Cardinal Secretary of State in Rome demonstrates the

issue:

It is considered certain that Rubens, the Flemish painter, is the bearer of some negotiation, for we hear that he often confers in secrete with the Count Duke, and in a manner very different from what his profession permits. They say he left England a short time ago; and since he is said to be a great friend of Buckingham, it is believed that he comes with some peace treaty between the two crowns. Others think his main object is the

89 Rubens to Pierre Dupuy, Antwerp, 19 July 1627, in Letters, 194-5.

63 truce of Flanders, and that he has received this commission as one who enjoys the confidence of that country.90

Thus, the relative ease at which artists could be sent behind enemy lines, to secrecy about their true mission, and their ability to successfully obtain the required information, were very advantageous. This explains, along with the other attributes mentioned above, why painters made such excellent candidates for non-artistic court positions, and were sometimes given these important appointments over qualified courtiers.

Apart from these attributes, the personal background and education of Rubens and

Velazquez in particular also made them attractive candidates for political positions at court. Although neither artist came from upper rank families, both Rubens and

Velazquez had ancestors who were vassals for royal patrons. In Velazquez' case his paternal grandparents were members of the noble family of Silva from the Kingdom of

Portugal, whose members had served the kings of Portugal. However, as Palomino recorded,

...Fortune unleashed its ire and changed their state, so they were brought down from their eminent position to endure misfortune. They were left with no other inheritance than their services and courage, always regarding as their polestar the merits of their forefathers.91

Rubens' situation differed from that of Velazquez as members of his family continued to serve important European dignitaries throughout his youth. His father was a secretary for a great Prince of Flanders, and after that served as a legal advisor and confidant to Anne of Saxony, Princess of Orange. Furthermore, once he came of age, Rubens' brother

Philip obtained a post as secretary to Cardinal Ascanio Colonna in Rome.92 Thus both painters' families had a tradition of royal service, which surely would have advanced

90 Magurn, Letters, 283. 91 Palomino, Lives, 140. 92 Ibid., 101.

64 their careers at court. For example, Rubens would have benefited from the reputation and connections established by his father and brother at the courts of Flanders and Rome, respectively. Even though the Silva family was no longer established at court, they too still might have had useful connections at the Portuguese court.93 Moreover, Rubens and

Velazquez both would have been able to utilize their families' knowledge of court structure, and if needed, seek relevant advice.

Given Rubens' and Velazquez' families' professional history, during their youth their parents would have placed a strong emphasis on education, particularly in areas valued by court society. Specifically, Palomino recorded:

He [Velazquez] applied himself to the study of the humanities, and surpassed many of his contemporaries in his knowledge of languages and philosophy. 4

In the case of Rubens, his letters reveal that he was a well-educated scholar, knowledgeable in many subjects such as antiquity and history. Furthermore, from his

letters it is clear that he studied many languages, as he was able to correspond in Dutch,

Spanish, English, French and Italian. In particular, this ability to converse in several

different languages would have been a tremendous asset, and later in his career, a

necessity, given the international nature of his duties. Further evidence of their education

comes from the two artists historical and mythological paintings. For example,

Velazquez' Los Borrochos (c. 1629), demonstrates his comprehension of the myth of

Bacchus' conquest of Iberia, and Venus and Cupid (1647-51), his familiarity with

classical Roman deities. Also, the cycle of paintings Rubens produced for Marie de'

Medici (1573-1642), mother and former regent of King Louis XIII of France (1601-

93 From 1580 until 1640 the King of Spain was also King of Portugal, thus during this period it is likely that connections between the two courts would have been greater. 94 Palomino, Lives, 140.

65 1643), also focused heavily on mythological symbolism; in the Education of the Princess

(1622-25) Marie is portrayed as having been educated by the Gods, and in the

Consignment of the Regency (1622-25) King Henri IV is portrayed as Mars.95 It is logical to assume that in order for both Rubens and Velazquez to master these types of paintings they would need to have some knowledge of European history and classical mythology.

The significance of this knowledge, and the reason why it would have influenced

Philip IV's and Olivares' decision to employ Rubens and Velazquez as political agents,

derives from its relation to the idealized perception of a courtier. Castiglione's Book of

the Courtier offers evidence that illustrates the importance of a proper education in the

life of a courtier. Although written roughly a century before Rubens' and Velazquez'

court careers, the ideas proposed by Castiglione were still very influential. On this topic

Castiglione wrote,

I desire that in letters [our Courtier] should be more than passably learned, at least in these studies which men call humanities...let him be versed in the poets, and no less in the orators and historians.96

Since upon performing these political duties, Velazquez and Rubens were undertaking

several of the traditional responsibilities of courtiers, and were thus required to become a

part of court society, possessing some of the perceived essential attributes of a courtier

would have eased the transition from painter to political agent. Furthermore, although

the status of artists had improved in society since the beginning of the fifteenth century,

the choice to select someone of low rank birth to perform important political duties was

still relatively uncommon. As a result, possessing these noble attributes would have

95 Ronald Millen, Heroic Deeds and Mystic Figures: a new reading of Rubens' Life of Maria de' Medici (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 38, 101. 96 Castiglione, Courtier, 34.

66 enabled Philip IV and Olivares to justify their employment of Rubens and Velazquez as political agents.

Overall several reasons explain why Philip IV and Olivares patronized artists, utilizing them for both their artistic and political aptitude. First, court art was an important medium for disseminating political messages, since most important courtiers and political elites had access to and an appreciation of court paintings. Specifically, the

Spanish crown hoped to employ these paintings to celebrate its limited victories, and compensate for its many failures. As a result it embarked on an ambitious patronage program, and commissioned artists such as Rubens and Velazquez to create flattering portraits of Philip IV and paintings that emphasized Spain's military accomplishments.

Second, the talents that made Rubens and Velazquez excellent courtier artists also made them excellent candidates to perform political duties for Philip IV and Olivares. In part

Rubens' and Velazquez' potential as political agents was the result of their education, which emphasized several of the disciplines recognized as important for a courtier.

However, even though they were able to meet many of the needs of their Spanish patrons,

Rubens and Velazquez would still never have reached their high position in society

without the motivation and dedication to utilize their political agency to achieve their

aspirations.

67 Political Ambitions

Building on the impetus of successful courtier-artists before them, and supported by the need of Philip IV and Olivares for competent painters and political agents, Rubens and Velazquez utilized their abilities and opportunities to become arguably the most

successful courtier-artists of all time. Although their initial court appointments were merely the result of having the right connections, both Rubens and Velazquez were able to use their original position to advance higher in court hierarchy. They accomplished this by making the most of the connections they had and by excellently demonstrating their skills to impress their patrons, Philip IV and Olivares. Motivated by the desire to

improve their status, both painters ultimately reached a position from which they could

dictate the direction of their careers and become more involved in court politics: Rubens worked hard to bring about peace throughout Spain's realms, and Velazquez sought key

court appointments in order to achieve acceptance to a Military Order. Besides the personal implications for each artist, these prominent court positions also gave Rubens

and Velazquez the opportunity to exert their political influence on Philip IV, a prospect

which Rubens took full benefit of. Lastly, despite their standing both artists still faced

limitations and hostility from other courtiers who resented their rise throughout the

hierarchy. Thus, although through their political agency Rubens and Velazquez were

able to achieve great things, to a certain extent they were still hampered by the ideologies

of their time.

Velazquez was first invited to the Spanish court in Madrid in 1622 at the behest of

Philip IV s royal chaplain and sumiller de cortina, Don Juan de Fonseca. Pacheco,

Velazquez' father-in-law and biographer, wrote:

68 In 1623 he was summoned by the same Don Juan [de Fonseca] (by order of the Count-Duke); he was lodged in his house, where he was entertained and looked after, and he painted his portrait. That night a cons of the Count of Penaranda, chamberlain to the Cardinal-Infante, took it to the palace, and in one hour everyone in the Palace saw it, [including] the Infantes and the King, which was the greatest honor that it had. He was ordered to portray the Infantes and the King, which was the greatest Q7

honour that it had.

Although Velazquez was quickly recognized as a talented artist, at this point all the positions at court were occupied: Santiago Moran the Elder (active 1597-1626) held the senior post of pintor de camera (painter to the privy chamber) and Eugenio Cajes (1577-

1642), Vicente Carducho (1576-1638), Bartolome Gonzalez (1564-1627), Francisco

Lopez, and Rodrigo de Villandrando were all either pintor del rey or pintor real.

Velazquez returned to Seville, but was summoned back to court in 1623 by Olivares, who was hoping to increase the Sevillian influence in the king's entourage. As a native of the region of Seville, Olivares saw the appointment of Sevillians - and other 'natural adherents' such as kinsmen and dependents - to court offices as a way to bolster his influence. For example, he helped Juan de Jauregui to become groom to the Queen in

1626, and Francisco de Calatayud obtain an appointment in the royal secretariat.98

Moreover, as Pacheco noted: His Excellency the Count-Duke spoke to him [Velazquez] for the first time, encouraging him the honor of his native city, and promising him that he alone would portray the His Majesty and that the other portraits [of the king] would be withdrawn."

Furthermore, given Olivares' influence over Philip IV and his decisions, it is also likely that he would have been able to pressure the monarch to support Velazquez to a greater extent than he would have without pressure from his valido. This favoritism continued

Pacheco, Arte, 156. Elliott, Olivares, 137, 141. Pacheco, Arte, 191.

69 throughout Velazquez' career, to the extent that Palomino, when describing Velazquez' reaction to Olivares' dismissal in 1643 wrote,

Diego Velazquez could not help regretting this, having Been Olivares' creature and owing him some special honors..,'

Although Velazquez might have obtained a court position without Olivares' favour, clearly Olivares' patronage and support was a contributing factor to the success of

Velazquez' career at court, artistic and otherwise. Between Olivares' support, and the death of the painter Villandrando, which created an immediate opening at court,10

Velazquez was granted the opportunity to paint for the king.

As a result, Velazquez was endowed with a prestigious position as a court artist, pintor de camdra. In his biography, Pacheco described this transition:

He [Olivares] commanded him to move to Madrid and he confirmed his title on the last day of October 1623, with a salary of twenty ducats a month plus payment for works and also free medical attention and medicines.

Then in 1626 Velazquez painted an equestrian portrait of the king, which was displayed

in the Calle Mayor, outside San Felipe, where it won the admiration of the courts and the

envy of artists. Philip IV demonstrated his appreciation of the painting by giving

Velazquez a further pension of three hundred ducats, and more impressive royal lodgings

worth two hundred ducats per year.103 Thus both his talent, and his association with

Olivares were instrumental in gaining Velazquez his initial court position as pintor de

camdra.

Palomino, Lives, 152. 101 Steven Orso, Velazquez, Los Borrochos, and Painting at the Court of Philip IV (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 41-45. 102 Pacheco, Arte, 191-2. 103 Palomino, Lives, 145-7.

70 Similarly, Rubens' initial involvement at Philip IV's court was aided by connections. After a brief position as an artist for the Duke of Mantua, Vincenzo I (1587-

1612), Rubens entered the service of Archduke Albert of Austria (1559-1621) and the

Infanta Archduchess Isabella (1566-1633) in the Spanish Netherlands in 1609. Given that Rubens' father was a secretary at court, it is highly likely that he was influential in aiding his son to get the position.104 Over the next fourteen years Rubens was commissioned not only by his patrons Albert and the Infanta Isabella, but also by prominent Spaniards such as Olivares.' 5 Again, the importance of connections was key; as the Infanta was the aunt of Philip IV, and joint sovereign of the Spanish Netherlands, she was in frequent contact with Philip IV,106 and as a result had affiliations with individuals at the court in Madrid.

Once both artists had gained this initial access to court and had become part of the court hierarchy, several opportunities for advancement became available to them.

However, just as with their struggle to gain their initial positions, they again had to compete against many other capable artists, and as they sought political positions, high ranking courtiers as well. Any appointment at court, however menial, provided access to court society, which was a prerequisite for any form of advancement. Just as with any other organization it is easier to progress through a hierarchy once one is already a part of that system. What separated Rubens and Velazquez from the other court artists in this

104 Ibid., 101. 105 Roger de Piles, 1681, Dissertation sur les Ouvrages des plus Fameux Peintres (Hants., England: Gregg International Publishers Limited, 1968), 11-12. 106 Demonstrated by the frequency of letters between Isabella and Philip in Correspondance de Rubens et Documents Epistolaires concernant sa vie et ses oeuvres, ed. and trans. Max Rooses and C.H. Ruelens (Soest, Holland: Davaco, c.1972).

71 period is that they excellently utilized their first position to demonstrate their capabilities and obtain higher advancement.

Furthermore, their initial involvement at court gave both artists a chance to demonstrate their skill and promote themselves through good performance on their initial duties. Having proved their capabilities through the completion of initial small responsibilities, Philip IV then trusted each artist with increasingly more important tasks.

When Rubens was chosen as an envoy to England in 1629 to further peace negotiations between the two monarchies it was not a blind decision but based on the recommendation

of the Infanta and Rubens' performance at court over the previous year. His letters

indicate that Rubens had already assisted the Infanta in the peace negotiations between the Spanish Netherlands and the Dutch from 1623 to 1625 by discussing terms with his

cousin, and representative of the Prince of Orange, Jan Brant.107 Furthermore, while in

Paris installing the paintings of Marie de' Medici in 1625, Rubens kept the Infanta

informed of the important developments at the French court during his stay. Given that the purpose of these letters was to provide the Infanta with information to either pass on

to Philip IV or to base her own policy decisions upon, it is expected that Rubens would

have been as accurate as possible, especially since he was thoroughly interested in a

peaceful solution. In particular one letter discusses the efforts of Louis XIII to negotiate

a peace with the Dutch, which would in effect make a truce between the Dutch and Spain

impossible:

Since writing to Montfort by the last post, I have received another very peculiar report regarding the coming to this Court of the Duke of Neuberg, with the King's [Louis XIII] authorization to negotiate and conclude the truce with the Dutch.

107 For example, see Rubens to Jan Brant, Antwerp, 20 July 1625, in Letters, 113-14. 108 Rubens to Infanta Isabella, Paris, 15 March 1625, in Letters, 103.

72 By this point the Infanta had developed a great deal of confidence in and respect for

Rubens, as evidenced by the fact that he was able to write to her so frankly. Moreover, this openness only further removes any doubt about the accuracy of Rubens' letters to the

Infanta. This trust is demonstrated further on in the same letter:

Considering all the above-mentioned reasons, I beg permission of Your Highness to state my opinion plainly, since Your Highness has already on other occasions done me the honor of consulting me on this same subject. I consider the Duke of Neuburg very capable of negotiating this treaty, but not here at this Court, where the truce is abhorred more than anything on earth.109

This recognition of Rubens' talent would obviously have led to a glowing recommendation to Philip IV. The Infanta demonstrated her belief in Rubens' capabilities in a letter to her nephew rebuking Philip IV 's disdain that the negotiations with the Dutch should be trusted to a painter.110

Velazquez, just like Rubens, was able to translate early recognition into increasingly more important responsibilities; each time he performed a duty to the King's satisfaction he was rewarded with a new title at court, which in turn allowed him to perform progressively more important duties. Velazquez also was fortunate to have a great opportunity to demonstrate his abilities to Philip IV and establish his superiority over the other court artists. Despite all of his achievements during the mid-1620s

Velazquez was still an inferior artist and his position at court was not secure. In this period the artists who served under the previous monarch, Philip III, dominated the artistic hierarchy at the Spanish court. They were naturally defensive of their position

and did not want a newer painter to advance at their expense. As the king favoured

109 Ibid., 104. 110 Philip IV to the Infanta, 15 June 1627, in Corespondence, 83.

73 Velazquez, and he was the only artist allowed to paint Philip IV, he was naturally disliked by the older painters. He was granted a larger salary than the other portraitist,

Bartolome Gonzalez, and was also given a studio on the main floor of the king's principal residence, the Alcazar in Madrid. Furthermore, the other court artists were envious of the prominent commissions Velazquez was granted, such as being asked to produced the first painting specifically commissioned for the New Room of the Alcazar. This tension increased with the death of Gonzalez, which opened up a prominent position in the king's court. To quell painter rivalry, in 1627 Philip IV set up a competition to determine who would take the place of Gonzalez, in which Velazquez, Carducho, Cajes, and Angelo

Nardi (1584-ca. 1665) all had to portray Philip Ill's decision to expel the moriscos.

Velazquez won the competition, and was rewarded with the position and wages of Usher to the Bedchamber, which was a very important office and made Velazquez the foremost painter in the king's service. As Palomino reported, financially the office provided

Velazquez with an allowance of twelve reales per day, and a dress allowance of ninety

ducats each year, as he would now be required to wear formal attire appropriate for life

as a courtier.112

Even from the start of their court careers Rubens and Velazquez formed

connections with important courtiers, possibly in an effort to solidify their position at

court and press for further advancement. For example, throughout his travels to France in

1622 and 1625 Rubens formed connections with Pierre Dupuy, the Royal Librarian for

Louis XIII and one of the King's Councilors, and Balthasar Gerbier, Master of the Horse

for the Duke of Buckingham. Similarly, Palomino recorded that on his journey to Italy

111 Orso Velazquez, 46, 50. 112 Palomino, Lives, 147.

74 from 1629 to 1630 Velazquez stayed in the house of the Spanish Ambassador in Venice, and upon his return associated himself with the Duke of Modena.113 Not to mention that

Velazquez was still receiving support from his most important advocate, Olivares. On several occasions these connections proved pivotal in the advancement of each painters' career. Rubens' first entry into politics came in 1623 when he was chosen by the Infanta to open peace negotiations with the Prince of Orange, Maurice (1618-25) because his cousin, Jan Brant, was already involved. Consequently, when the Duke of Buckingham desired to increase peace negotiations between England and Spain in 1627, he utilized the previous relation between Rubens and Gerbier and requested them to discuss the peace in greater detail. Additionally, previous negotiations pertaining to the purchase of some of

Rubens' artistic artifacts were still pending, thus providing both parties with a cover if needed.114 Even from the start their correspondence dealt with political matters,

specifically relations between Britain, the United Provinces, and Spain. Although it is possible that Rubens was overemphasizing the dedication of the Infanta, given all the other evidence that demonstrates her commitment to the peace process it is likely that

Rubens' depiction is fairly accurate. Furthermore, even if his description was exaggerated, the letter would still demonstrate that Rubens and Gerbier were in communications about a peace between the United Provinces and Spain. For example, in

one letter sent in 1627 Rubens wrote,

Her Highness [the Infanta] has seen the proposition of my Lord the Duke of Buckingham, and says, as for the difficulties between the Emperor and the King of Denmark, that she began some time ago to try to bring them to an understanding, and will do all in her power to complete it. But since success is uncertain...it would be well for the Duke of Buckingham to

113 Palomino, Lives, 148, 151. 114 Magurn, Letters, 162, 224.

75 declare whether the King of Great Britain would wish in this case to deal only with regard to these crowns.

This letter illustrates that Rubens and Gerbier were deeply involved in the negotiations and were trying to work out some of the obstacles in the peace process. As a result their role in this progression was more than just a precursor to serious talks, they were actually involved in trying to resolve some of the key issues. As a result, the two artists met in

Paris to discuss peace terms in person, and also traveled throughout the Netherlands in

July to further assess the situation under the pretext of viewing artistic works.

After their travels Rubens and Gerbier maintained frequent correspondence, and informed each other of important occurrences in their respective countries. In particular,

Rubens kept Gerbier abreast of the attitudes of the most prominent figures in the Dutch and Spanish court with respect to the proposed treaty between Spain and England. In a

September letter discussing the court's opinion of the peace he wrote,

They [Spanish courtiers] feel annoyed and affronted by Olivares. Worse passion has prevailed over all reason and consideration...The majority of the Council of Spain were of our opinion, but its head [Olivares] has forced all to accept his.116

Also during this period Rubens kept the Marquis aware of court opinion. In one letter, in

early 1628, he informed the Marquis about the progress of peace discussions in Brussels

between the Dutch and the French. Similar to his letters to Gerbier, given Rubens' desire

for peace in the Netherlands, it is unlikely he would have misconstrued facts, which

would have only hampered proper decision making. For example, he wrote that,

There is great diversity of opinion; and a large number of persons and ministers, both native and foreigners, who possess great authority, are

Rubens to Balthasar Gerbier, 24 February 1627, in Letters, 171-2. 116 Rubens to Balthasar Gerbier, Antwerp, 18 September 1627, in Letters, 203-4.

76 trying by all kings of tricks to hinder these negotiations and bring about an agreement with France.117

Clearly, Rubens was, due to his correspondence, perhaps one of the best-informed figures on the situation. This eventually caught the attention of Philip IV, who in 1628 requested that Rubens travel to Madrid to show him the original copies of these letters. This ultimately led to Philip IV granting Rubens the title of Secretary to the Privy Council of the Netherlands, his involvement in the peace negotiations between England and Spain, and his subsequent ennoblement by both Charles I and Philip IV. As a result, Rubens' correspondence with well-informed and connected individuals such as Gerbier was one of the main causes of his advancement.

For both artists utilizing their connections and demonstrating their talent to firmly establish their position marked a turning point in their careers; they had finally established their superiority at court and were now able to focus on reaching a level of social advancement from which they could each direct the nature of their career.

Although both artists had different incentives, each desired a political position in order to accomplish their ambitions. Velazquez' main motivation was to become knighted, gain noble status, and join a Military Order; as exemplified by the career of Rubens, he thought the best way to achieve this was to become more involved in politics. Although there is no direct evidence to demonstrate the full extent of Rubens' influence on

Velazquez, several facts make it obvious that Rubens' visit to Madrid in 1629 had a

direct impact on the remainder of Velazquez' career. First, as both Pacheco and

Palomino noted,

[Rubens] had little contact with painters; only with Don Diego Velazquez (with whom he had previously corresponded) did he strike a very close

117 Rubens to Marquis Spinola, Brussels, 30 March 1628, in Letters, 248-9.

77 friendship (because of his great talent and modesty), and he looked upon his works with favour. Together they went to El Escorial to see the famous Monastery of San Lorenzo el Real...'18

Thus, Rubens and Velazquez obviously spent a great deal of time together, providing

Velazquez with the opportunity to discover the success Rubens had already achieved.

Second, Velazquez' subsequent artwork was clearly influenced by Rubens. It is only after Rubens' visit, when Velazquez was able to witness Rubens reproduce works by

Titian, that Velazquez began to paint mythological paintings such as Los Borrochos (ca.

1629)

Several secondary motivations also influenced the direction Velazquez' career at court took. First, he also aspired to obtain advancement for other members of his family.

As Pacheco recorded, Velazquez was able to acquire for his father three appointments as

Secretary in Madrid, each worth one thousand ducats a year.119 Second, over the length

of his career the desire to serve his greatest patron, Philip IV evolved into a motivating

factor, as evidenced by his continued excellent assistance to the King at Fuenterrabia in

1660 even after his ennoblement.

Rubens' primary motivation was his aspiration to establish peace in the

Netherlands, something which is demonstrated in both his art and his correspondence. In

terms of art, the painting that most clearly demonstrates Rubens' abhorrence of war is a

work completed in 1638 titled Consequences of War. Rubens described his interpretation

of the work in a 1638 letter to Justus Sustermans, another well-known painter from

Antwerp. Rubens wrote,

Nearby are monsters personifying Pestilence and Famine, those inseparable partners of War. On the ground, turning her back, lies a

118 For example, Palomino, Lives, 147. 119 Pacheco, Arte, 193.

78 woman with a broken lute, representing Harmony, which is incompatible with the discord of war. There is also a mother with her child in her arms, indicating that fecundity, procreation, and charity are thwarted by War, which corrupts and destroys everything...That grief-stricken woman clothed in black, with torn veil, robbed of all her jewels and other ornaments, is the unfortunate Europe who, for so many years now, has suffered plunder, outrage, and misery, which are so injurious to everyone that it is unnecessary to go into detail.120

This excerpt clearly demonstrates Rubens' conviction that war was an all-encompassing destructive force, and thus illustrates why establishing peace, especially in the

Netherlands, was of such great importance to him.

Rubens' letters to various European princes and dignitaries also demonstrates his strong desire for peace and the actions he took to promote it. Although it is possible that his dedication to peace was simply a reflection of his dedication to the Spanish crown, his letters illustrate that his commitment to amity was a life-long ambition, and of a stronger nature than even the greatest servitude could bring out. Even early in his life Rubens saw peace as the only means to secure the prosperity of the Spanish Netherlands. In a 1609 letter to Johann Faber, a German doctor who had cured Rubens of an attack of pleurisy while in Rome, about the Twelve Years Truce, Rubens wrote,

The peace, or rather, the [Twelve Years] truce for many years will without doubt be ratified, and during this period it is believed that our country [Spanish Netherlands] will flourish again.121

Throughout the remainder of his life, Rubens trusted Faber as a sort of confidant, to whom he often expressed his feelings on important issues. Given the personal nature of their communications, it is highly unlikely that Rubens would have misrepresented his thoughts. Thus it is clear that Rubens was both concerned about the state of peace in the

Rubens to Justus Sustermans, Antwerp 12 March 1638, in Letters, 409. 121 Rubens to Johann Faber, Antwerp 10 April 1609, in Letters, 52-3.

79 Netherlands, and had a strong conviction that securing peace between the Dutch and the

Spanish was an important step in revitalizing his home country.

Later on in his career, his aspiration for peace was frequently demonstrated in his various correspondences. He was specifically concerned with establishing peace between

Spain and England, as a letter to Olivares while he was in London in 1629 demonstrates:

But I consider this peace to be of such consequence that it seems to me the connecting knot in the chain of all the confederations of Europe...I understand also the changes and the bitterness that would result from a rupture in negotiations; if these should become completely hopeless, we should in a short time see an overturn in the present state of affairs. I admit that for our King the peace with the Dutch would be more important, but I doubt that this will ever come about without the intervention of the King of England. But perhaps this peace between Spain and England, made without the Dutch, would give them something to think about, and made them decide upon peace also.122

While the overall theme of this letter can be trusted, it is possible that given its recipient

Rubens exaggerated his claims somewhat. Since he was writing to his patron, who was employing him to bring about a peaceful solution, it is probable that Rubens overstated his concerns for peace in an effort to demonstrate his dedication to his assignment.

However, either way this extract does still illustrate that Rubens was concerned about bringing about a peace between Spain and England, and that he appreciated the delicacy of the situation he was dealing with. Moreover, Rubens' underlining desire to bring about peace in the Netherlands is also apparent, given his assessment of the influence of a peace between England and Spain in this matter.

Another example is a letter to Peiresc in 1635, which also demonstrates Rubens' strong desire for peace. Discussing the increasing potential for hostilities between Spain and France, Rubens wrote,

122 Rubens to Olivares, London, 24 August 1629, in Letters, 330.

80 It is certain that the rupture between the two crowns [France and Spain] is coming to a climax. This causes me great uneasiness, for I am by nature and inclination a peaceful man, the sworn enemy to disputes, lawsuits, and quarrels, both public and private.

Similar to his correspondence to Faber and Gerbier, it is highly unlikely that Rubens would have distorted his emotions in this letter to Peiresc. The nature of Rubens' and

Peiresc' relationship was friendly, and over the numerous years of their correspondence, they had discussed many other personal matters. Although unlike the previous two passages this letter does not deal with the Netherlands, it still demonstrates that Rubens

was concerned about peace in other regions of the Spanish Empire.

Furthermore, Rubens' actions in London demonstrate that his dedication to peace

was greater than his desire to serve the Spanish crown. The day before he left in March

of 1630 he paid a personal visit to his adversary, Albert Joachimi, Ambassador of the

United Provinces. His false pretext for the visit was to request the release of a group of

Dunkirk seamen held prisoner in Rotterdam; however, the real object of the interview

was to discuss peace between the Northern and Southern Netherlands. In doing so,

Rubens was acting completely of his own initiative, and in direct contradiction of his

orders, which requested that he not discuss this point with the Dutch. Thus, in attempting

to procure his aspiration for peace, Rubens left.himself liable to serious criticism for

overstepping his orders, illustrating that peace was more important to him than praise

from his Spanish patrons. Although Rubens left no record of this meeting, Sir Dudley

Carleton discussed it in a report to Sir Francis Cottington in Madrid. He quoted Rubens

as:

Rubens to Peiresc, Antwerp, 31 May 1635, in Letters, 397-9.

81 telling Joachimi the States might make peace if they would, and therby bring quiett and rest after long warre to all the seventeen Provinces.124

As this passage demonstrates, even after securing peace between Spain and England,

Rubens was still not satisfied because he still hoped to procure peace between the

Northern and Southern Netherlands. Furthermore, it is possible to interpret his dedication to a truce between England and Spain as part of his life-long desire for peace in the

Netherlands; England's previous support for the Dutch meant that the chances of securing a Dutch peace would be difficult without a truce between England and Spain.

As these three examples indicate, Rubens was deeply concerned with establishing peace throughout Europe, especially concerning his native region the Spanish

Netherlands, and other possessions of the Spanish crown. This is especially poignant considering that in some cases involving himself in the peace process meant residing at court and dealing with court politics, something that for the majority of his life Rubens abhorred. Rubens made this preference very clear in a letter to his long time companion

Jan Woverius in 1631, after the truce between Spain and England was concluded:

I am so disgusted with the Court that I do not intend to go for some time to Brussels...My personal ill-treatment annoys me and the pubic evils frighten me. It appears that Spain is wiling to give this country as booty to the first occupant, leaving it without money and without any order. 25

Considering that this letter was written to one of Rubens' childhood friends, who had also been a classmate of Rubens' brother Philip, it is likely that Rubens was conveying his true sentiments. The artists' disdain for courtly society is extremely evident, and the fact that he was able to overcome this difficulty to negotiate a truce between England and

Spain only further demonstrates the importance that establishing peace held for him.

124 Magurn, Letters, 357. 125 Rubens to Jan Woverius, Antwerp, 13 January 1631, inLetters, 371.

82 As a result of their different motivations, the two artists both pursued a slightly different course. In pursuit of his acceptance to a Military Order, Velazquez sought increasingly more prominent court titles, by becoming akin to a personal assistant to

Philip IV. By 1642 Philip IV had come to depend on Velazquez so much that the king brought Velazquez with him on his military campaign in Aragon. Although Velazquez spent part of the campaign painting (Philip IV at Fraga was begun during this period) it is highly probable the artist also went along to provide advice and comfort for Philip IV.

This was a period of open hostility at court against Olivares - who was blamed by many for the revolts of Portugal and Catalonia and other failures in Spanish policy - to the extent that courtiers were grouping together and actively plotting against him.126 Given

Philip IV's resulting efforts to gradually distance himself from Olivares,127 the long, intimate relationship Philip IV had with Velazquez, and the fact that Philip IV began to keep Velazquez closer (as the trip to Aragon demonstrates) it is more than likely that

Velazquez was increasingly fulfilling some of the valido's obligations. In return for his excellent services to the crown on this journey, Velazquez was appointed to the post of

Ayuda de Camera in 1643, further demonstrating the king's increasing trust and dependency on the artist. Then, when Philip IV wanted Italian sculptures to decorate his new palaces he again turned to Velazquez, and sent the artist to Italy in 1648 to acquire artwork and, in the words of Palomino, on an "extraordinary embassy to the Pontiff

Innocent X." Apart from meeting with the Pope, Velazquez also visited the Viceroy of the Kingdom of Naples, and most likely conveyed information to him from Philip IV.

After his return to Spain, Velazquez was rewarded with the highest appointment he

126 Kamen, Spain, 203. 127 Stradling, Philip IV, 35. 128 Palomino, Lives, 156.

83 would receive, Chief Chamberlain of the Imperial Palace; in addition to being a great honour, this office was a large responsibility and came with numerous duties. For example, in 1653 Velazquez was in charge of arranging plants and other decorations for a public ceremony at El Escorial.129 Finally, in 1658 Philip IV fulfilled Velazquez' greatest wish and admitted him to the noble Military Order of the Knights of Santiago.130

Even with his ultimate ambition achieved, Velazquez continued to serve the King with the same dedication. As Chief Chamberlain, in 1659 when the French ambassador,

Marechal Due d'Agramont, came to arrange the marriage between Louis XIV and the

Infanta Dona Maria Teresa of Austria, it was Velazquez who was responsible for the decoration of the Hall of Mirrors where the ambassador was formally received.

Moreover, Velazquez was in charge of giving the ambassador a personal tour of the

Alcazar palace.131 In 1660 Philip IV again requested that Velazquez travel with him, and trusted the artist to handle an important diplomatic situation. The marriage between

Louis XIV (1638-1715) and the Infanta Maria Theresa (1638-1683) was to take place on the Isle of Pheasants in the river Bidasoa, on the border between Spain and France. Not only was Velazquez in charge of arranging preparing the lodgings for Philip IV's journey

- and traveling ahead to ensure that they were adequately prepared - he was also responsible for designing the Conference House where the marriage would take place.

Furthermore, he was one of only a few attendants who accompanied Philip IV to the Hall in the middle of Conference House to meet his sister Anne of Austria (1601-1666), the

Antonio Gallego y Burin, ed., Varia Veldzquezquena: homenaje a Velazquez en el III centenario de su muerte, 1660-1960 (Madrid, Direction General de Bellas Artes, 1960), vol. II, doc. 156, p. 284. 130 Palomino, Lives, 151-174. 131 Ibid., 172.

84 mother of Louis XIV.132 He had orders to assist in the embellishment of this house and most importantly to aid Philip IV in all the functions held in the Conference House before the marriage took place. After the wedding, Velazquez was again responsible for the king's travels, and accompanied him back to Madrid.133 Velazquez' efforts during this last period of his life demonstrate that his commitment to gaining entry to a Military

Order never subsided; also, even after he was ennobled, Velazquez' dedication to Philip

IV did not wane, illustrating that his desire to serve his patron was a motivation in and of itself.

On the other hand, Rubens' previous activities resulted in his continued involvement in negotiations between European courts. After his success in England,

Rubens returned to Anvers in 1630 and attempted to retire from politics, as his priorities shifted from ensuring peace to painting. However, he was pressured in 1631 by Philip

IV's efforts to utilize his French connections to gain information on the current situation in Paris. The Queen Mother, Marie de' Medici, had recently been banished from France by her son, King Louis XIII, and his favorite, Richelieu. Philip sought Rubens' involvement because during his trips to France in 1622 and 1625 to work on the Medici cycle, Rubens was introduced to a number of prominent courtiers. On example was

Pierre Dupuy, (1582-1651), Royal Librarian for Louis XIII and one of the King's

Councilors, from whom Rubens was able to learn a great deal not only regarding

occurrences in France, but in other countries as well. Another important contact was the

French scholar Nicolas-Claude Fabri Peiresc (1580-1637), who was in contact with

leading intellectuals all across Europe and Councilor of the Parlement of Provence. Most

Hume, Philip IV, 481. Palomino, Lives, 175.

85 importantly, Rubens had developed a relationship with Marie de' Medici, both during his trip to Paris, and during negotiations about the paintings she commissioned by the artist.

Given Rubens' close relationship with prominent figures at court such as Dupuy, and the

Queen Mother herself, it was natural that Philip IV wanted to obtain information from the artist. Specifically, Philip IV wanted to use Rubens' relation to gather knowledge that could be used to remove Richelieu, in an effort to impede French aid to Germany and the

United Provinces. In the end, Rubens did provide Philip IV with useful information, which he in turn relayed to the Infanta. Furthermore, at the Infanta's request he attempted to negotiate peace with the Dutch, a duty he was only relieved of with her death in 1633. By this point the connections he had formed throughout his career made him an invaluable resource for his two main patrons, the Infanta and Philip IV, and his situation was determined by their desires, not his.

Thus it is clear that Rubens and Velazquez were able to achieve their various political aspirations and become important court figures. What is less clear is how much

opportunity for interaction there was between artist and king and the political

implications of this access in terms of Rubens' and Velazquez' ability to influence

decision-making. The closer a courtier was to a king, in terms of both proximity and

trust, the greater his opportunity to assert his own political influence, by offering the king

his personal counsel. As a result, the access Rubens and Velazquez had to Philip IV

takes on a new magnitude, for it signified more than an opportunity to form a friendly

Philip IV to the Infanta Isabella, 23 August 1631, in Correspondance, 5:423, and Philip IV to Marie de' Medici, September 1631, in Correspondance, 5:444. 135 De Piles, Rubens, 15-24. 136 Feros, Twin Souls, 36.

86 relationship, it was a key manifestation of their position at court, and provided them with the possibility to exert their influence politically.

Of all the artists at the Spanish court employed by Philip IV none was granted greater access to the king than Velazquez; Velazquez saw his patron almost every day in his studio, traveled with him throughout Spain, and occupied important posts in his household. Velazquez was certainly as close, if not closer, to the king as many of his senior advisors, especially after Olivares' dismissal in 1643. This is particularly evident in a passage of Palomino's biography:

Don Diego Velazquez was held in such high regard as a person by His Majesty that he confided more in him than a King usually does in his vassal and discussed with him difficult matters, especially during those more intimate hours when the noblemen and other courtiers have retired.137

Clearly Philip IV respected and valued Velazquez' advice and opinions on important issues, even though it is not overtly clear what those issues were. This trust is also demonstrated in Philip IV s decision to place Velazquez in charge of numerous initiatives of both personal and political importance, such as the redecoration of El Escorial and the arrangements for the summit between France and Spain at Fuenterrabia. This explicitly demonstrates that Velazquez had become more than a painter for Philip IV; he became a personal confidant and advisor, even surpassing the king's other courtiers in this role.

Thus, given Velazquez' awareness of important state issues, and his intimate relationship with the king, he would have been in a position to influence royal policy if he was

inclined to do so. Despite all the evidence that suggests Velazquez had this opportunity,

there is little to suggest that he took full advantage of it. Instead, it would appear that

Velazquez used his relationship with the king simply to further his strive for

137 Palomino, Lives, 164.

87 ennoblement. As a consequence Velazquez' real interest was to rise within court hierarchy for the sole purpose of improving his rank and status in society, not out of a

desire to become to king's new valido.

Unlike Velazquez, Rubens was very rarely physically present at the Spanish

court. However, he was still in constant communication with high-ranking courtiers at the major courts of Europe, and thus had some form of access to various monarchs. For example, during his mission in London in 1629, Rubens was continuously informing

Olivares of the occurrences at court in order for the Count-Duke to make the most

informed policy decisions possible. In particular, Rubens relied on information from Sir

Francis Cottington (c. 1579-1652), who was eventually chosen as England's

representative in Spain during the final stages of negotiations. Rubens' strong desire to

ensure peace meant that he would have been as truthful as possible in relaying

information, for an inaccuracy could result in a poorly informed, and ultimately

unsuccessful, decision.

One of the ways Rubens used informants such as Cottington was to determine

whether Charles was really sincere about his desire to form a treaty with Spain. Rubens

knew that many of the King's ministers did not support this act of foreign policy, so it

would have been of the utmost importance to ascertain how strong Charles convictions

were. In part Rubens accomplished this by accumulated knowledge pertaining to

Charles' relationship with the Dutch. In early July, he wrote to Olivares that:

The Ambassador of Holland is asking the King of England for a subsidy to pay 6000 soldiers, but he will not get it.

Palomino, Pacheco, etc. Rubens to Count Duke of Olivares, London, 6 July 1629, in Letters, 308-10.

88 Furthermore, Spain was concerned that England would form a treaty with France instead, especially after the arrival of the French Ambassador in London.

Specifically, Rubens determined that there was a strong division at court on this aspect of foreign policy. In June he wrote:

There are in this court several factions. The first, which is headed by the Earl of Carlisle, wants peace with Spain and war with France; the second is much larger and wants peace with all. To tell the truth, I believe that the Lord Treasurer is of this opinion, and the Earl of Holland also. The third is the worst; it wants war with Spain and an offensive league with France against her.140

This information would have clearly been useful to the Spanish crown, and would have enabled Philip IV and Olivares to develop the best possible strategy to assure peace between the two crowns. Thus, although not through his direct actions, Rubens' dedication to peace, and his resulting desire to pass on the most accurate information, would have influenced Spain's policy of foreign relations with England.

Despite Ruben's and Velazquez' ability to utilize their talents and affiliations to

achieve their ambitions, and the opportunities available to them for political influence, they were still hampered by several limitations. In order to reach the heights they did they

not only had to outshine their artistic counterparts, but they needed to combat the

restrictions of their profession and their status in society. The first constraint Rubens and

Velazquez faced in their careers was the desire of others to prevent the artists'

advancement in an effort to protect their own position at court. Rubens first experienced

this type of opposition on his first diplomatic mission as an envoy to Spain for the Duke

of Mantua in 1603. Although he was supposed to be a part of the Spanish delegation that

presented the gifts to Philip III personally, the Duke of Mantua's permanent ambassador,

140 Rubens to Count Duke of Olivares, London, 30 June 1629, in Letters, 303-6.

89 Annibale Iberti reduced his role to a mere observer. Rubens expressed his frustration at this demotion in a letter to his friend in Mantua, Annibale Chieppio:

It is true that he could still have reserved the entire management for himself, and yet have given me a place near His Majesty, to make him a mute reverence. There was amble opportunity...He gave me no reason or excuse for the alteration in the order, which, half an hour before, had been settled between us. He did not lack opportunity to speak to me about it, but he did not say a single word.'41

Although it is possible that Rubens was exaggerating the extent of Ibeti's treatment of the

situation in the hopes that it would reach the Duke, the main message of the excerpt still remains: even this early in his career Rubens experienced the consequences of other

courtiers' desires to protect their position at court.

Even as their, careers advanced, and their positions at court became more secure, both Velazquez and Rubens continued to face resistance. In Rubens' case the best

example of this is the reaction of Philip IV in 1627 when the Infanta chose to send the

artist to the United Province to negotiate a peace with the Dutch; he argued that sending a

mere artist would ruin the reputation of the Spanish monarchy.142 It was only after a

strongly worded letter from the Infanta that Rubens was able to continue his mission.143

Although Velazquez faced much less hostility than Rubens, and was highly respected by

the majority of courtiers in the Spanish court, there were still those who resented his close

relationship with the king. As recorded by Palomino in the 1650s,

A certain son of a great gentleman.. .had some rather intemperate words with Velazquez because the latter had not wanted to relax some formality of his office.144

141 Rubens to Annibale Chieppio, Valladolid, 17 July 1603, in Letters, 35-6. 142 Philip IV to the Infanta, 15 June 1627, in Correspondence, 83. 143 Magurn, Letters, 163. 144 Palomino, Lives, 164.

90 Although the opposition Velazquez faced from other courtiers had diminished since his first appointment, there were still those who begrudged how far he had managed to advance, and the intimate relationship he had with the king. Even after 1658 during his final years at court, when he had already been appointed aposentador major de palacio,

Velazquez' advancement was still hindered by the resentment of others. As noted by

Palomino, the

proceedings of the Proofs [of Velazquez' nobility] had been protracted on an impediment created by envy - of which there was a great deal.145

Thus it is clear that for some conservative courtiers, Velazquez' dedication to the Spanish crown, and the position he had risen to, did not adequately compensate for his non-noble birth.

Although some these limitations hindered the advancement of all courtiers, as

Velazquez' career demonstrates, artists often faced an even harsher time because of they

often did not come from a noble family. As they were not aristocrats their position at

court defied protocol. As a result they often faced resistance by those opposed to change,

especially changes that might increase their competition for top court appointments.

However, Rubens came from a family with prominent court connections and grew up

amongst influential courtiers and wealth; his father was a Secretary to a great Prince of

Flanders and a legal advisor and confidant to Anne of Saxony, Princess of Orange.1

Unlike Velazquez, Rubens was knighted both by Philip IV and Charles and faced little or

no antagonism in either kingdom. Even though this did not grant him noble status, it did

represent a definitive improvement in his status because of the prestige and honour

associated with the title. Although this difference could have been the result of the

145 Ibid., 174. 146 Ibid., 101.

91 variations in the duties they performed, the discrepancy between the two artists' family backgrounds surely still played a role, given the immense importance placed on parentage in this time period.

Apart from their parentage, another reason that artists were stigmatized at court was the status of their profession at the time. Although the arts were increasingly being recognized as admirable, painting was still not viewed as a noble profession.147 As Philip

IV's disapproval at an artist being chosen as an envoy suggests, most members of society did not hold artists in high regard. While they might be appreciated for their paintings, they were not yet perceived as capable of more important duties. Furthermore, only

Rubens, Velazquez, and one, other artist in this time period, Sir Anthony van Dyck (1599-

1641), were able to obtain high court positions and become knighted. In addition, when the Supreme Council of Flanders pressured Philip IV to knight Rubens in 1631, they noted that it is rare for an artist to receive such a high title, but argued that since Charles

V knighted Titian, clearly it was possible to knight Rubens as well.149 The fact that they felt it necessary to so clearly address this issue demonstrates that his occupation as an artist was a hindrance to Rubens' path to ennoblement. This alone demonstrates that superior artistic talent was not enough - and was in fact often a hindrance - to rise amongst court hierarchy and become a member of the aristocracy. However, the very best, such as Rubens and Velazquez, were able to overcome this resistance and rise to

some of the most prominent positions at court.

7 Warnke, Court Artist, 165. 148 Magurn, Letters, 163. 149 "Consulted du Conseil Supreme de Fandre, Adressee a Philippe IV, Sur la Requete de Rubens Tendant a Obtenir le Titre de Chevalier," in Correspondance, 5:392.

92 Velazquez and Rubens were also constrained because no matter how prestigious their position at court was they were still under the direct authority of their patron.

Although this was a limitation that almost all courtiers would have felt, it still proved to be an additional hindrance to the two artists. The effect this had on Rubens' freedom manifested itself early on in his career, during his first journey to Spain in 1603. As one

of his letters to Annibale Chieppio demonstrates, the Duke of Mantua's permanent

Spanish ambassador, Iberti, directly controlled Rubens' actions.

As for my return, I can do nothing unless the judgment of Signor Iberti permits, for his prudence, up to now, has had the disposal of me and my work, to satisfy the taste and demand of the Duke of Lerma, and the honor of His Highness...150

Similar to his other letters to Chieppio, it is possible that Rubens was utilizing him as a

stealthy method to express his concerns to the Duke of Mantua, and as a result overstated

his situation to strengthen his case. However, even if he did exaggerate slightly, Rubens

was still subordinate to Iberti. Even later on in his career, when he would have had more

power to influence his own actions, Rubens was still often at the mercy of his various

patrons. In a letter to Pierre Dupuy, his French friend and frequent correspondent, he

describes how sternly his journey to Spain in 1628 was dictated to him.

It displeased me so much that I could not express it in words when I learned that I was bound by a precise order of the Most Serene Infanta, my patroness - an order so strict that I was even forbidden to pay my respects to the Spanish Ambassador in Paris, or M. Le Clerck, Secretary of the Ambassador of Flanders...[my lingering in France] would not have been convenient, for the King of Spain, my Lord, had commanded me to come posthaste.'5'

Rubens to Annibale Chieppio, Valladolid, 15 September 1603, in Letters, 36-7. 1 Rubens to Pierre Dupuy, Madrid, 2 December 1628, in Letters, 291-2.

93 Given both the intended recipient, and the subject matter of this letter, there would have been little motivation for Rubens to misrepresent his thoughts on this matter. As this demonstrates, despite Rubens' strong desire to visit his contacts in France - Dupry,

Peiresc, and Marie d'Medici among others - he was forced to bypass Paris on his journey from Brussels to Madrid.

For Velazquez the control imposed upon him by Philip IV and Olivares resulted upon similar restrictions in his freedom. During Velazquez' first journey to Italy from

1629 to 1630, he was hastily summoned back to Madrid because the King needed him to paint several portraits of the royal family and other courtiers at court. Similarly, during his second visit to Italy from 1648 to 1651, Velazquez returned as soon as Philip IV demanded, and as directly as possible, despite his desire to travel to Paris.153 Another effect of the direct control the King had over Velazquez was that Velazquez often had to fight to receive his proper payment. Several legal documents illustrate that Velazquez often was forced to take the issue to court, and even after that the problem was not always quickly resolved. For instance, in 1653 the Junta de Obras y Bosques demanded that

Philip IV pay Velazquez the sixty ducats owed to him as Aposentador major de palacio

of the Imperial Palace. As another example, in 1645 Velazquez claimed that he had been working for over two years without pay and went to court to demand the money owed to him.154

Rubens too struggled to receive payment for his work, and reimbursement for his

travel expenses. He first encountered problems of this nature when traveling for the

Duke of Mantua. In a letter to Annibale Chieppio in July 1606 he requested that his

152 Palomino, Lives, 149. 153 Ibid., 159, 162. 154 Varia Velazquena, vol II, doc. 87, p. 253-4; doc. 96, p.257; doc. 141, p. 278.

94 funds, which were overdue, be sent to him immediately. Even at the end of his diplomatic career Rubens was still struggling to receive the payments due to him. In a letter to Jan Woverius in 1631 Rubens wrote,

I have occasion to lament my misfortune in ever having become involved in that affair [Spanish-English peace]. For I cannot obtain any reimbursement for what I spent in the service of His Majesty on the journeys to Spain and England.

Rubens then continues to describe how the Spanish bureaucracy worked against his efforts and was able to refuse his demands for payment.

You must know and recall that last year, with great difficulty, I obtained a decree or ordinance for 7500 florins drawn on the Receiver of Luxembourg, who, five months ago, sent the said sum, or the greater part of it, to Caverson to be paid to me. But now that I expect to receive it, this portion, as the Treasurer General says, having at length passed into the account of the said Receiver, he declares that the order has been countermanded: that he is not to pay me, but is to give it to the Councilors...What more can I do, after having presented to Her Highness duplicate orders, signed by our King's own hand, and to the Marquis d'Aytona and the other Lords letters from the Count Duke written in good ink?156

Given that Woverius was one of Rubens' oldest friends, and the nature of this letter, it is unlikely that Rubens would have been anything but truthful in his expression of his

sentiments. For Rubens this was a chief source of his frustration with court society; he was deeply offended by the fact that the government would refuse him payment after his hard work. This would certainly have been one of the main reasons why he sought to quit political involvement after his experience with the peace negotiations between Spain and

England.

Rubens to Annibale Chieppio, Rome, 29 July 1606, in Letters, 38-9. Rubens to Jan Woverius, Antwerp, 13 January 1631, inLetters, 370-1.

95 One final drawback to court life was that political involvement often greatly

reduced an artists' opportunity to paint. While Rubens was able to still produce great

works of art while working as an envoy in courts throughout Europe, after the start of his

non-artistic duties in the early 1640s, Velazquez' artistic output stagnated. As a result, he

produced less than one hundred and fifty paintings during his roughly fifty year long

career, an abnormally small number in comparison to five hundred paintings and two

thousand drawings produced by Rembrandt (1606-1669).157 Palomino addressed this

problem in his biography of Velazquez when he discussed the painter's appointment as

Aposentador major depalacio . He argues that the rewards granted to artists should be,

purely honorary and pecuniary...honorary as a stimulus and reward for their accomplishments, and pecuniary so that they may pursue at ease the most recondite beauties of their art...158

Furthermore, he argues against the advantages of such an onerous position as

Aposentador major de palacio by saying,

For the suspend the practice of their profession, even by honorable employment, is the sort of reward that seems to wear the disguise of • i 159

punishment.

Although for a socially ambitious artist such as Velazquez this was probably a price

worth paying, for other artists who were less willing to sacrifice their art, this would have

certainly been a tremendous drawback to life at court.

Ultimately, both Velazquez and Rubens were negatively affected by the

restrictions of life at court. In particular Rubens had a strong aversion of court life, and at

numerous occasions declared that he would never involve himself in political affairs

Enriqueta Harris, Velazquez, (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1982), 178. Palomino, Lives, 163. Ibid., 163.

96 again.160 However, a strong desire for peace and an active personality continuously stood in the way of his retirement. For Velazquez, the restrictions imposed upon him were endurable as long as he continued to rise in court hierarchy, given that his strongest motivation was a desire for ennoblement. Clearly then, while for other artists without these incentives the limitations of court life were too much, for both Velazquez and

Rubens their drive to reach their objectives overshadowed the drawbacks of their position

as a courtier-artist.

Not only did these motivations influence Rubens' and Velazquez' decision to become court artists, they also affected their choice to become political agents. In pursuit of their aspirations, both artists maximized their opportunities to serve the crown politically, which allowed them to rise within court hierarchy and become influential courtiers. From their initial appointments as painters, both artists overcame the

limitations imposed upon them based on their status as artists, and demonstrated their political savvy. Eventually both Rubens and Velazquez became two of the most

important individuals at the Spanish court, demonstrate that successful and ambitious

artists could occupy a role beyond that as a mere painter. Ultimately this proves that

artists did have political skills, and furthermore that they had the agency to utilize them to

achieve their goals.

' Rubens to Jan Woverius, Antwerp, 13 January 1631, in Letters, 370-1.

97 Conclusion

The fifteenth and sixteenth centuries witnessed a transformation in the purpose and meaning of art and the role of the artist in society, ultimately paving the way for the successful court-artists of the seventeenth century. A major impetus behind this alteration was the writings by theorists such as Alberti and Machiavelli who argued that art could transmit a moral message and thus influence its viewer. The significance of these theorists is that in demonstrating a tangible purpose for artwork they increased the status of art, and thus artists, in society. Moreover, as Castiglione's Book of the Courtier demonstrates, artistic patronage was, by the mid-sixteenth century, seen as an essential duty of a cultivated prince. As a result of this transformation, painters throughout Europe became important court figures. As Vasari's Lives illustrates, the court allowed artists to break free from guild restrictions and provided them with an opportunity to increase their social standing. Consequently, although artists were not yet granted noble status, the finest painters were knighted and were given increasingly greater monetary and non monetary rewards. By the lifetimes of Rubens and Velazquez, this new standard for artists was well in place.

Despite the assertion of Adamson, it is evident that the belief of fifteenth century that artwork should be used to transmit political ideals was accepted by kings and courtiers of the seventeenth century. Through numerous accounts by individuals written in the seventeenth century, this thesis has demonstrated that artwork was very accessible to courtiers, and that the political messages contained in paintings were understood.

While these paintings may not have been exhibited before the general public, they were certainly viewed by ambassadors and courtiers who represented the political elite. Rulers

98 were not interested in gaining the favour of members of the lower and middle class who had little to no political power, but were instead solely interested in placating and maintaining their power over the aristocracy, who were the only group with a strong enough power base and with the potential to question the authority of the king.

Moreover, even if the finished paintings themselves failed to be effective vehicles of political persuasion, this by no means implies that they were not still intended to act as such. An analysis of court artwork demonstrates that a vast array of artwork contained messages about the grandeur and importance of monarchs. Whether Philip IV and

Olivares truly believed that artistic patronage was politically expedient, or whether he merely saw it as part of his duty to commemorate Spain's triumphs and celebrate his dynastic lineage, it is clear is that paintings frequently portrayed a secondary meaning.

Portraits such as Philip IV on Horseback by Velazquez portrayed Philip IV s capacity to rule, and battle paintings such as the Surrender of Breda to reaffirmed Spain's military strength. Overall, both of these styles of paintings were utilized to project an image of success in a period of military failures and fiscal difficulties. The very fact that

Olivares and Philip IV chose to focus on the arts as a medium to counter political difficulties - and there is no better example than the Hall of Realms in the Buen Retiro

Palace - demonstrates the strong belief in this period that artwork could influence political perception and solve some of the monarchy's problems. In addition, an appreciation of Philip IV s motivations as an artistic patron helps to illustrate that he was a more capable king than previously believed. Whereas his passion for art was previously seen as a symptom of his neglect of serious responsibility, this interpretation demonstrates that his patronage is actually an example of his commitment to rectify

99 Spain's political problems. Thus, at least in this respect, Philip IV was a significantly more intelligent and capable king than previously supposed.

Not only does Philip IV and Olivares' dedication to artistic patronage demonstrate the political significance of artwork, it also further illustrates why artists had become important court figures. Given the importance of what they were creating, artists were now seen as an essential component in the function of a royal European court.

Consequently, princes sought to attract the best artists, such as Rubens and Velazquez, and were willing to reward them significantly. As contemporary writers such as

Palomino established, painters like Rubens and Velazquez had frequent access to the king and were able to demonstrate their abilities in the pursuit of political and artistic advancement. Eventually, spurred by the increasingly grave difficulties faced by the monarchy, and the resulting need for competent political agents to assess and rectify these problems, Philip IV and Olivares recognized that Rubens and Velazquez possessed several attributes that made them excellent candidates for political positions. For example, they had a thorough knowledge of political symbolism and current events.

However, one of the most significant advantages of choosing an artist as a political agent was that through their artistic work they often had pre-established contacts in other courts throughout Europe who provided them with valuable information. Thus, several of the aspects of an artists' work, and the training required to be successful, provided them with political knowledge and the capability to become excellent political agents. The fact that their artistic experience provided them with these attributes lends further strength to the notion that artwork was politically driven.

100 As well as establishing that Rubens' and Velazquez' came from a political background, their careers at court also demonstrate the status of artists in seventeenth- century Spain. Although both artists faced discrimination due to their profession and their non-noble status, they were still able to advance in the court hierarchy to reach more influential positions than any artist before them. To a significant extent this was the result of the Spanish monarchy's artistic focus, and the influence of connections Rubens and Velazquez had established early in their careers. However, it was also the result of their political agency in an effort to achieve their ambitions. Although both artists sought political advancement for different purposes - Rubens to bring about peace in the United

Provinces, and Velazquez to gain entry into a Military Order - the method applied by

each painter to accomplish this was very similar. Both artists recognized that they could use their initial court appointments as painters to demonstrate to their patrons - for

Rubens the Infanta and for Velazquez Philip IV - their dedication and the quality of their

service. Furthermore, both artists utilized their connections to the fullest extent thus

gaining the support of the king's closest advisors. Ultimately, they were so successful

and attained such powerful positions, that they had the opportunity to directly influence

Philip IV's decisions.

Over the course of their careers, Rubens and Velazquez took on increasingly more

important political duties. In Rubens' case, he first came to the Mantuan court as an

artist, but soon became a lesser envoy for the Duke of Mantua. Then he became a minor

negotiator for the Infanta Isabella and Archduke Albert, and eventually the primary

envoy for Philip IV in London, responsible for negotiating the all-important truce

between Spain and England. Velazquez' first opportunity to get involved politically

101 came when he was appointed Usher to the Bedchamber and traveled to Italy both to further his artistic training and convey messages to several foreign dignitaries on behalf of Philip IV. Eventually Velazquez became responsible for even more important duties, such as entertaining foreign dignitaries, organizing the king's travel arrangements, and preparing for conferences with foreign monarchs. As a result of their political advancement both artists also advanced socially as well. For example, Rubens was granted the title Secretary of the Privy Council at the Court of Brussels, a position with tenure for life and to be passed on to his son Albert. Velazquez was appointed Chief

Chamberlain, ennobled by Philip IV, and admitted to the noble Military Order of the

Knights of Santiago.

The significance of Rubens' and Velazquez' advancement is not limited to the effect it had on their careers and the opportunities it presented to them; it also increased the status of art and artists in society. Both artists reached a higher status and accomplished things greater than any artist before them, thus establishing a precedent for the heights a painter could achieve. As a result, their careers shaped the prospects for future artists in generations to come. Along with their ennoblement and the works of several contemporary painters and authors such as Palomino, they demonstrated that the arts were a noble pursuit and that great artists deserved the utmost recognition. As such,

Velazquez and Rubens were not only part of the fifteenth century movement to improve the status of art and artists in society; they brought it to a new level. Ultimately, Rubens and Velazquez were instrumental in improving not only their status in society, but also the status of artists in generations to come.

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