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Introduction: a New Departure 1 the Background to the Peace Process

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Introduction: a New Departure 1 the Background to the Peace Process Notes Introduction: a New Departure 1. Analysis of these peace processes is provided in John Darby and James Rae, 'Peace Processes from 1988-1998: Changing Patterns', Ethnic Studies Report, XLII, 1 (January 1999). 2. The renewed UN involvement in peacekeeping is associated with the need to deal with severe violence before proceeding to a settlement, in Bosnia, Kosovo, Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo and East Timor. 3. In each area under study a distinguished academic or team monitored the peace process as it evolved or collapsed over a two-year period. All were work­ ing to an agreed methodology, which made allowances for local differences. The partners participating in the study with John Darby and Roger Mac Ginty were Pierre van der Post du Toit, University of Stellenbosch; Tamar Hermann, Tami Steinmetz Centre, Tel Aviv University and David Newman, Ben Gurion University; Ludger Mees, Universidad del Pais Vasco-Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea, Bilbao; and Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, Centre for Policy Alternatives, Colombo. 4. G.K. Chesterton, The Napoleon of Notting Hill (London: The Bodley Head, 1904), p.4. 5. Following the conservative/Conservative convention, unionist will be taken to mean unionism and unionists in general, while Unionist will refer to the largest unionist political party, the Ulster Unionist Party. 6. The front cover of Fortnight magazine (September 1989) shows a picture of a child holding a replica gun accompanied by the headline 'And now for the next thirty years'. 7. Neither a borrower or a lender be for loan oft loses both itself and friend, and borrowing dulls the edge of husbandry William Shakespeare, Hamlet, Act 1, Scene 3, line 75 1 The background to the peace process 1. This section draws from two chapters in John Darby, Scorpions in a Bottle: Con­ flicting cultures in Northern Ireland (London: Minority Rights Group Press, 1997). 2. These figures are taken from the CAIN (Conflict Archive on the Internet) website: http://www.cain.ac.uk/ni/popul.htm (2000). 3. Taken from the political attitudes module of the 1999/2000 Northern Ireland Life and Times survey, full details of which can be found at: http://www.qub. ac.uk/nilt/. The survey was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (L327253045) and Roger Mac Ginty was the principal researcher. 4. J.e. Beckett and R. Glasscock, Belfast: The Origin and Growth of an Industrial City (London: BBC, 1967), p.188. 183 184 Notes 5. A.T.Q. Stewart, The Narrow Ground: Aspects of Ulster, 1609-1969 (London: Faber & Faber, 1977), p.36. 6. According to the 1998 'Crime and fear of crime' module of the NILT survey, 78 per cent of people in Northern Ireland believe there is either 'a bit less' or 'a lot less' crime in Northern Ireland than in Britain. NILT op. cit. 7. Author interview (10 October 1997). 8. The term 'Ulster' is popularly used in Ireland to describe two different areas. One is the nine counties of the traditional province - Antrim, Down, Armagh, Derry, Tyrone, Fermanagh, Donegal, Monaghan and Cavan. The other is the administrative and political unit which since 1921 has formed the state of Northern Ireland; it comprises the first six counties detailed above. In this book the term 'Northern Ireland' will be preferred, as the best in a long list of contested alternatives, when describing the latter area. 9. See, for example, M. Cronin, History of Ireland (London: Macmillan, 1999); R.E Foster, Modern Ire/and, 1600-1972 (London: Allen Lane, 1988) and The Oxford History of Ireland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992); J.]. Lee, Ireland 1921-1985 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989; e.o. Grada, Ireland: A New Economic History, 1780-1939 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994). For Northern Ireland, Jonathan Bardon, A History of Ulster (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1995) is recommended. 10. John Darby, 'Conflict in Northern Ireland: A background essay', in S. Dunn (ed.), Facets of the Conflict in Northern Ireland (London: Macmillan, 1995), pp.15-23 at 15-16. 11. See Peter Rose, How the Troubles Came to Northern Ireland (London: Palgrave, 2000), pp.1-10. 12. See the 'Five stages of conflict and two crisis thresholds' model set out by A.P. Schmid and A.]. Jongman. Stage one is a Peaceful Stable Situation, Stage two is a Political Tension Situation, Stage three is a Violent Political Conflict, Stage four is a Low-Intensity Conflict and Stage five is a High-Intensity Conflict. 'Violent Conflicts and Human Rights Violations in the mid-1990s', Terrorism and Political Violence, 9, 4 (Winter 1997), pp.166-92 at p.167. 13. Quotation from R.]. Lawrence, The Government of Northern Ireland: Public Finance and Public Services 1921-1964 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), p.167. 14. The 1999/2000 NILT survey (op. cit.) found that 11 per cent of respondents said that their husband/wife/partner was of a different religion than themselves. 15. Overviews of the modern phase of the conflict include: John Darby, (1997) op. cit.; Brendan O'Leary and John McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism: Understanding Northern Ireland (London: The Athlone Press, 1996); Joseph Ruane and Jennifer Todd, The Dynamics of the Conflict in Northern Ireland: Power, Conflict and Emancipation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and John Whyte, Interpreting Northern Ireland (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990). 16. A more detailed overview of the dynamics of violence in Northern Ireland can be found in R. Mac Ginty, 'Hate Crime in Deeply Divided Societies', New Political Science, 22, 1 (March 2000), pp.49-60. 17. A detailed analysis of the death and injury toll can be found in Marie­ Therese Fay, Mike Morrissey and Marie Smyth, Northern Ireland's Troubles: The Human Costs (London: Pluto Press, 1999). Notes 185 18. Details of both conflicts and efforts to manage them can be found in ]. Armon and L. Philipson (eds), 'Demanding Sacrifice: War and Negotiation in Sri Lanka', ACCORD: An international review of peace initiatives, 4 (1998) and M. Stankovitch (ed.), 'Compromising on Autonomy in Mindanao in Transition', ACCORD: An international review of peace initiatives, 6 (1999). 19. The ratio of male Catholic unemployed to male Protestant unemployed has stood at 1:2.5 over the last 30 years, falling to 1:2.2 in 1991; the figure for women was around 1:1.5.Whatever the reasons for this - and they are furi­ ously disputed - there is no doubting its political importance. 20. Controls on violence are discussed in John Darby, What's Wrong with Conflict? Occasional Paper 3, (Coleraine: Centre for the Study of Conflict, 1995). 21. Details can be found in P. Catterall and S. McDougall (eds), The Northern Ireland Question in British Politics (London: Macmillan, 1996) and Brendan O'Leary, 'The Conservative Stewardship of Northern Ireland, 1979-97: Sound-bottomed Contradictions or Slow Learning?' Political Studies, xlv (1997), pp.663-76. 22. One of the Agreement's signatories, Garret fitzGerald, noted that' ... unionist political reaction was both more intense and longer lasting than we had thought likely.' From All in a Life: An Autobiography (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1992), p.565. For details of unionist protests against the Agreement see F. Cochrane, Unionist Politics and the Politics of Unionism since the Anglo-Irish Agreement (Cork: Cork University Press, 1997), pp.122-83. 23. Anthony M. Gallagher, 'The Approach of Government: Community Relations and EqUity', in S. Dunn (ed.), op. cit., pp.27-42. 24. See John Morison and Stephen Livingstone, Reshaping Public Power: Northern Ireland and the British Constitutional Crisis (London: Sweet and Maxwell, 1995), pp.137-43 and 158-68, and R.J. McCormack and R.D. Osborne, 'The Evolution of the Catholic Middle Class', in A. Guelke (ed.), New Perspectives on the Northern Ireland Conflict (Aldershot: Avebury, 1994), pp.65-85 at 70. 25. Quoted in H. Miall, O. Ramsbotham and T. Woodhouse, Contemporary Conflict Resolution: The Prevention, Management and Transformation of Deadly Conflicts (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999), p.96. 26. For more detailed reviews of the changes within republicanism see Eamonn Mallie and David McKittrick, The Fight for Peace: The Secret Story Behind the Irish Peace Process (London, Heinemann: 1996) and Peter Taylor, Provos: The IRA and Sinn Fein (London: Bloomsbury, 1997). 27. This is the assessment of a senior official from the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs. Author interview (13 March 1996). 28. Author interview with a senior member of Fianna Fail (6 June 1996). 29. Author interview with a senior member of Sinn Fein (23 July 1997). 30. Author interview with a senior member of Sinn F€~in (25 February 1997). 31. Author interview with a senior member of Sinn Fein (23 July 1996). 32. The document is reprinted in appendix 3 of E. Mallie and D. McKittrick, op. cit., pp.381-4. 33. Author interview with a senior member of the UUP (26 March 1996). 34. E. Mallie and D. McKittrick, op. cit., pp.99-107. 35. Author interview (31 January 1998). 36. Author interview with a senior member of the Ulster Democratic Party (26 March 1996). 186 Notes The Ulster Democratic Party is linked with the Ulster Defence Association and Ulster Freedom Fighters paramilitary groups. The Progressive Unionist Party is linked with the Ulster Volunteer Force. 37. Author interview with a senior member of the UDP (26 March 1996). 38. Peter Taylor, op. cit., pp.304-8. 39. See, 'Chasing the Yankee Dollar: The Americans behind the peace process', Business and Finance, 35, 4, (26 November 1998), pp.20-1; A. Guelke, 'The United States, Irish-Americans and the Northern Ireland Peace Process', Inter­ national Affairs, 72, 3 (July 1996), pp.521-36; and R. Mac Ginty, 'American Influences on the Northern Ireland Peace Process', The Journal of Conflict Studies, 17,2, (Fall 1997), pp.31-50.
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