Budapest, 1900-1918

CEU eTD Collection The First Nyugat Generation and the Politics of Modern Literature: ofModern Politics the and Generation Nyugat First The In partial fulfillmentIn partial oftherequirements forthedegreeofMasters of Arts Central EuropeanUniversity, History Department Second Reader: Matthias Riedl Budapest, 1900-1918 Budapest, Supervisor: Gábor Gyáni Budapest, Hungary Maxwell Staley 2009 CEU eTD Collection Copyright in thetext ofthis thesis restswith theAuthor.Copies byanyprocess, either in and lodged in theCentralEuropean Library. Details maybeobtained from the librarian. full orpart, may be made only in accordance with theinstructions given bytheAuthor accordance with suchinstructions maynotbemadewithout thewritten permission of This pagemustform a partofany suchcopies made.Further copies madein the Author. 2 CEU eTD Collection literature, the urban-versus-rural discourse, and thedefinition ofthenational community. Hungary, as expressed in thewritings oftheFirst NyugatGeneration. Various elements the contradictory impulses present in theliterature. EndreAdy, the greatest poet ofthe present in thenational discourse. A second theme is thefragmentation ofidentity, and general artistic trend ofHungarian modernism, andcan be explained with referenceto explored, relating tothe ambivalence with whichtheNyugat writers implemented their Through close reading oftheNyugat group’s writings onthesetopics, twothemes are complexities ofthis relationship. Thesearethe debate over the aesthetics ofnational the ambiguous position ofHungary withinEurope and the subsequent complexities nationalist discourse within anostensibly cosmopolitan endeavor. This fitsin with a project ofwesternizing Hungarian culture. The first is thedominant presenceofthe group, embodied thesecontradictions andthus expressed theavailable options to This thesisinvestigates theconnections between artsandpolitics infin-de-siècle of thecultural debate in which theNyugatwriters participated canillustrate the Hungarian society through his poetic personality. Abstract 3 CEU eTD Collection To Professor Matthias Riedl, forhis supportand guidance throughout the entire year. To To Professor Gábor Gyáni, forhis supervision, without which this thesis wouldnotexist. Iordachi, Anikó Molnár,and Professor László Kontler,for their understanding and help during atime ofduress. And finally, tomy friends AnnaPervanidis, ZoltanGluck,and provided suggestions duringthis project: particularly Professor Balázs Trencsényi, Professor Tibor for Frank, participatingin mythesis workshop.Tothosewho also Professor Miklos Lojkó,andProfessor Marsha Siefert.Professor To Constantin Mary KateDonovan for their help,academic andotherwise. Acknowledgments 4 CEU eTD Collection 5 CEU eTD Collection ilorpy...... 82 ...... Bibliography 79 Conclusion...... 59 ...... NationalChapter 3: The Community and Progressivism 45 Chapter 2:Capital and Province, Art and Nation...... 25 Chapter .... 1:Budapest Arts and Politics, 1900-1914: Ambivalent Modernization 15 Theoretical Approaches: Culture, Politics, and Nation...... 7 ...... Introduction Nationalism and Progressivism in Other Progressive Circles in 60 Oszkár Jászi: Radical Social Scientist...... 51 Countryside:The Authenticity and Orientalism...... 46 Budapest and Urban the Critique...... 34 ...... The Foundation ofNyugatand Cultural Conflict 30 Arts: Modernism andContinuity...... Folk 26 Politics: Liberal Elitismand the Community...... National 21 ...... Nationalism: Delusion, orDiscourse 16 ...... Arts and Politicsin Fin-de-Siècle Central Europe: Modernization andInsecurity 13 Methodological and Remarks...... Terminological 10 Literature Review...... Fin-de-Siécle Table of Contents Nyugat Per...... 71 Poetry...... uaet...... 66 Budapest...... 6 CEU eTD Collection aesthetic choices, whileHungarian society faced asimilarly diverse numberpolitical of Habsburg monarchy particularly. Hungarian artists confronted a dizzying array of was modernization oneofintense and intellectual activity, for Europe ingeneraland the as thewell political andculturalclimate ofHungaryaround the year 1900.The period relationship between artsandpolitics in themodernEast-Central European context, as political stance. Hungarian literature was thus inseparable from aprogressive, indeed subversive, surrounding Oszkár Jasziand GyörgyLukács. The progressive “Second Reform Generation,” which included intellectualgroups the politicaland culturalelite ofthetime. Also,the especially Ady, who started his career asa politicaljournalist--explicitly engaged with defenders ofHungarian traditionalism. Infact,many ofthewriters ofthe generation-- As soonasthejournal was first published, it was engaged a culturalin struggle withthe Nyugat to generally renew Hungarianculture through modernism. wished tomodernize Hungarian literature byembracing trends suchassymbolism, and fore inHungary. In short, writers like Endre Ady, Mihály Babits, and Dezs journal intended tobring contemporary artisticWestern and intellectualcurrents tothe and intellectuals. Asits name (“West”) suggests, theeditors and contributors ofthe Introduction The writings ofthe First Of course,it todivorceis impossible theaesthetic project so-called ofthe “First The literary journal Generation” from the political climate ofearlytwentieth-century Central Europe. Nyugat Nyugat was foundedin 1908byagroup of like-mindedwriters Generationthus offerunique insights into the Nyugat Nyugat writers formed apart ofthe project ofmodernizing Ę Kosztolányi 7 CEU eTD Collection progressive intellectual circles Budapest,in one ofwhich was the rural, agriculturalsociety. The last chapter focuses explicitly onpolitics, discussingthe relationship between agroupof sophisticated, westernizing urban artists with a largely both Budapest andthe Hungarian countryside. Thissection is meant toelaborate onthe were expressed bythewriters of viewed asarchaic andfeudalistic. political and civil rights, in opposition to the elitist political regime of the time, which they politicalviews, asawhole they represented those Hungarians who wanted toexpand and social alternatives. thewritersWhile of the First elements ofthe first chapter, after giving anoverview ofHungarian arts and politics, explores the basic thesis is split intosections dealing withspecific thematic elements ofthedebate.The society. understand how the moremodern aswell literature, the as writers’ self-image. That is, thethesisseeks to the argument. Theintention is toreconstruct the thought behind themove towards a explicitly their ideological opponents; however, literary analysis will form a large part of chose toenergetically defend their political and cultural opinions, andtoconfront context. Thenext chapter discusses the attitudes ofthe the basicelements oftherelationship between culture andpolitics in theHungarian on thequestion of how literature was connected tothe national community, revealing This thesis thusattempts toexplore some specificaspects ofthe debate,as they In order tosuccessfully tacklethese rather large andunwieldy questions, the Nyugat Nyugat generation’s culturalconflict withthe establishment. Itfocuses writers conceptualized their project, aswell astheir role in Nyugat . The focus onthosetimesis whenwriters the Nyugat Nyugat Generation held avariety of writerswith respectto Nyugat group. 8 CEU eTD Collection which producedsuch influential intellectual developments--and beautiful worksofart--in large inmany interpretations of theculturalflourishing ofthe Habsburglate Monarchy, CentralEuropean modernity. The idea ofconfused andcontradictory identities looms contradiction andthefragmentation of identity. This wasacharacteristic element of to thewest. resolved thecontradictory impulses throughthe evocation ofan eastern nationmoving Endre Ady, the greatest poet ofthe generation, displayed this tensionmost clearly,and theyif definitively rejected the nationalism and culturaltastes ofthe establishment. history was necessaryinorder tocreate legitimately provinces, still felt that a connection withthe primordialsubstance oftheir people’s although itwas presentother in media aswell. The tendency was most famously exemplified bythe avant-garde composer BélaBartók, orderin toestablish anauthentic basis forartusing western formalelements. This They fit intoageneraltrend in Hungarianmodernism, which employed folkish imagery cosmopolitanism, whichcertainly could havebeenaresultof their aesthetic orientation. informed bythenationalist discourse. Inother words,not theydidembrace demonstrated, the and political communities, and the position of culturalproducers within them.be Asshall discoursenational intheir progressive political assertions. would encourage democratization, andhow they usedtheemancipatory aspects of the Specifically, itfocuses ontheir attempts toredefine the national communityway ina that This directlyleads to thesecond important themethesis, which is of the Thus, oneofthe centralthemes ofthisthesis relatesto different ideas of national Nyugat writers, spitein oftheir westernizing project, were deeply Nyugat Hungarian writers, largely from the modern even literature, 9 CEU eTD Collection Cultural History ofVienna andBudapest example ofthis was Peter Hanák’s Budapest modernity. One was cultural history Schorske’sin mode, andtheprime exception. Scholars employedvariety a ofmethods and approaches to thetopic of some other revisited centers of creativity around theyear 1900.Budapest was no Viennese modernity (this shallbe discussed in thetheoretical approachessection), and modernism.Many scholars elaborated onor challenged the Schorske thesis regarding Culture Literature Review Hungary. and possibilities availableto the modern Hungarian artist, and to amodernizing importance can be explained bythe way inwhichhe embodiedthe various directions national discourse.Ady was theprime example ofall thesetendencies, and his democratic nationalism, andtheiruse of the emancipatory elementsHungarian in area where the the European culturalspace, where Hungary had arelatively marginalposition). One respect to theirAustrian partners, and theminority nationalities) andexternally (within the ambiguous position ofthe Hungarian national community, bothinternally (with the city theyinhabited. This ambivalence andcontradiction canbepartially explained by westernizing and nationalist impulses, but also through their ambivalent relationship to writers expressed these contradictions a varietyin ofways--not onlythrough their an ageof political, social, andeven spiritual crisis.As shall beshown, the After thepublication of Carl Schorske’s , there was asignificant rise inscholarly interest Centralin European Nyugat writers were lessambivalent, however, wasstance their of The Garden and the Workshop: Essays onthe . The book contains important sections, bothon Fin-de-Siècle Vienna: Politics and Nyugat 10 CEU eTD Collection CaliforniaPress, 2000), 168-195. 4 the American Philosophical Society a more senseofthecity complete asitwasexperienceditself byitsinhabitants, while as well. culturalenvironment. This admirableis an sentiment butitrenders her analysis partisan goal, besides an analysis ofBartók, was toprove thathe didnot emerge outofasterile musicologist, andher treatment ofEndreAdy is rather laudatory. Budapest approach ofculturalhistory Juditis Frigyesi’s financiers of the tremendous resource,but the author’s father Miksa wasoneofthe founders andmain 2 and Budapest depth treatment oftheFirst 1918,” amonograph whichwas published by an American journal. 3 1 The same true is for Mario Feny enthusiasm is bothabenefit anda problem--the interpretation is sometimes partisan. art. becamemore tolerant ofthe slightly subversive topics covered byHungarian modern Hanák himself notes,thebook was written as the Communist regime Hungary in career. the general characteristics ofHungarian cultural modernism and EndreAdy’s literary JuditFrigyesi, Hanák, MarioFeny PeterHanák, 2 Hanákwas thusfreetofinally write about a periodofart which hehadadmired. His Others have approached the topic usingsocial history. Theseattempt toprovide 1 Theentire book, however, isimbueda senseofnostalgia with fortheperiod; as The Garden and the Workshop, , which attempts toputthecomposer ina culturalcontext. Frigyesi isa Ę , “Literature and PoliticalChange: Budapest,1908-1918,” (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), 63-97, 110-134. The Garden andthe Workshop: Essays ontheCultural History ofVienna Béla Bartók and Turn-of-the-Century Budapest Nyugat itself. It isthusbiased aswell. A finalmonographusing the Nyugat Ę ’s “Literature and Political Change:Budapest, 1908- Generation, usingaliteraryhistory approach. Itisa 77, no. 6 (1987): 1-156. 77,no.6 xiii. Béla BartókandTurn-of-the-Century (Berkeley: University of 4 Itseems thather 3 This theis most This in- Transactions of 11 CEU eTD Collection collected volumesin bySchorske edited and Thomas Bender, the same ofthispaper, topics itfocuses on thecharacteristics ofAdy’s poetry, rather than one ofthe more insightfulrecent treatments ofthepoet. dealingWhile withmany ofthe onlyis relevant toasmall part ofthis study, however. Nonetheless, her essay onAdy is 1989). display lessdisplay bias.Her book on Lukács, 9 Metropolitan Transformation: 1870-1930 8 6 Grove, 1988). Siècle Hungary” 7 Thomas J.DeKornfeld 5 Feny personality andidentity anurbancontext. in urban history topics, beforeaddressing theculturalscene through the of lens the Urban Experience: Fin-de-Siècle Budapest scholarly socialhistory of the city around theyear 1900 Gáboris Gyáni’s impressionistic treatment, andisapparently meantforpopular consumption. Amore 1900: AHistory ofaCity andItsCulture still exploring thearena ofhigh culture. Onesuch example isJohnLukacs’ GyörgyRánki, ed., Thomas Bender andCarlE. Schorske, eds., GáborGyáni, MaryGluck,“The Modernist asPrimitive: The CulturalRoleof EndreAdy in Fin-de- JohnLukacs, Nyugat Ę , it is alsolesspartisan. , itis Mary Gluck’s variousMary Gluck’s treatments ofturn-of-the-century Hungarian culture also generation general. in Budapest 1900: A Historical Portrait ofaCity andItsCulture Identity andtheUrban Experience: Fin-de-Siècle Budapest Austrian History Yearbook Hungary andEuropean Civilization (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 207-222. 7 Otherrelevant secondary literature hasbeen Georg Lukács andHis Generation, 1900-1918 . 5 (New York: Russell SageFoundation,1994). As the title suggests, Asthetitle isaratherit 23 (2002): 149-162. 6 While While less comprehensive thanHanák or Budapest and New York: Studies in . Thismonograph deals with avariety of (Budapest: AkadémiaiKiadó, 8 andGyörgy Ránki. Identity and , trans. Budapest (New York: 9 , 12 CEU eTD Collection example, “modernism” used as ablanket is term to coverthevariousartistic and literary used. a discourse.in This thesis isbased onthis idea, although tremendous caution hasbeen historical assertions--regarding the use ofcertain symbols, for example, orparticipation translated literature. Yet itis possible,with thehelp ofsecondary literature, tomake importantly, caution isnecessarydetermining in political the orcultural implicationsof writers produced literature ofthehighest quality must beaccepted.Secondly, andmore cannot addressthe question ofaesthetic merit--the generalconsensus thatthese the process oftranslation, which leads to the second problem. thepresent Firstly, study fortunate characteristic ofculturalhistory. Ofcourse, thiscomplexitycan bedistorted in about anartist andhis socialcontext thana large bodyofmediocre literature, which is a capabilities ofthe mindreading thethesis while thatitrepresents slicea small only oftheexpressive journalism has beentranslated. Still, itisalimited source base,andone should keepin have at least some poems translated,and Endre Adyhasmany. Inaddition, some ofhis celebrated andinfluential groups in Hungarian literary history. All themajor authors As regardsthe former, fortunateis it thatthe sources, andthe other concernsthe use oftranslated literature as ahistoricalresource. problemswithusing such an approach English--onein is thenumber oftranslated such it is based upon close reading ofthe texts bytherelevant writers. There are two Methodological and Terminological Remarks Most terms, specifically unless defined inthetext,used holistically. are For This thesis mainly concerns the literature of turn-of-the-century Budapest, and as Nyugat writers. Nonetheless, afirst-rate poem can oftenrevealmore Nyugat generation is one of themost 13 CEU eTD Collection sense. 10 movements. convey generalattitudes or orientations rather thanspecific ideologies orartistic characterizedby experimentation or“radical aesthetic autonomy.” trends which arose around theturn of thecenturyEurope, in andwhich were “progressive” describes the employed todescribe the socio-political attitudes ofestablishment actors,while favored democratization andegalitarianism. Thus,theterm “elitist” isgenerally canlabel be misleading. the modernists While were oftenliberalsthemselves, they literature. Theygenerally represented nineteenth century liberalism, however, sothe established political andsocial order, and are thus called “conservative” insecondary nineteenth-century academic classicism. They weremost oftensupporters of the simply refers tothose individuals whoopposed modernism art, generallyin in favor ofa Gluck, Gluck, “The Modernist as Primitive,” 151n.Gluck likewise usesthe term a broad in Nyugat groupand its allies. The terms above listed thus 10 “Traditionalists” 14 CEU eTD Collection existence of aHungarian nation, and political appeals generally made referenceto position oftheirnational community. Most political debatewas predicated on the this study is theprofound ambivalence Hungarians feltabout the political and social communalconcept in thepolitical discourse of interpretive problems inacomparable historical context. theoretical considerations, studies onVienna are applicable, astheydealwith similar was admittedly the culturalcapital of the region. Nonetheless, for the purposes of culture of almostmajor all CentralEuropean cities, the bulk concerns Vienna, which Siècle Vienna approaches tothis elusive task.Much of wasit inspiredbyCarlSchorske’s and politicsthe in suggesting as much present. is political implications ofatext without asserting acausalrelationship, unless evidence immediate historical events. One must considerall thesefactors andsuggest certain biography ofthe author, large-scale structures orprocesses thein author’ssociety, and political interpretation. Multiple factors haveshapedthe question, text in including the explanations, which dodamagesingularity tothe ofapiece ofartbyforcing it into a political andsocial context canbeadaunting, complex vulnerabletask. Oneis tofacile politics. To encounter acultural artifact andattempt aninterpretation based uponits Theoretical Approaches: Culture, Politics, and Nation A secondarea oftheoretical interest is thatof the nation, which was thedominant Fortunatelya large corpus of literature dealing withthe connections between arts The primary theoretical concern ofthis thesis is theconnection between artsand (aswas thisthesis).Although studies exist on the turn-of-the-century fin-de-siècle Central European context exist, which suggest fin-de-siècle Budapest.A major theme of Fin-de- 15 CEU eTD Collection favored compromise with Slavs(especially Czechs) on many issues. 13 of asocial class.” 12 Books, 1981), xxii-xxiii. outcome social ofcontinued “progress.” and expanding suffrage brought aboutthe failure of liberalism, ratherthanthe expected unacceptable tothe bourgeois elites. (most notoriously) anti-semitic Christian Socials asserted politicalclaims totally values,liberal the newpolitical forcesofsocial democracy, nationalisms, slavic and hostile socialand political forcesshortly after its ascendancy. buildings asamonument tothetriumph liberal ofits values found itselfsurrounded by 11 He arguesthatthe bourgeois generation which erected the relations” among caused fields by“asharedexperience social thebroadestin sense.” specific areaofculture “in itsown terms,” drawing while attention tothe “synchronic resulting frommodernization processes. That eachessay is, in he investigates a presents Viennese cultural outputas a product ofinsecurities andambivalences collection ofessays byCarlSchorske on Arts andPolitics in Fin-de-Siècle Central Europe: Modernization and Insecurity Katherine Verdery on this topic. shall begiven tothe theoretical workofBenedict Anderson,Eric Hobsbawm, and thus essential toan interpretation ofHungarian artsand politics. Special consideration nationalconcerns. Aspecific definition andunderstanding ofthe concept of“nation” is Schorske,117. Anti-Slavic German nationalists were also aproblem for Liberals, who Schorske,24-115. Schorske calls the Ringstrasse “avisual expression ofthe values CarlE. Schorkse, The starting point for theinterpretiveframework ofthisthesis isthepioneering Fin-de-Siècle Vienna: Politics andCulture 13 The twin The processes of industrial modernization fin-de-siècle Vienna.Inthose studies, he Ringstrasse 12 Ratherthan adopting (New York: Vintage and its and 11 16 CEU eTD Collection Jews, exacerbated theconfusion regarding identity during modernization. “redistribution of gender roles,” and the ambiguous assimilation process ofAustrian de-siècle important contribution of bringing attention to the rolesof Judaism and gender the in Viennese cultural elite asaresult ofsocial and politicalchanges. Hethus makes the work, LeRider focuses more on closely thepersonalanxieties experienced bythe political world,political but alsounsure oftheir status in ashifting sexualclimate, and(ifthey Viennese artists and thinkers were notonlydistraught over theirtenuous place thein interpretation, most notably JacquesLe Rider in output of individual members ofthegroup. Other scholars have elaborated the (here, theVienna bourgeoisie) shouldserve asthe basis foran interpretation the artistic Siecle Vienna 15 14 the vicissitudes of emotionaland carnal impulses. the worldof politics andbourgeois moralism, refocusing on internalpsychic states and man andtheirrational subconscious, Viennese artists turned their attention away from figures ofthecity;just asFreud discovered/constructed theahistoricalpsychological his interpretation. Thisinternalsymmetry his discussion continuesin ofthemajor artistic usehis ofSigmund Freud,thedefining thinker of worldview of political liberalism. Schorske callsthis an “oedipal revolt,”which highlights their fathers’ political project and,according to Schorske, radically rejected the JacquesLe Rider, Schorske,203. Schorkse thusemphasizes thatthehistorical ofaspecific experiences group The subsequent generation of upper-middle class urbanites surveyed the ruins of cultural phenomenon. Specifically, he argues that tensions arising from the (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993), 5. Modernity andCrises ofIdentity: Culture andSociety in Fin-de- Modernity andCrises ofIdentity fin-de-siècle 14 Vienna,asthe basis of 15 That is, That . Inthat fin- 17 CEU eTD Collection Berghahn Books, 2001), 221. Austria-Hungary, 1895-1905,” in 19 in 18 York: Berghahn Books, 2001), 1-24. 17 16 important intellectualprecursor topostmodernism. Viennese cultural producers to modernity and arguesthat they represented an Freud’s self-analysis toGustav Klimt’s painting. Hetakesthe critical standpoint of pervasive sexualanxiety and retreat from the politicalworld, present in everythingfrom wereambivalent Jewish) about their acceptance into mainstream society. Thus the Essays inthevolume Schorkse’s challenge use ofsimplistic dichotomies, society camemuch as from the imperial state as thenewly enfranchised bourgeoisie. great asSchorske supposed, and furthermore thattheliberalizing impulse inAustrian withSchorske’s interpretation, including the argument thatliberalism’s was failure notas Rethinking Vienna 1900. Beller collected many new approaches to because the psychoanalyticalmethods often employednow are out ofvogue. Steven tenableto uncritically transpose Schorkse’s interpretation to adifferent context, not least subsequent scholars not only elaborated, but also challenged his thesis. It is nolonger and theparticularity ofeachartist/work should beembraced, notelided. explanation toan entire generationof artists; rather, the complexities ofthesituation implication for thepresent studyisthat onecannot applyasingle social/political question itsapplicability tootherCentralEuropean contexts. Ilona Sármány-Parsons, “TheImage of inPainting:Women Cliches andReality in ScottSpector,“Marginalizations: Politics and Culture Beyond StevenBeller, “Introduction,” in LeRider,28. Rethinking Vienna 1900, It must benoted,however, that Schorske’s book several is decades old, and that The bookarticulates many theoretical andempirical problems ed. Steven Beller (New York: Berghahn Books,2001), 132. Rethinking Vienna1900, Rethinking Vienna1900, fin-de-siècle 16 Viennainhis 2001volume, ed. Steven Beller (New York: ed. Steven Beller (New 19 Thetheoretical Fin-de-Siecle Vienna, 18 and 17 ” 18 CEU eTD Collection is pairofopposing metaphors that defined the Hanák’s approach, based as it isonacomparison with Vienna. His centralproposition publication. The theoreticalframework thesis ofthis isin manyways anelaboration of E. Schorske,Carl who wrote aforwardfor the book after Hanák passed away before discussion athand. His bookwas written under thedirect inspiration and influence of Hanák’s comparison of Viennaand Budapest is themost relevant tothe theoretical siècle Hungarian intellectualswere “slightlyout ofstep with developments.”Western defined by its relative marginality inEuropean culture--that even the mostmodern even onthefirst page ofher book, that the Hungarian intellectual scene was part in Pre-War Hungarian culture is thuspresented on itsown terms. Shealsoemphasizes, inevitablyhis to embrace ofCommunism during thepost-war revolutionary period. precursor to his later career--she asserts that sensehis ofculturalcrisis didnot lead impulse of the book is toportray the pre-Marxist Lukács as something other than amere 22 intellectuals rebelling against the liberalism of theirpredecessors. culturaloutlook termsin ofagenerationalconflict, with earlytwentieth-century 21 University Press, 1985),44. 20 whoMary in Gluck, have applied variations ofSchorske’s thesis totheHungarian context. Oneexample is marginal tobeconsidered asatruecompanion totheAustrian case, severalauthors Gluck, Gluck, MaryGluck, Budapest,which havealready been mentionedthe in literature review. Peter There havebeen several other attempts toapplyaSchorske-like thesis to In spite Sármány-Parson’s of assertion that the Hungarian cultural scenewas too GeorgLukács and His Generation, Georg Lukács and His Generation, Georg Lukács and His Generation: 1900-1918 Georg Lukács and His Generation 1. 2-6 fin-de-siècle describes theSunday Circle’s culturesofthe twin cities; (Cambridge, MA: Harvard 20 Theanimating 22 fin-de- 21 19 CEU eTD Collection 24 23 question. celebratory andfailsexpress to the contested and conflicted nature ofthe literature in fragmentationmuch more thanHanák’s idea of acultural“synthesis,” which is rather interpretation. The second difference is that this thesisemploys LeRider’s modelof nationalism’s importance, this thesis treatsthe national discourse as a primary basis of through which culture and politics were viewed. HanákWhile certainly acknowledges theoretical approaches; one isthe amplifiedof role thenationalist discourse asa lens discourses. There are two important differences between this thesis’and Hanák’s of cultural history must reflect themanifold relations among culturaland political relationship ofculture tothe political/socialcontext notmerely is reactive; rather, awork culture are interpenetrating realms ofhuman creativity and destructiveness.” which sum up thenecessity ofembracing complexity: hepoints outthat “politics and reflections on theproblems ofculturalhistory which areapplicable toanycontext, and modernizing society, the metaphor isaptand useful.Furthermore, Hanákofferssome this essay that is progressiveHungarians were respondingto an ambivalently new, post-liberalpolitical critique oftheir still “semi-feudal”society. and insteadwent tothe“workshop”cafes of and editorial offices inorderarticulate to a their liberal politicalproject, theBudapest bourgeoisie“had nothing to withdraw from” thewhile Viennese bourgeoisie retreated toan aesthetic “garden” after the failure of Hanák, Hanák, The Garden and the Workshop, The Garden and the Workshop, xix. 67. 23 Sinceatheme of 24 The 20 CEU eTD Collection critical, critical, suggesting thattheconcept ismore orless philosophically barren,and is idea, bothin terms ofits intellectual validity and historicaleffects. Gellner theis most Eric Hobsbawm, andBenedictAnderson. All are,tosome extent, critical ofthe national political orsocial positions were made intelligible andjustified. constructs were infactsystems ofsymbolisms andareasofdiscourse, within which further elaboration oftheconcept is thatnations andnationalisms asintellectual state is legitimate asitrepresentsthe insofar corporate will constitutive ofits nation. A and thesubsequent conclusion that states and nations shouldoverlap--that is, that a assertionthat loyalty tothat particular group represents the highest political affiliation, historical actor.Nationalism entails belief inthe existence of thegroup in realterms, the be treatedhere asan intellectualconstruct, rather thanasan objectively existing three arethe most salientinHungary’s case.) By hypothetical, Imean that“nation” will culture, and historical experience. (There are othercriteriafor national identitybut these nation for thepurposes ofthis thesis isahypothetical groupwitha shared language, patriotism bysomanydisplayed Viennese bourgeois was less present Hungary.in Hungary wasrelatively lessindustrializedneighbors. thanits Western Also, thedynastic which legitimated thestate. Marxist class politics were notyetprevalent, in part because community existedthat couldsupplant theHungarian nationas the constitutive body Hungary was dominated bythe concept ofthe nation. No alternative visions of Nationalism: Delusion, or Discourse These keydefinitions are based on thework ofscholars such asErnest Gellner, A definition ofnation and nationalism is thusinorder. Theoperative definition of As shallbeshown below, thepoliticaldiscourse ofearlytwentieth-century 21 CEU eTD Collection 27 26 appealof national sentiment. See “Preface.” the dangersof national thought, although he didclaim to understand andeven feelthe His andhisparents’ life experiences probably taughthim both thefluidity of identity and Gellner grew up in interwar Prague, andcamefrom a secularizedJewish background. 25 individual nationalisms ornationalists. critical work like Gellner’s may shedlightonnationalismsgeneral, butnoton in wasfor afool assumingthe existence ofaHungarian “nation” or“people.”Strongly That is,itwould notbeparticularly enlightening forahistorian todeclare thatEndre Ady assumptionsand even illusions ofhistorical actors without bringing judgment tobear. one must takeseriously theworldview of theparticipants. One can appreciate the nationalism as adelusion. Intrying to reconstruct the intellectualdebates of the time, aloneassertlet itsrights. absence of reflection about the intellectualprocesses required to even definea nation, almost anyturn-of-the-century European nationalist with him mind--therein is an history. conflict in class Marxist of“false idea consciousness” as anexplanationfor the relative unimportance of circumvention ofhistorical realities, although he takescare tobe ascritical of the civilization. form of politicalidentity humanin history, has been absentthroughout most of -especially orderin toexplain thefact that national sentiment, supposedly thedominant He emphasizes the logical leapsand evasions requiredtojustify nationalists assertions- moreover “dangerous... because of theself-evident statuswhich itascribes to itself.” Gellner,22. Gellner,8. ErnestGellner, For thepurposes of this paper,however, itwould be meaningless to dismiss 26 Gellner dismisses theexplanation ofthe“dormant nation” as acrude Nationalism 27 Gellner’sarguments arestrong indeed. It strikingis toread (London:Orion, 1997), 7.Ofbiographicalnote isthat 25 22 CEU eTD Collection (Summer 1993):38. 30 29 Nationalism 28 multinational empires. This definition also does awaywith Hobsbawn’s problematic suddenly arose thein nineteenth century todestroy the oldCentral European order of then, which may beemployed byvarious actors; it is and movements, oftenhaving very diverse aims.” construct, is a flexible entity which mayto legitimate beused “numerous socialactions relevant isthat showsit hownationalism space,or as adiscursive as anideological a conception herin 1993essay, “Whither ‘Nation’ and‘Nationalism’?” Thereason it is advances theoriesin onnationalism recentin decades. KatherineVerdery outlined such Hobsbawm’s analyses. are themost important products of theconstruct ofthenation inAnderson and “philosophical povertyandeven incoherence.” are Marxists andthuscriticalof nationalism--Anderson makes reference to its Hobsbawm’s conceptof“invented tradition” function better inthiscontext. Both scholars of continuity andbelonging. thought,” suggestingthat the new ideology provided areplacementcreating in asense notes that the birth of nationalism coincided withthe “dusk of religious modes of factors which brought about,it inmaterialist andcultural terms.example, For Anderson nationalism continued and its impact onhuman eventsbyidentifying thehistorical KatherineVerdery, “Whither ‘Nation’ and‘Nationalism’?” Anderson,11. Benedict Anderson, Therefore, Benedict Anderson’s idea of“imagined community”Eric and Conceptualizing nationalism as adiscourse has beenone ofthe more important (London:Verso,1991), 5. Imagined Communities:Reflections ontheOrigin andSpread of 29 It these is two benefits--continuity and belonging--which 28 Andyettheyseek toexplain the rise of 30 It is a Itis system symbols,of significant not amonolithic“force” which Daedelus 122, no. 3 23 CEU eTD Collection 31 strains are present thein discourse and maybe dominant adifferent times. separation ofnationalism “civic”into and“ethnic”varieties, by acknowledgingthat both 32 1995): 209. discourse imbued them thisboth in period and shaped their interrelations. bridge between thetopics ofHungariancultural and politicalhistory--the nationalist of society. Thus, theuseof adiscursive definition ofnationalism serves asatheoretical over language can beawindow intothe power relationships among different members revealcertain insights theinto social andpolitical dynamicsperiod. ofthe An argument history. Therefore, an interpretation ofthecultural debate in and alsoasaspacewhere individualactors encounter long-term structural factors in summarize, adiscourse may beseenasamedium for theactivity ofpower relations, casethis atleast, aform of nationalism inspired first-rate literature. symboland itsmeanings?” the global, societal, and institutionalwhich in different groups compete tocontrolthis asserts that when talkingabout nationalism nationalists,and “weask: should What is on thepart of the conservatives and cosmopolitan progressives. Participation inthenationalist discourse cultural/political debate, andavoidsimplifying as a contestit between nationalist both traditionalists andprogressives employed thenationalist discourse theirin Alexei Miller, “Nationalism and Theorists,” Verdery,39. Obviously, Michel Foucault’s workdiscourse thebackground. on in is To Nyugat writers should 32 With this With mind,in onemay theways investigate which in not beseenas of intellectuala sign poverty--in CEU History Department Yearbook fin-de-siècle Hungary can 31 Verdery (1994- 24 CEU eTD Collection which thepolitical system dealt withprogress, specifically in terms ofsocial andnational number ofsocialandpoliticalchanges, while acknowledging thedeep ambivalence with modernizationand ambivalence. That is, it presents Hungariansociety asundergoing a environment the in early twentieth century, with aspecial focus on the themes of to its failureswith asmuch forceastheir contemporaries.Western progress had not completed its triumph Hungary, Hungarian in artists could notrespond Hungarian politicianssought topreserve homogeneitygovernment. in Because political situation stymied further development ofthepolitical system the twentiethin century, as collective rights, andfriendliness towards industry. Onthe other hand,the national Liberalafter the1867 Compromise, withitselitist voting rights, focus on individualover on thedecadence ofHungariansociety. The Hungarian politicalsystem was typically Scholars of A cultural explosion was coevalwith thestresses ofsocial change and political turmoil. by changeandanxiety, much liketheViennese caseexplored bySchorske and others. especially any other national community. Thepioneering workmany of Hungarian artists, and differences. Thewar endedincatastrophe for theHungarians, perhaps more sothan I. Hungary is inmanyways acaseinpoint ofthe phenomenon, with some important march ofsupposedlyrational European civilization towards thecataclysm of World War achievements oftheperiod with thebreakdown ofthe liberalvision ofprogress, and the Chapter 1:Budapest Arts and Politics, 1900-1914: Ambivalent Modernization This section provides anoverview oftheHungarian political andartistic The Hungariansociety which produced theFirst Nyugat fin-de-siècle writers like Ady, prophesied thecomingdisaster withtheir reflections culture haveoften linked theextraordinary artistic Nyugat Generation was defined 25 CEU eTD Collection Hungary 34 coronation asKingof Hungary. between commemoration ofthefailed revolution andcelebrations of Franz Josef’s The JohnsHopkins University Press,2000), 223. Freifeld discusses therelationship 33 and sovereignty withrespect to internal issues--the Hungarians andAustrianswould the 1867DualCompromise, whichgranted Hungary its own parliamentary government independence, even during 18years of repressive autocratic rulefrom Vienna. Nor did Russian help. The experience, however, didnot endHungarian aspirations of subjectionEurope. in factin sustaining the longest struggle against monarchical power andnational Politics: Liberal Elitism and the National Community the way Hungarywouldapproach modernity in thepolitical andartistic arenas. pride anddefensive insecurity. Asthis section shall demonstrate, thisambiguity shaped the powerfulless member ofthe Dual Monarchy, ledtoa unique mixture oftriumphalist theoretically sovereign andequalpartner ofAustria, paired with its effectivestatus as Compromise characterizedthenational discourse. artistic trends. Memories ofthe 1848 Revolution and ambivalence about the1867 position among nationswas adetermining factor forpoliticaland (toa lesser extent) artistic questions, and willthus play arolethroughout. The ambiguity ofHungary’s essential tounderstanding theway inwhich Hungarians viewed bothpoliticaland they oftenviewed asconservative orevensemi-feudal. Thenational discourse is equality. Themajor artistic movements oftheperiodresponded to this situation--which 234. IstvánDeák,“The Revolution andthe ofIndendence, War 1848-1849,” in Alice Freifeld, Hungary participated inthe widespread national-democratic revolutions of1848, , ed. Peter F. Sugar Nationalism andtheCrowdin Liberal Hungary, 1848-1914 34 TheAustrian Habsburgs finally ended the revolt in1849,with (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1994), 209- 33 Hungary’s existence Hungary’s asa (Baltimore: A History of 26 CEU eTD Collection 35 around the time ofthemillennium celebrations, Hungarian politics went through aseries Liberal Party. lower classes, national minorities, Austrian counterparts, and sometimes eventhe gentry, combined Liberal elitism with anationalpride, putting them at oddswith the conservative in politics. social Theclassesits whichthe franchise, held especiallythe percent. mentioned above, theHungarian franchise was particularly limited at less than ten weakened thepowerfulLiberal Prime Minister Kálmán Tisza in 1875, for example. obligations; concessions to theAustrians termsin oftax and customs severely especially true when thegovernment would dealwith shared financial andmilitary controversial, causing politicalturmoil and exciting nationalist passions. Thiswas additionin tohis titleas Emperor oftheAustrians. share Foreign andMilitary Ministries, and Franz Josefwas crowned asKing ofHungary 39 Compromise asapproximately six percent. 38 Young Franz Joseph 37 University ofCaliforniaPress, 1971), 25. Soviet Republic of1919 Age ofDualism (1867-1918),” in 36 Sugar accept anything lessthan fullindependence. moderate sidewhich supported accommodationa and radical side which could not deeplyambivalent triumphHungarian forthe nationalmovement, andsplit itintoa TiborFrank, “Hungary and theDualMonarchy,” in Hidas,77. Janos,6.He gives thefranchise for the House ofRepresentatives at the time ofthe PeterI.Hidas, Andrew J. Janos,“The Decline ofOligarchy: Bureaucratic andMass Politics in the (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1994), 252. Another obstaclewas thecontinued dominance ofelitist forces politicalin life. As 38 Kálmán Tisza’s government was dominated byhisLiberalParty, and was 39 Following the periodof LiberalParty dominance, beginning roughly The Metamorphosis ofaSocial Class in HungaryDuring the Reign of (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977), 77. , ed.Andrew C. Janos and William B. Slottman (Berkeley: Revolution in Perspective: Essays on theHungarian 36 Therelationship with Austria was always 35 TheCompromise represented a A History ofHungary , ed.Peter F. 37 27 CEU eTD Collection 44 43 42 41 Cambridge University Press, 2001), 235. due to“generational andethnic tension.” successfully avoided thefragmentation experienced thein Austrian halfof the monarchy effectively associated conservatism with the“alien royalcourt.” mobilizing nationalist passions through a“martyrology ofrevolutionary defeat,” they franchise, which ensured Liberal dominance throughout most oftheDualist period. By Secondly, she emphasizeswas that it thenationalfactor, inaddition to the limited established elites and the Modernists andprogressives in attack from the leftfor elitism, andsaddledwith adeeply ambiguous national-symbolic the country, theLiberals in the early twentieth century found themselves exposed to preserving their politicalpower andbringing about a large degree of modernization in complex meanings, setsymbolic of indeed. they wereWhile certainly successful in associated withthe legacies ofboth the1848 Revolution and the 1867 Compromise--a 40 subsequent democratization.” acknowledges that the narrowness ofthevoting class “becamemajor a impediment to the time,makes anumber ofimportant points about the politicalregime. she First, Hungarian politicalsystem was stable, relatively comparedAustria. to reestablished firm Liberal Party control1913. in And,asMary Gluck notes, the Hungary within the DualMonarchy drovepoliticalchange, although Tisza’s son István of crises. Freifeld,229. Freifeld,229. Freifeld,229. Gluck, Miklós Miklós Molnár, Alice Freifeld, inheranalysis ofliberalHungary the nationalist and discourse of 40 Georg Lukács and His Generation, Fightsover thefranchise, economicsocial and issues, and the status of A Concise History ofHungary, 42 Thiswould be acentral point ofcontention between the 44 Thepolitical establishment was thus 53. trans. Anna Magyar, (Cambridge: fin-de-siècle 43 Finally, they Finally, 41 Budapest. 28 CEU eTD Collection imposed uponthe Slovaks andRomanians, not Germans andJews. As the stateonly European Thought 48 47 JewishGerman and communities, and was therefore largely voluntary. the demographic “gains” made bytheHungarians inthe periodwere largely from the use ofMagyar asanadministrative language--though Hanák passionately argued that The project entailed suppression ofminority educational opportunities and theforced “magyarization,” which hasalso beenpresented asan exampleof forced assimilation. in factin quite extensive andahead ofits time. the multinational Kingdom. rights for themselves they released an ideology which couldthreaten theexistence of Hungarian politicianswere facedwithan obvious contradiction--by asserting national outnumbered byminority nationalities, most notably Romanians, Slovaks, and Serbs. pressing issue confronting Hungarian politicians--the fact that Hungarians were infact and conservative self-preservation. This tension was alsotobefound thein most and progressives were theones to mount challenge. this 1919,” 46 were thusalesspressing problem. 45 encourage national homogenization. consistently ignored in practice, andthe governmentpolicy pursueda ofseeking to whichheritage could bemobilized against them. The PeterHanák, “A National Compensationfor Backwardness,” Congdon,302. LeeCongdon, “Endre Ady’s Summons toNationalRegeneration inHungary, 1900- TheCroats had aspecial autonomous relationship with theHungarian kingdom and On theone hand, theParliament passedaminority rights 1868law in which was Hungary’s political lifewas thustornbetween opposingtrends of liberalization Slavic Review 46, no.1/2(June 1994):38-39. Linguistic difficulties were mainly 33, no.2(June 1974): 302. 47 Thiswas thehotly debated project known as 46 Ontheotherhand, the law wasitself Nyugat writers, other modernists, Studies in East 48 Thedrive for 45 29 CEU eTD Collection populations to learn Magyar. controlled education abovethebasic level, itwas toforce unable largely ruralminority many of theleadingcomposers, painters, and architects ofthe period. It suggests that rely on the Hungarianpeasantry andcountryside for inspiration. This was the case for of expression, and the explicit rejection ofold modes), HungarianModernists tended to Western styles and ageneralmodernizing impulse (i.e., adesire todiscover newmodes France serving astheultimate sourceofrole models.Secondly, spitein ofemulation of themes. artistsconsistently First, the looked tofor aesthetic West inspiration, with As shallbedemonstrated, thesalient artistic trends were characterized by two common characteristics which relateto the question of arts, politics, and thenational community. unique qualities ofeach participant. Thus, the goal here istopoint outsome general inherently complex phenomenon, bothinterms ofthevariety ofexpression and the engaged in experimentation andexplorationwhich embraced allmedia.It was an Arts: Modernism and Folk Continuity the problem of minority nationalities. by external circumstance--insecurity andcompetition with respectto theAustrians, and discourse,national which wasnot only shaped byaninternal ideological butalso logic “civic” and “ethnic” nationalisms. Clearly,ethnic andcivic elements werethe partof participating in theHungarian political nation. It thusdisturbs Hobsbawm’s dichotomy of language, it was alsoassimilatory, emphasizing thatanyone could“become” Magyar by national discourse; while it was aschauvinistic anddismissive ofminority culture and magyarization late-nineteenth-centuryin Hungarydisplays the complexities ofthe It was this in context thatanewgeneration of Hungarian artists andwriters 30 CEU eTD Collection the disparities between themodernist movements ofthe two cultures. gettingWithout came from especially the Viennesecomposer Schoenberg, Arnold whose work reveals peasant melodies and usedthem atypicalin Western composition. These criticisms songs, whose tonesandstructures he would use inhis compositions. on ethnographic trips with his colleague Zoltán Kodály,creating a library of peasant which was supposedly exhausted of expressive potential. substance which hada closer relationship with nature thantheexisting musical idiom, traditions. This was doneinordertobasehis art musicautochthonouswith an musical capableof producing high art,which was nonetheless basedon peasant musical art.AsJuditin Frigyesi argues, Bartók’s project was anewmusical toproduce idiom workmore thananyone else’s expressed the tension between Modernity andcontinuity making more him famous thanhis colleague, Endre Ady. Also, more importantly, his This partially is because hecreatedmusicwhich could transcend linguistic boundaries, lights andmainstream traditionalist national opinion. especially given thecriticaland adversarial relationshipbetween many ofitleading 49 idea. This implies atensionthe in artisticand literary scene of although it was onewhich would subvert many elements oftheestablished national be baseduponHungarian land andblood inturnsuggests anationalistic impulse, phenomenon, expressed adesire for continuity with thepast. That this continuity would Hungarian cultural modernism, althoughatransgressive andexperimental Frigyesi, 119-167. Bartók was criticized byhis contemporaries, who claimed hesimply borrowed One ofthe paradigmatic figuresofthe Budapest fin-de-siècle 49 Inorderto doso, hewent fin-de-siècle was BélaBartók. Budapest, 31 CEU eTD Collection picture frameperspective. and The subject matter itself isless importantthe than similarity subjectin matter, still-life Czigány’s follows Cezanne’sexplorations ofthe went toTahiti, while Czigány went totheHungarian countryside. Besides the obvious Though the tonalrange is certainly more earthy, thisis understandable; afterall, Gaugin In tonalstyleof Paul Gaugin, while his Dezs follows in the footsteps of PaulCezanne: characteristic strikingly. Oneofthem, Impressionistic painting. Two ofDezs continuity.On the one hand,they explicitly followed trends inpost- French nature. Thistrend wascarried outin othermedia ofexpression. continuity withthe past, and amore organic rather thanmathematic relationshipwith shocking. Bartók’s aesthetic experimentations thus show a increaseddesire for more deconstructivethanBartók’s strategy, and producedmusic whichwas more too much intomusicological detail, Schoenberg’s twelve-tone serial method was far Burial ofaChild Ę Czigany: For example,the painter’s group “A Nyolcák” (“The Eight”) expressed adesire for Burial of a of Child Burial thecompositionalflattening andvivid useof color evokeGaugin. (1910) Still-Life with Apples and Oranges Ę Burial of a Child Burial of Czigány’s paintings from 1910 display this Still-Life with Apples and Oranges Apples with Still-Life , employs thecompositionaland quite clearly (1910s) 32 CEU eTD Collection 51 50 than acritical response, the response is ambivalent. different relationshipto modernity thanthat of Schorske andLeRider’s Vienna. Rather process ofmodernization, hereconstrued as an embrace ofthe That is,West. there is modernin artsuggests a tension between theimperatives ofnational interestsand the synthesis.” Butthe nearly universalphenomenon ofusing folkish and “archaic” elements found asolution to the task of creating authentic modern artthrough Hanák’s “cultural explorations outside of thecity, withdrawing from Budapest tothe countryside. arttrends. of Western generallya lag ofadecade ortwo, Hungarianartists wereenthusiastictheir in embrace thus demonstrate anessential trend in theHungarian artsscene; while therewas attempt tocreatespaces andvolumes onatwo-dimensional plane. The two paintings approaches toa“pure source” ofsubject matter. century Budapest, whichin hedescribes the relationship asa“synthesis” ofnew artistic Hanák himself mentions TheEight hisin discussion of“avant-garde” art in turn-of-the- apparently didnot feelthat thesubstance ofmodern could society inspire true art. chose notto respond to the specific problemsof modern life in theirmodernist art. They Bartók, theysought inspiration from nature andsimple lifestyles. In otherwords, they Hanák, Gyáni, On theother hand,they feltthat wasit only possibleto pursue their aesthetic Identity andtheUrban Experience: Fin-de-Siècle Budapest The Garden and the Workshop , 87. 51 It may It betruethat Hungarian artists , 216. 50 Like 33 CEU eTD Collection Juhász, BélaBalázs, andÁrpád Tóth. These writers would laterprove to bethedefining Kosztolányi, andGéza Csáth--later onthe journal would publish writings by Babits, 54 because itwas a“January 1908”issue. December1907, although 28, 1908 is almost universally givenastheyear offounding Veiglesberg), Ern equivocatesless the First modernizationwith deepambivalence about their applicability to theHungarian context. 53 52 Poems)1906 in and thefounding of The two major eventsinthis periodare the publication ofEndre Ady’s arts scene, when therewas ageneralshift towards “Modernism” andWestern trends. The Foundation ofNyugat and Cultural Conflict demonstrated, the the national situation, andinto therelationship between artsandpolitics. Asshall be establishment,many andwitnesses scholars thatagree itswriters offered insights into culminated inthepost-War revolutions. Thus, although thejournal was outside ofthe of twentieth-century Hungary.” “the futurehistorian will studyAdyhe isseeking if tounderstand thegreat spiritual crisis Oszkárit. Jászi, amemberBudapest progressive ofthe scene himself, said in1914that Nyugat Feny Feny Hanák, It shouldbe noted thatthe first issue of Hanák defines theperiod1906-1908 as amajor turning point the Hungarianin notonly asaproduct ofHungarian modernism, butasanessentialproducer of Ę Ę , 35. , 9. The Garden and the Workshop, Ę Osvát, andMiksa Feny Nyugat writers combinedan enthusiasm for Western trends and Nyugat 53 Mario Feny Generation withwave the ofprogressivism which Nyugat 54 Thefoundingeditors were Ignotus (born Hugo 86. Ę in1908. . It’s firstissue contained pieces byAdy, Ę ’s Nyugat Literature and Political Change 52 in fact “hitthestands” in on We should thusWe seethe advent of Uj Versek more or (New 34 CEU eTD Collection 58 57 56 In addition, there was acompetitive aspect to the creation of French-inspired literature in Hungary. the company the in earlyyears of existence. profitable venture. However, his insistence belies the “mixed successes”experienced by believes that a public exists formodern Hungarian literature, makingthe journal a producing literature that is literature” meansmodern literature, andthat Hungarianwriters are capableof producing business!” the foundation of apublishing house Hungary,in anditmight not even be bad wrote 1912,“We know in that itispossible to make meaning literature, good literature, literature” was possible inHungary. Ignotus clearlysomething had to prove when he a desire to prove, both tothe and theHungarianWest establishment, that“good classicism the namein of Nyugat movement challengedthe anachronistic ideals ofastate-supported national 55 history. literary group ofthe period, andoneof the most renowned groups Hungarianin literary vociferously negative reaction against the suggests doubts about the viability ofthe project. establishment. was This tobeexpected, given the iconoclastic nature ofmany ofthe Feny Feny Gluck, “The Artist asPrimitive,” 158. Feny The motivation behindthe foundation of Possibly thesedoubts were raisednotonly by financial difficulties, butalso bythe Ę Ę Ę , 54. , 54. , 30. 57 Thereare two to sides thisquote. Firstly, Ignotus believes that “good l’art pour l’artl’art pour both authentically modernHungarian. and Secondly, he 55 As Mary Gluck puts “Themembers AsMaryGluck it, of the and complete aesthetic freedom for theartist. Nyugat 58 Itisclearly adefensive statement, which Nyugat by theliterary and political was tofostermodern, especially Nyugat . At least, therewas 56 35 CEU eTD Collection I pursuethis characteristic of mine withruthless criticism.” for writers like Ady,who wrote,am “I Hungarian,very strongly itistrue, though naturally members ofthe evidenced by the assassination ofIstván Tisza inthebeginning ofthe1918 revolution. of thoseresponsible for the war bylargesegments oftheHungarianpopulation--as war bothmade him the enemy oftheestablishment andprefiguredthecoming rejection mill of the tyrant.” to victory,/the rough-shod iron treadof trampling triumph/ paltry is tome/ asthedeadly die.” Soldier], which laments thatasoldier will neverknow his side if triumphs, forhe“must “unpatriotic”by publishing poems suchasthe1914anti-war “Fiatalkatona” [Young considering itshorrendously wild,basemouthpieces.” his nationalist critics that “They began toregard me asunpatriotic, which Iwas proud of, Hungarian society, which made them enemies ofestablishment culture.Babits wrote of Press, 1977), 277. Selection ofArticles andStudies, 1898-1916 62 Stag’: ThePoetry ofHungary, 61 attacks onHungarian society and hisparticipation in asupposedly “cosmopolitan” 59 from the start.The although the journalwas theoretically a purely literary affairat first, it dealtwith politics centralfigures of the group, andwas caused by anumber offactors. Onewas that, 60 EndreAdy, “AConfession Concerning Patriotism,” in Mihály Babits, “Before Easter (1916),” trans Peter Zollman, in Hanák, Feny 60 Lateronduring thewar, hewrote a poem where hedeclared “I will singno paean This critical stance was tempered witha strong patriotism held by many Ę , 71. The Garden and the Workshop, Nyugat 61 This outright This opposition tothechauvinistic impulses which led tothe Nyugat group. Infact, social critique and patriotism were inseparable writers were ofcourse highly critical contemporary of ed.Adam Makkai (Chicago:Atlantis-Centaur, 1996), 531. 84. , trans. G.F. Cushing (Budapest: Corvina 59 Babitsmade his reputationas The Explosive Country:a 62 Inspite of his constant In Quest ofthe ‘Miracle 36 CEU eTD Collection accommodate local traditions andconcerns. Buttosaythat the achievement, asanytransposition ofanartistic stylerequires modification inorder to implied totalwithdrawal from politicalsubjects. This takesnothing away from their was initsability limited tofully embrace styles like decadence orsymbolism,which explicit endorsement ofWestern, modernist trends, it isfairtoposit thatthe generation was a“synthesis”of modernityWestern with Hungarian tradition, and an unprecedented capital city thatwas ambivalently modernizing. Inspiteof his andother background toacity thatwas ambivalently moving toward modernity. Hemoved toa literature is infusedwitha primordial sense of connection with theHungarian people. chapter--the important point here isthat his modernizing, supposedly cosmopolitan subvertingis itinthename progress. This topicisdiscussed of furtherthe in third conservative movements. Ady,however, not is engaging in ethnic nationalism;fact in he these areelements ofethnicnationalist discourses which are associated with them from fulfilling their naturalpotential.It is undeniable, yet rarelyacknowledged, that tone acknowledges the “tethers” holding theHungarian nation backand preventing order toemphasize thatthe Hungarian people are present. It usesthe image oftheproud barbarian, here exemplified bythe horse, in create acontinuity between thenomadicpast of theMagyar tribes andthe national Stag’: ThePoetry ofHungary, 63 foam,/ his cutloose lariat, for heis/ asoul-- asomber Magyarsoul.” one poem, hewrites, “If youshouldsee on Magyar mead/ abloody stallion flecked with literary endeavor, Ady’s poetry abounds with images ofprimordial“Hungarianness.” In EndreAdy,“The Tethered Souls,” trans. Anton N.Nyerges, Ady, likemany othersintheFirst ed.Adam Makkai (Chicago:Atlantis-Centaur, 1996), 403. Nyugat Generation, came from a provincial primordially In Quest ofthe ‘Miracle free. Second,the elegiac Nyugat 63 Firstly, his verses writer’s project Nyugat writer’s 37 CEU eTD Collection style ofwriting. One ofthe main areasof attack was thewriters’ freedom withrespect to later became famous anti-semitism, forhis oncesummed upcriticism of the merit oftheirwriting. Dezs vast majority.” the few thousands was confronted bythe unculture and intellectualdestitution ofthe pathological thesplendor in because this hyperintellectualism and hyperaestheticism of America, hesaid “few keen observers realized thatthere was something distinclty half of the picture. Budapest was simply afriendly environment forartistic experimentation only captures eventually become acceptedasthebestwriters ofthe period, tosay that aestheticand thepoliticalwere thusinseparable. the While Chicago Press, 1929), 325-326. 65 began asearlyas the post-revolutionary reestablishmentcontrol ofelite 1919-1921. in 64 Magyar Figyel the political elite engaged inthis culturalwarfare; István Tisza himselfhelped foundthe and most ofallthe guardians ofestablishment culture. The most prominent members of literature the Hungarianin context), apublic thatwas partially only opentotheirwork, They struggledwith obstacles creative choice (i.e.,the difficulty ofwriting modernist and politics, itisclearthat the and judges literature on its inherent“value.” If one focusesonthe intersection ofculture triumph atthat,makesmore sphere senseinthe ofliterary history, which back looks OscarJászi, Thiswas alongand variegated process which cannot be covered here, although it At themost basiclevel,the 65 Ę The Dissolution oftheHabsburg Monarchy , which was envisioned asaconservative counterpoint to 64 AsOszkárJásziobserved thewreckage oftheHabsburg statefrom Ę Szabó, who began writing for Nyugat Nyugat writers were engagedinadifficult culturalbattle. writers were challenged bycritics overthe Nyugat (Chicago: University of Nyugat during the war but writers would Nyugat fin-de-siècle Nyugat . The 38 CEU eTD Collection house that hasbeen punished forpublishing supposedly pornographic literature. Ady published inOctober 1910, he addresses a scandal involving anEnglish publishing Ady, forone, was totallyunfazed by suchcriticisms. Inanarticlefor the 71 52, no.127(April 1974): 174. journal(note the contrast journalin titles), openly called 70 other topics unacceptable to polite society. writers and theestablishment. Thewriters often dealt with erotic themes, aswellas critics, was in fact criticized in his time for his prosaic, folksy, direct language. 68 asserted that many ofthe 69 Slavonic andEast European Review critics” byFeny words andinfluences. to combat prose. 67 ethnic-conservative component aswell. journalwas itself afrontfor nefarious Jewish interests, revealsthat the criticism had an journalcalled national identity, had been apoliticizedsubject foralongtime. Already in1872,a 66 should usethe language ofnineteenth-century poets like Pet language. Feny G.F.Cushing, “The Irreverence ofPet L.G.Czigány, “Hungarianness: TheOrigin of a Pseudo-Linguistic Concept,” Feny Feny Feny 69 Transgression was alsomajor a thein topic culturalbattle between the Ę Ę Ę Ę Theironyhere isthatSándor Pet , 124. , 125-126. , 121. , 121. 66 nyelvújitás, Thatthis claimwas connectedwith claims thattruly Hungarian literature Magyar Nyelvör Ę , claimed thatthe journal was an“organ ofthe educated Jews” and 68 the processbywhich the language was “adulterated” by foreign JánosHorváth, described ofthe asthe“mildest conservative Nyugat (Hungarian Language-Guard) hadbeenfounded inorder writers were simply incapable ofwriting goodin 52, no.128 (July1974): 334. 67 Ę Language, one ofthe essential signifiers of fi,” Ę fi,one oftheheroes of the conservative Magyar Kultura The Slavonic andEast European Review Nyugat , aconservative cultural Ę fiand Arany, andthatthe pornographic. Pesti Napló 70 71 Nyugat The Endre , 39 CEU eTD Collection Angelusz &Gold, 2000), 11. 75 Diary ofGéza Csáth, 74 73 Press, 1977), 248. Selection ofArticles andStudies, 1898-1916 72 eszetetizalas”)the infirstissueof as primarily a doctor, hewas a published also writer--with anessay onOpera (“Ejszakai writers was GézaCsáth (the penname ofJózsef Brenner). Although heworked social conventions, anattitude which extended tomany oftheir lifestyles. descendants from the sins they themselves commit.” courts are hypocrites as they “ardentlydesire to restraintheir contemporaries and of thehabitof lying.” Hungariansshould “rejoice ifso-called pornographic literature at least breaks us slowly vociferously attacks the “Puritanical” morality which causedthe scandal, concluding that inveterate womanizer (Arthur Phillips calls him “an unredeemed bastard” us thathe was aplaywright, poet, short story writer andessayist. were totallyoutofthe mainstream. which openedupto the adventurous artists ofthe importance inthe literary scene. But his lifedoesillustrate thekinds of choiceslifestyle illuminate thedebate surrounding literature in the period. Also, Csáthwas ofsecondary Obviously, the diary was notmeant forpublication, andthus cannot beusedto and provides avivid picture ofanearly twentieth-century Hungarian bohemian. eventual victim of theravages ofmorphine addiction. His diarywas recently translated, ArthurPhillips, “Introduction,” inGézaCsáth, Dezs Ady,“The Crime oftheFirm of Heywood,” 246. EndreAdy,“The Crime oftheFirm of Heywood,” in One especially illuminating exampleof thetransgressive impulses among Ę Kostolányi,“On theIllness and Death of GézaCsáth,” inGéza Csáth, 72 trans.Peter Reich (Budapest: Angelusz & Gold, 2000), 164. Thearticle acondemnationis ofbourgeois morality; the British Nyugat . He wasKosztolányi, thecousin who informs , trans. G.F. Cushing (Budapest: Corvina The Diary ofGéza Csáth Nyugat 73 The Explosive Country: a Theythusopenly flouted current generation--choiceswhich 74 Hewas alsoan 75 (Budapest: ) and The Nyugat 40 CEU eTD Collection Kosztolányi bemoans friends addiction his inhisessay onCsáth’s eventualdeath by Csáth hadclearly moved onfrom his earlier endorsement ofdrug use. And of course, “Detoxification. (Habituation toonedose per day,nomatter theamount ofsuffering.)” list ofpriorities. Along with “Newmorning coat” and“Coitusevery otherday,” helists thetime. same, All hedesirestoquit: intheentry ofJanuary 9,1913, hegives himself a addiction and attempts toquit.He chronicles habit,his using increasing doses over use.” Opium time 1908,after in learning that hehadsymptoms oftuberculosis. transgressive lifestyle choices ofsome they illustrate Csáth’s disregard forconventional morality well enough. “only protested out ofpropriety.” hisoffice “ in 80 79 78 77 76 which excited andfascinated me.” chalice toserve me better...herentire ugly being went through apeculiar transformation examination table, I attacked, standing up. As much asshe was she able, lifted her the overall tonecomes offasblunt, evento contemporary readers: “andthere, onthe on rape.His misogyny is on display throughout. Thelanguage is ofteneuphemistic, but Csáth,125. Phillips, 17. Csáth,176. Csáth,57. Csáth,55. 79 Hisdiary,which covers theperiod 1912-1913, displays his struggles with “brilliantlypromotes theRomantictransgressive ideallurking aggressive in drug There was alsothematter ofhis drugaddiction, which further demonstrates the Often thediary readsas a chronicle ofromanticconquests, many ofwhich border sans condom” aftershehadjust refusedhis advances,claiming that she 77 Theseare two oftheless graphic episodes, although 76 Soonafter that affair he“penetrated” ayoungvirgin Nyugat writers. He injected morphine forthefirst 78 His1909short story 80 41 CEU eTD Collection institution where alarge amount hasbeen deposited.” difference: Ady’s coterie hada running tab here, like anaccount atsome financial favors: “AtKovács’s tavern the length ofthe stay orthequantities consumed made no most accurate,as likely when hedescribes their night at adank tavern which Ady negative portrait ofAdy thein piece. But thedescription ofhis alcoholconsumption is changed politicalclimate, aswellKrúdy’s as personalattitudes, probably informed the “reminiscence” discussing hisdecadence comesfrom Krúdy, writingGyula in1925.The transgressive lifestyle, which was inseparable from poetryandpolitics.his One she isengaging apologeticsin where none are necessary; Ady indeed did leada exaggerated, thoughshe musters no evidence tosupport herclaim. This implies that books” withtales ofhisexcess. so in manyways. Frigyesialleges that the “reminiscences of his contemporaries fillthick lifestyles. Bátky (Budapest: CEU Press, 2000), 101. Chronicles: Turn-of-the-Century Hungary in Gyula Krúdy’s Journalism, 83 82 81 acceptance among destroyeddrug Csáth,andthat herecognized the fact. isinterestingWhat isthe seemedmind to thetransgressive aspectof Csáth’s choice. Itis not surprising that the of bothCsáth andKosztolányi’s eventualrevulsion atthe effects of morphine, neither suicide. GyulaKrúdy, “My Adventures with thePoet on the CrookedSidewalks,” in Frigyesi, 176. Kosztolányi, “On the Illness and Death ofGéza Csáth,”161-172. In terms oftransgressive lifestyles, wasit Ady waswho paradigmatic, ashewas 81 Butnotat anypoint does Kosztolányi condemn Csáthinmoralterms. Inspite Nyugat writers (evennon-users writers transgressive likeKosztolányi) of 82 Shealleges that his imagewas poetically 83 trans.John Krúdy’s 42 CEU eTD Collection Stag’: ThePoetry ofHungary Stag’: ThePoetry ofHungary, 86 85 and EastEuropean Review. American Series Whether it came from hedonistic decadence or divine revelation, Ady’s task ofrenewal bards offaded grey will not me,/inspire let tavern-stench orHolySpiritfire me.” contradiction isillustratedone by couplet “OnNew in whenhesays,“You Waters,” quest for new aesthetic andsocial possibilities. Theway inwhich Adyembodied this and ethical impulses were united into hispoetic personality, which wasengaged in a work, is impossible soit tosimplydescribe his transgression inisolation.Hishedonistic Remenyiputs it. Inaddition, thereis a religious/moralsentiment thatimbues allofAdy’s same an it time, implies engagedattack on the morality of“the ruling classes,” as seemsartist’s tosuggestthe secession from society elaborated by Schorske. At the tired decay.” thematictrends inmuch work: ofhis “Iam a kindredspiritto Death,/ Icherish love in 87 84 alcohol.” Remenyi notes that “With acursing madness heattimes turnedtosensuality and interests of the Hungarian ruling class” asmuch asapersonal decision. woman,whichJoseph Remenyi described as an expression ofhis “opposition tothe affairwitha married woman for many (“Léda”) years,then married a much younger mainly the in fields ofalcoholconsumption and love. Forexample, hecarried onan EndreAdy,“The Kinsman ofDeath,” trans.Peter Zollman, in Remenyi, 94. EndreAdy,“On New trans.AntonWaters,” N. Nyerges, in JosephRemenyi, “Endre Ady,Hungary’s Apocalyptic Poet (1877-1919),” Unlike Frigyesi, most scholarsconfirm that Adywas inhishabits, transgressive 85 Apoem of his,entitled “The Kinsmanof Death,” exemplifies the decadent 86 Thathewouldembrace transgression anddecadence on the onehand , ed. Adam Makkai ed. Adam Makkai 3, no.1(May 1944):91. (Chicago: Atlantis, 1996), 490. (Chicago: Atlantis, 1996), 491. In Quest of the ‘Miracle In Quest ofthe ‘Miracle 84 Also, Slavonic 87 43 CEU eTD Collection 89 88 turn-of-the-century Hungary. trends. This ambivalence characterized the“local dialect” of modernism that arosein modernizing environment within which theyworked had conditioned theiruse of western establishment, buttheirconstant politicalengagement suggeststhatthe ambivalently certainly transgressive andmodern, causing an outcryfrom the traditional The “secession” from thatsociety characterized theartistic movements thatinspiredthem. They thus turned tofolkish sources for inspiration, indicating amerely partial cosmopolitan project dueto their “embeddedness” a collectivein Hungarian identity. scene through the useofwestern artistic trends were preventedfrom engaging in afully traditional prerogatives. Those artistswho attempted torenewtheHungarian cultural Elitist forces, especially from the gentryand higher aristocracy, jealously guarded their Hungarian nationalist movement,which hadonly partially achieved the goals of1848. modernism. Arestrictedpolitical system was influenced by the unique position of the ambiguity, and contradiction withrespect tosocial modernization and cultural social, andpolitical standards ofhis time. and rejuvenation was aimed squarelyatdismantling the established aesthetic, cultural, Gluck, Gluck, “The Modernist as Primitive,” 150. Gluck, “The Modernist asPrimitive,” 150.She isdiscussing Hanák’sthesis. Nyugat Hungarian society and culture was thuscharacterized by ambivalence, writers produced, and participated in, this culturalscene. Their work was 89 88 44 CEU eTD Collection was description their ofthe provincialcountryside. conservatives--especiallyWhile 90 dominated bycommercialism. embracedmetropolitan a lifestyle, theytoo saw the cityasdangerous, filthy, and Nyugat generation agreed with thedescription. Although they had moved tocapital and wasit animmoraland unhealthy place. Less expectedly, many writers inthefirst connected to thecountryside. group ofwesternizing writers struggling torenew a national literary scene which was so urbanity andprovinciality, this section attempts tounravel theproblem of anurban nation, which writers were supposed to convey. Indiscussing the various opinions on creativecenters (such asNagyvarád) inturn represented theessence of theHungarian respect to those activities. Thecountrysidewhich surrounded Budapest and other urban activity--whether oneembraced orrejected Budapestreflected one’s attitude with relationship tothe larger community.city The ofintellectualwas alocus andcreative Hungarian nation concerned national literature’s function insociety,and theartist’s creativity within acountry. Thedebate over Budapestand its statuswithin the connection between cultureandpolitics, one maythe roleofartists turnto and places of was but implicit, important enoughto attract serious attention. In orderto draw a closer culture expressed theessence ofthenational community. Theconnection topolitics Chapter 2:Capital and Province,Art and Nation Gyáni, Unsurprisingly, traditionalconservatives heldthe capital indisdain,asserting that debateThe over language and literary merit mattered becauselanguage and Identity andtheUrban Experience: Fin-de-Siècle Budapest 90 Where thetraditionalists Where andNyugat writers diverge , 217. 45 CEU eTD Collection vice, healthhazards, and the spiritualdanger of materialism. distinguished What the 91 decency,” where goodpeoplewere exposed to manifold dangers. Budapest and the Urban Critique modernity. embodied his vision for aHungary which was rootedin its origins yetmovingtoward Ady’s identity as aman from East,a provincial yearning for civilizationWestern can elucidate the familiar label of“criticalpatriotism” given tothe early Hungariansociety. Inthis sense, anapplication ofthe idea of internalized Orientalism origins. Theuse of suchcritiques gave coherence tohis demands forwesternization of Ady usesOrientalist themes tocritiqueHungarian society, rather than praise its heroic art across thepoliticalspectrum, theAsiatic given origins oftheancient Magyars. But Depictions ofHungary and Hungarians as“eastern” was obviously a common tropeof Western Orientalist notions ofbackwardness and applied them hometo his country. Nyugat countryside revealed adeepdistrust ofmodernization. The attitude of the progressive Hungary. For thedownwardly mobile conservative gentry, preference for the provincial lifethatrevealedthe logic behindthe debateoncity andcountryside in Hungary, landowningaristocrats and provincial gentry--portrayed thecountryside asthe “real” European Civilization MariannaBirnbaum, “Budapest in theLiteraturethe of Fin-de-Siècle,” in The traditional view of the city was thatitwas a “spoiler of innocence and This section argues that,in fact,itwas thediffering attitudes aboutHungarian writers wasmore complicated. Endre Ady atleast seems tohave internalized Nyugat writers like Ady brutally criticized Hungarian provincial life. , ed.GyörgyRánki (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1989), 334. 91 These included These Nyugat Hungary and writers. In 46 CEU eTD Collection 94 93 University Press,2005), foran discussion ofthesein-depth changes. urban network. Thecoffee houses and pubsserved asnervecenters for the cultural carousing with Ady describes theway inwhich the exhibitions. Itwas inevery way anurbanphenomenon. GyulaKrúdy’a essayabout including artists, journalists, and political thinkers.They metcoffee in houses and held reaching the city topursue their artistic careers, theyformed network aloose ofgroups, impoverished noble family of Calvinist faithfrom Eastern Hungary (now Romania). Once from the countryside. Once again, Ady is paradigmatic, having come from an cultural coreofBudapest was made uplargely ofJews from the cityandHungarians metropolitan home theirart, in when theyhad so clearlydone sointheir lifestyles. The 92 purity. the setting for wholesome lifestyles, but this wholesomeness was associatedwithethnic The moralcritique of the city thustook on anethnic tinge:thecountryside was notonly occupations,class theystill associated capitalism and bourgeois lifestyles with Jews. commercial endeavors. thedownwardlyWhile mobile gentry had taken upmanymiddle foreignness, in largepartdue to the predominance ofJews finance in and other century lead tothe predominance of Hungarian. a largely German-speaking city, until nationalization the in course of the nineteenth that thetraditionalists emphasized the ethnic “otherness” ofthe city. Budapest had been traditionalists from modernists,the who seem to have largely agreedwith this view, is Gyáni, Feny SeeRobertNemes, 94 It iscurious that the Hungarian modernists would fail tofullyembrace their Ę , 24. Identity andtheUrban Experience: Fin-de-Siècle Budapest The Once and Future Budapest 92 ButBudapestretained itsimage of Nyugat (Chicago: Northern Illinois generation formed aloose , 212. 93 47 CEU eTD Collection 101 100 99 322. Thisschool included The Eight, which wasdiscussed thein previous chapter. ed. Thomas Bender and Carl E.Schorske (New York: Russell SageFoundation, 1994), 1932,” in 98 within which itself areconspicuouslyitself absent. fundamentally cosmopolitan orthe“literature ofBudapest,” actualdepictions ofthecity site ofvice, base greed,and anunhealthy place to live. Thosewho covered thecity in characterization liststhreecentral aspectsof theconservative urbancritique--that it a is said thatthe “‘city wasmade upofalcohol,gold, andepidemics.’” when shesaysthatin urban Nagybánya school. urban themes, whichmakes itsimilar to painting, which was dominated bythe anti- of interaction that made large cities like Budapest sites ofcreative fermentation. without patrons,who were generally educated, bourgeois city-dwellers addition to financialmatters--it simply is impossible tosustain anculturalenvironment 97 96 95 is, thecapital’s image conforms totheprovincial stereotype ofthe ‘wicked city.’” known encyclopediaeditor, has just elopedwith oneof that café’s habitueés.”lady scribbled on their shirt cuffs. News flashfrom from the CaféHelvetia: Dr.M., the well- scene. is, they largely Feny EvaForgács, “Avant-Garde andConservatism the Budapestin Art 1910-World: Feny Krúdy,96. Hanák, Birnbaum, 339. Birnbaum, 338. 95 And yet,most scholars agree that the Ę Ę “Journalists arearriving from nearby all-night cafés, withthe latest news , 121. , 40-52. Thischapter givesadetailed explanation ofthe “financialcontext” Budapest and NewYork: Studies inMetropolitan Transformation: 1870-1930, The Garden and the Workshop, Nyugat agreed operated. with theconservative view. One fin-de-siècle 98 While Feny While 99 Marianna Birnbaum sums up thescholarly consensus literature “Budapest rarelyis mentioned, andwhen it Ę claims thattheliterature of xix. fin-de-siècle Nyugat literature ofBudapest lacks writer, Akos Dutka, even 101 This Nyugat 97 --it --it was thiskind was 100 That 96 In 48 CEU eTD Collection the machineof reasondrew/ Upandnoone noticed how the sunblew/ Kissesofgoldat melancholy factory hooter blew,/ Atram creaked roundarusted metalbend:/ Daycame, indifferent to the magnificence of the sun, and the mysteries ofthenatural world: “A intoxicated.” “The streetstood amazed. Astarved acaciadrank/ Theprecious sunlight as if middle ofthepoem, heofferssome hopethat the rising sunwill bringlifeto the urbanity: associations of the Budapest dwarves.” the doors/ Oftenements sweeping atdusty floors/ Ofcobbled streets like grim suggests alarge,industrialmetropolis. Asthesunrises, “sleepy sub-caretakers crept by reflecting the realviews ofBudapest’s modern artists. “not modern enough.” the provincial country.” acknowledgingwhile an“awareness thatBudapest the bigcityis of a basically 106 1996) 604. ‘Miracle Stag’: ThePoetry ofHungary, views. Forexample, FerencMolnár’s 105 104 103 356-357. Thomas BenderandCarl E.Schorske (New York: Russell SageFoundation, 1994), Budapest and NewYork: Studies in Metropolitan Transformation: 1870-1930, 102 more depthgenerallycame from outside the Tóth,604. ÁrpádTóth,“Dawn onthe Boulevard,” trans. George Szirtes, in Birnbaum, 340. Forgács, 319. Miklós Lackó, “The Roleof Budapest Hungarian in Literature: 1890-1935” in Nyugat Árpád Tóth’s impressionistic“Dawn ontheBoulevard” provides some insight into 105 writers’ attitudes about cities. The city itselfisunidentified butthe imagery 106 Industrialdrudgery has dehumanized theinhabitants of thecity. Inthe But in the end, But in machinery of modern industrialcapitalism awakes, 102 Forthe avant-garde andsocialist Lajos Kassák, Budapestwas 103 Inconcluding, Birnbaum says thatinfact the positive fin-de-siècle The Boys ofPál Street ed. Adam Makkai (Chicago: Atlantis-Centaur, are all in factare allin retrospective andnostalgic, not Nyugat circle andhad more variegated 104 in a “warmly familiar” way, In Questof the ed. 49 CEU eTD Collection response toParis isthusrevelatory andtragic. fully athome his in home country but cannot fully behimself anywhereelse. His Secondly, the quote illustrates the dilemmathe modern of Hungarian artist, who isnot Hungariansociety, instead poetically illustrating theimpact ofParisonhissoul. extension ofhis ownpsyche--he does notanalyze thedifferences between Frenchand dealings withsetting and art.One that,is asalways, AdyexperiencesParisas an 108 107 from the east.” imagines aParisian girl talking about him, referring totheHungarians as “barbarians a passing shopgirl’s hand.” 110 109 Studies, 1898-1916, been--planted elsewhere.” able to catch sight of my soul.And beautiful itwas, andhow beautiful itmight have visitor. Tovisit Paris,capital the of Europe, is apersonalrevelation: “Through you Iwas love, canunderstand and feel inallyourmagnificence.” he feels thatthis statusenhances his emotionalconnection to Paris: “None but Ican displays a deepaffection forthecity--he always experiences as anoutsider,it andyet artists from Hungary were fully appreciative of the modern city’screative influence. Ady entity which hassevered man’s connection to the rhythms ofnature. conservative attackson thecity. But Tóth evokes the imagecity ofthe as an unnatural EndreAdy,“Letter From Paris,” in Tóth,604 Ady,“Letter From Paris,” 47. Ady,“Letter From Paris,” 46. Nonetheless, Endre Ady’swritings on Paris reveal thatat least somemodern 109 Heisthusan intruder, who must appreciate the city’s splendor asa trans. G.F. Cushing (Budapest: Corvinus Press,1977), 44. 110 107 Thestatement illustrates many common themes inAdy’s The tone The iscalm, andlacksthevociferousness of The Explosive Country:A Selection ofArticles and 108 Laterinthesame essay,he 50 CEU eTD Collection and Studies, 1898-1916, 111 literature. Hearguedthat essentializedWesterners the“Orient,” heremeaning the internalized critiquesWestern ofCentralEuropean society. terms. arecognizablyis This Orientalist analysis, andsuggeststhat Hungarians had both sides preferred toview the countryside asstatic and “behind” thecity temporalin the countryside reveals the behindlogic thedichotomy ofcity/province. Interestingly, supposedly represented the “true” essence oftheHungariannation. Thus, the view of and dangerous place; furthermore, theyboth set thecity against the countryside, which discourse. Itseems thatbothtraditionalists and modernists saw the city asadecadent The Countryside: Authenticity and Orientalism that causeshis disdain. Ady herereveals that noturbanityit is assuch, butBudapest’s relative backwardness European culture. It is rather thenegativefeelings forBudapest that arenoteworthy. evaluationat all, ashardly anyonewould have deniedParis its preeminence in Paris isthus portrayed assuperior in culturalterms toBudapest.This isnotasurprising dislike for their public statues: and hishome country.Inhis essay, “The Statue ofLife,”he discusses the public’s EndreAdy,“The Statue ofLife,” in Elsewhere, Adymakesmore explicit the civilizational differences between Paris The ideaofOrientalism comes from Edward Said,originally ascholar ofBritish Different views oftheHungarian countryside offer acounterpoint to the urban riches.single canhardlyfind aone athome.”We dozen Lots in theSodom and Gomorrah ofthe statuesthey have in their public statues. Nevertheless the fortunate Parisians can find ten or a “Paris andBudapest have one thing common:in theybothdetest their trans. G.F. Cushing (Budapest: Corvinus Press,1977), 51. The Explosive Country:ASelection ofArticles 111 51 CEU eTD Collection (June 2002): 768-773. 114 727. the Debate Between Nathaniel Knight and Adeeb Khalid,” 113 112 dominated modernity, every nation creates its own Orient.” Ottoman Orientalism. Makdisibegins his article bysaying that “an ageof in Western- Todorova’s discussion ofRussian Orientalism empires, adopted some aspectsofthe discourse. Notableexamples havebeen Maria theory toargue thatelites inlessmodern areas, especially intheEastern, multinational and their materialdomination ofthe region. Later, scholars further elaborated on the could definethemselves MiddleEast or Islamic world,asastatic, uncivilized “other” against which Europeans of the theWhile conservative view of thecountryside wasmore Romantic than Orientalist, that Orient, asite ofbarbarism which establishes the actor’scultural affinity with the West. manifests eitheras defensiveness or self-criticism, andthecreation ofan internal Orientalisms adual thusdisplay orientation: insecuritywithrespect to the which West, both totheirown subjects andtotheirEuropean economicmilitary and rivals. Eastern political elitescreated anOrient outoftheir own Arabperipheryto legitimizetheir rule, “east-versus-west” debateintheHungarian nationaland literary discourses. modernity. This is themost important waywhich in theymodified the alreadyexisting Nyugat thought that anational artshouldreflect folkish tradition and ethnic authenticity, the turn in reveals theartistic implications oftheurban/ruraldebate--while conservatives UssamaMakdisi, “Ottoman Orientalism,” MariaTodorova, “Does Russian Orientalism Have aRussian Soul?A Contribution to Edward Said, Nyugat writers thought that artists shouldact as avanguard, leadingthe nation into writers (especially Ady) displayed the same kind of logic and critique. This Orientalism 112 . This would. This justify both their feelings ofcultural superiority (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), 5. American Historical Review 113 , andUssama essay Makdisi’s on Kritika 114 Hearguesthat Ottoman 1,no.4(2000): 717- 107,no.3 52 CEU eTD Collection Romantic poetrycelebrating Hungarian country life. gentry, this meant anembrace offolklorism in art--whether thatmeant gypsy music or informed views their ontheproper androle characteristics of art. Forthe threatened classcertain of people understood theworldand theirplace in it; andthisturn the anxieties and stresses associated with modernization deeply affected the way a side ofthedebate which canbebetter explained usinga“Schorskean” analysis. That is, and economicstatus in thecourse of thecentury. Inthissense, it isthetraditionalist elements. 118 117 116 115 authenticity. themselvesthe onlylegitimate as representatives ofthe“folk,” orasbearers ofethnic As Frigyesinotes, the gentry in the later nineteenth century took toportraying countryside asaRomantic refuge from the socialandpoliticalthreats of modernization. thus betreated partially asacultural construct. The constantportrayalof Hungary asatotally conservative, semi-feudal society should the European spectrum termsin ofagricultural employment, evenrating “above” Italy. agrarian and backward, however; Molnár points outthat Hungary was inthemiddle of his bookthat 1910in 69%ofthose employed worked agriculture. in society was much stillvery the agrarian yearsbeforein Le I. Ridernotes World War in Frigyesi, 53.Sheemphasizes thatthe focus was onsuperficialethnographic 53. Frigyesi, Molnár, 218. LeRider,19. In spiteof Budapest’s impressive growth afteranimperial metropole, Hungarian Conservatives andtraditionalists embraced the image oftheunchanging 117 Thiswas aresponse tothe above-mentioned devaluation of the social 118 115 Itwasstillnotso 116 53 CEU eTD Collection 169. Articles andStudies, 1898-1916, 119 wanderings in theEastsomething oftheTurkish ‘kief,’ which worseis thantheSlavic and more sluggishthan the Slav, and has stillit managed toretainfrom its erstwhile Hungarian national character istelling: “TheHungarian psyche sloweris on the uptake certainly notanunusualpractice intheearly twentieth century, but his description of the subjugation ofthemasses. usuallyit is clearthathe blames Hungary’slack ofsophistication onthepolitical discourses.) Healso often laments theprimitiveness ofHungarian sensibilities, although “behind” the in temporalterms--theseWest characteristics are essential of Orientalist conservative, theterm of is out place and serves toportrayHungary asboth static and term is totally anachronistic. Although structures ofpower were largely traditional and politicalsituation thepre-WWI Hungarian in countryside as“feudal,” eventhough that provincial life.(It is noteworthy that even todaymany scholarsdescribe the socio- with denunciations ofthe aristocratic andclerical structures that dominate Hungarian accumulation of self-respect the in wholewide world.” sprinkled with gentry, as mixed astheycouldpossiblybe,he hasseenthe biggest and the peasantry: “If anyone hasever seen a tipsy Hungarian crowd ofpeasants takes an it as opportunity tonote the uncritical nationalism of boththeprovincial gentry marks theoccasionofan election;while itis a time ofextraordinary social mixing, he criticisms ofHungary’sbackwardness. Inone essay, hedescribes afestivalwhich EndreAdy,“The Hungarian Pimodan,” in For Endre Ady,the countryside was asiteofbarbarism and atargetfor his Elsewhere, Adyengagessome in reductive nationalist description; this was trans. G.F.Cushing (Budapest: Corvinus Press, 1977), The Explosive Country: A Selection of 119 Ady’s political writings abound 54 CEU eTD Collection 121 202. Articles andStudies, 1898-1916, 122 Stag’: ThePoetry ofHungary, 120 and inmallow.” ugliness andstillness. “Silence. Iam dragged down androofed/ andlulledburdock in ‘kief.’” modernizing, progressive ideal ofthe passivity and temporal distinction, which creates acoherent counterpoint to the obstacleto the poet. The image ofasociety as a“fallow” fieldhighlights Ady’s useof flowers here?” stifling in passivity. Heasks,“Hey,its skyward gropingseedyweeds,/ arethereno essentially describes theHungarian countryside asadusty,sleepy backwater, whichis Hungariansociety. portrayed his owncountry asOriental inorder to justify hisgoalof “Occidentalizing” represented aproject ofembracing ModernityWestern arts andpolitics. in Adythus And the ofHungariansidea as an “eastern” nation was certainly notnew. Orientalism, butrathersetsup the dichotomyorder togive in his criticisms coherence. heritage. He strugglingis not tojustify political rule, aswas thecase withOttoman radical intheircriticisms. Kaffka,for Margit example, wrote anoveltitled the landitself. Here the “Asiatic” imagery from Ady isabsent,and thewriters arefar less of Hungarian provincial life,focusing onthecharacteristics ofsmalltowns, ratherthan EndreAdy,“The Magyar Fallow,” trans. Anton N.Nyerges, in Ady,“The Magyar Fallow,” 482. EndreAdy,“SpiritualElephantiasis,” in 120 His poem, Magyar “The Fallow,”gives artistic expression tohis ruralcritique. He Novels written bymembers ofthe Adythus Orientalizes the Hungarians, by associating them with theOttoman 121 122 Naturehas lost its allureand creative potential;here thereisonly Theland,supposedlywellspring the for nationalart, is in fact an ed. Adam Makkai (Chicago:Atlantis-Centaur, 1996), 482. trans. G.F.Cushing (Budapest: Corvinus Press, 1977), Nyugat Nyugat The Explosive Country: A Selection of writers. generation also contain some critiques In Quest ofthe ‘Miracle Colours and Nyugat 55 CEU eTD Collection 125 124 1999), 48. dropping andstatus-comparison reminiscent of 123 pretentiousness at points. Kaffka’s styleis fully from the twentieth century), andKaffka subtly mocks gentry prepared to fight a forduel herhonor. the onlything keeping thejudgments the unvoiced is presence of several male relatives toaball.She it enjoys herselfbutknows thatobservers think she isbeingprovocative-- episode, she receives aglamorous dressfrom Pest, which is itselfan event, and wears provincial life,especially onayoung woman. Butthecritique mostlyis gentle.Inone written from of view)her point matures, sheis stifled bythesocial limitations of age story,andthere isaconstant sensethat as theyoungsubject ofthenovel (it is provincial town, presumably basedonher own experiences. The novel is a coming-of- Years particular reason: Sárszeg, thesetting of thenovel, gathers for the arrival ofatrain from Budapest, forno sophistication. Forexample,there isanepisode where alarge groupofindividualsfrom critiques of provincial lives,especially theirpretenses at achieving cosmopolitan Dezs Kaffka,42. Margit Kaffka, Margit which focused onthe lives ofafew generations of women a small living in themselves the alluring in glamour ofmetropolitan life.” observe the passengers and,for afew short moments, toimmerse whether theywere expecting someone ornot.Theysimply came to “Meeting this trainwas afavourite pastime oftheSárszeg intelligentsia, Kosztolányi’s Ę Kosztolányi, Colours andYears, Skylark, Skylark, 124 published 1924in butset in1899, contains similar trans. Richard Aczel (Budapest: CEU Press, 1996), 188. trans. George F.Cushing (Budapest: Corvina, 123 Thenovelisfilled withthe kind ofname- Pride andPrejudice 125 (though ofcourse 56 CEU eTD Collection Hungarian positionthat was bothanattemptthe toresolve ambivalence of identity in qualities. 180 (Winter 2005):76-77. which facedthe employs familiarly Orientalist themes. Inother words, heembodied the identity crisis subversion oftraditionalHungary-as-Asiatic tropes,suggests animplicit critique which simplistic dichotomies. Nonetheless, his obvious love forParis, coupled withhis society within adiscourse of Hungary’s “eastern” backwardness. Hedoes not draw any Endre Ady’s attitude especially indicates an attempt criticism toembed his of Hungarian respect to non-urban Hungarian society suggests aperspective of urbansuperiority. new as identitydenizens ofBudapest, atleast intheir literature, but their attitude with reflection of thewriters’ provincialbackgrounds. Theymay nothavefully embraced their towns--though the criticism was oftenmild or even affectionate, which is perhapsa social, political, andcultural environment oftheHungarian countrysideand provincial 127 excitement ofthemetropole. may enough places bepleasant to live, they are incapable ofproviding theculture and attacks onprovincial lifeinHungary. the towns While in 126 expression seemed tosuggest.” peers outofher window during the short stop: “What agodforsaken hole, her Their pretense isquickly deflated by the look on ametropolitan passenger’s face asshe GáborGyáni,“Budapest Beyond Goodand Evil” Kosztolányi, The sophisticated, urban writers of the 127 Hefurthermore the embodied westward-moving, yeteastern-rooted Skylark Nyugat , 189. writers, who were bothproud and ashamed ofthecity’s 126 Initshumor, the episode mirrors Kaffka’s gentle Nyugat The Hungarian Quarterly movement thushadcriticisms for Skylark and Colours andYears 46, no. 57 CEU eTD Collection 129 128 “problems which themore fortunatewest haslongsolved.” thein frontrank ofthissacred andcurious revolution,” whose goal is tosolvethe and placing it inaneastern context, heasserts that“Literature naturally takes its stand This is evidentin “SpiritualElephantiasis;” after condemningthe Hungarian “psyche” fin-de-siècle chapter. progressive politicalmovement, anditsnationalist context, isthesubject ofthe next within the nation asprogressive socialcritics. participationTheir the in wider That is,theirrole asurban aesthetic innovatorsthe in nationalcapital justified theirrole sophistication was afactor intheir self-justification asprophets of progressive politics. Ady,“Spiritual Elephantiasis,” 202-203. Gluck, “The Modernist asPrimitive,” 156. Budapest,and a justification fortheir leading role inpolitics andculture. 129 The Nyugat writers’ urban 128 58 CEU eTD Collection Social Democrats. the post-War revolutionary period, along with Károlyi’s NationalCommittee and the 130 engagement ofthe discusses thequestion ofthe nationalcommunity as such.Ofcourse, thepolitical the relationshipbetween centersofcreativity and thewider nation, this finalsection Chapter National 3:The Community and Progressivism detailed withthe sources athand. Suffice itto say that these sometimes overlapping relationships with one another which werecomplex, andcannotbecomprehensively Freud andleader groupof a ofpsychoanalysts. Thesegroupsvariegated had of like-minded thinkers. Finally, therewas thefigure ofSándor Ferenczi,discipleof was notyetaMarxist butrather aradical cultural critic, and leader oftheSunday Circle became oneofthemost famous Marxist of philosophers thecentury--in this period, he important figurehere. Another participant of interest Györgyis Lukács, who later Jászi, asociologist who became leaderofthe BourgeoisRadical Party groups ofscholars andscientists analyzing society from standpoint.a critical Oszkár There was aprogressive politicalsegment ofBudapest’s intellectualboom withas well, Nyugat convey amuchmore progressive vision ofthe nation than that of traditional elites. specifically with their attempts todefine the Hungarian nation; theirwritings onthetopic the status quo, which made them enemies ofthe establishment. Thissection deals thepartyWhile wasminiscule, wasit apartof theruling coalition inthefirst stage of Having already discussed thedebate over the qualities ofnational literature, and This topicofdiscussion requires theinclusion of some newcharacters.The writers were partofawider cultural scene, aswas shown the in first chapter. Nyugat writers has already been demonstrated--they were critics of 130 , is the most, is 59 CEU eTD Collection for ajournal entitled from an urban,secularized Jewish background. Hiscolleagues were similar. Heworked the cultural andpoliticalattitude ofthe young writers from the provinces,he himself was 131 firstJászi readAdy’spoetry,said, he “This is our poet, lads!” be considered as a separate phenomenon from the First Oszkár Jászi: Radical Social Scientist already underway inother parts of Europe. were onepart of anintellectualgeneration which pressed for democratization, aprocess attribute ownership ofnationalqualities tothe masses yearningforemancipation. They ambivalent; theywere engaged in adirect contest todefine thenation, andattempted to political goals coherence andforce.Here, the attitude of the writers used thenational discourse and symbolism orderin togive theirprogressive writers arediscussed. Ishall demonstrate thatbothradicalsociologists and modernist challenges Hungarian conservative nationalism. Laterthe to thenationalconsolidation oftheDualist period, andfinally describes some ofthe development ofthenational community, from the through theeyes ofJászi, themost incisive socialcritic ofthe period. Itinspects the especially as related toit conceptions of the nationalcommunity. progressive Budapest. Thischapter attempts tooutline some oftheirpolitical positions, groups, alongthe with IgnácRomsics, There canbe no doubt that Jászi and his circle offellow sociologists should not This chapter shallfirst providea short history of theHungarian national idea, Hungary in theTwentieth Century Huszadik Század Nyugat writers, defined the intellectualenvironment of (TwentiethCentury) with other socialscientists. natio hungaricum (Budapest: Corvina, 1999) 73. Nyugat Nyugat Nyugat 131 While he identified with Generation. When group and other ofthe generation was less ancien regime 60 CEU eTD Collection America, andthe intellectual-culturalflorescence ofthe Habsburg Monarchy shall behis post-mortem of theAustro-Hungarian Empire, titled elements--a tactic alsopresent in the period’s literature. Themain text underdiscussion critiquehis of Hungarian society, and his use of thenationaldiscourse’s emancipatory century. Hungarians, who saw stagnationonly and noprogress theirin country atthe turn ofthe democratization, anattitude which reveals the deep pessimism of progressive Vámbéry’s point was thattheHungarian political regimewould reject anyattempt at again anOriental comparison is employed, although the significance is ambiguous here. Policies inHungary like tryingis toopenapork butcher’sshop Mecca.’” in said toJászi,“‘Young fellow, thiscome will tonogood.Proclaiming SocialWestern projectsupposedly in infertile Hungarian soil. An oldersocial scientist, Ermine Vámbéry establishment conservatives, anddoubts about theviability of their thoroughly Western writers. They struggled with anuninterested public, strident opposition from of urban intellectuals, halfof them Jewish. represented an even smaller portion ofHungarian society--they were avery small group CEU Press,2006), 19. 133 132 just asthe As thetitle suggests, theystrove to bring Hungariansociety progressiveinto modernity, GyörgyLitván, Molnár, 239. A lengthyanalysis of Jászi’s social andhistoricalthought reveals the logic behind The Nyugat Huszadik Század writers westernizedHungarian literature.followers, Their however, A Twentieth-Century Prophet: Oscar Jaszi, 1875-1957 . Itwas written in the twenties, whenwas Jászi already exilein in scientists scientists thus faced the same as challenges the 132 fin-de-siècle The Dissolution ofthe hadgonetheway (Budapest: 133 Once Nyugat 61 CEU eTD Collection 134 redefined byindependence and theloss of territory duetothe Treatyof Trianon. political situation was farmore conservative, andthenationalist discourse had been reconstructionof intellectual activity undertaken duringtheperiod question. in The of themulti-nationalEmpire. Thus, the present discussion should not be seen as a those ofErnest Gellner: criticizes Hungarian nationalist claims ofantiquity and continuity intermsmirror that which prefigures contemporary understandings oftheregion’s history. For example, he variety ofmodernizing projects, from democratizing liberalism to revolutionary socialism. exemplifies thepoliticalassertions of radical-progressive view of thehistory Hungarian national idea. This conception his intellectualdevelopment thantheperiod in question. Thus,thissection provides a democratizing liberalism, asrefracted through a nationalprism,at a albeit later pointin Nonetheless, the texta wonderful is resource inthat it illustrates Jászi’s position of an exile, Jásziwas notparticipating inaHungarian intellectualenvironment. 135 toled analliance withthe NationalSocialists of Germany the in name ofrevanchism. nation-states with largeHungarianminorities in theirborders. Thesituation eventually country with significant minorities, Hungarian politicians now had severalneighboring Regarding the last point, Hungary’s positionwas totally changed; rather than ruling a “regressionof intellectual activities,” and changes inforeign policy inthesepages. details conservative consolidation of power throughelectoralmanipulation, the Peter F.Sugar Mária Ormos, “TheEarly Interwar Years, 1921-1938,” in Jászi, other CentralEuropean peoples.” until theend ofthe eighteenth century as completely as from the history of economic andadministrative unity, was absent from Hungarian history unification of the masses akininlanguage andculture andtoward “there canbe no doubt that themodern national idea,the effort toward the Though thebook now80yearsis old,Jászi attimes providesstriking insight The Dissolution oftheHabsburg Monarchy, (Bloomington, IN:Indiana University Press, 1990), 323-329. Ormos fin-de-siècle 135 progressives, who supported a 298. A History ofHungary 134 , ed. As 62 CEU eTD Collection government. Headdresses the failure oftherevolution this in text. independent state, had been sympathetic tosocialism, which causedJászito leave the led by aBolshevik, BélaKun. Mihály Károlyi, theprovisionalPresident of the newly served during the post-war revolution was replaced byaCommunist-Socialist coalition, personal reasons to denounce Marxism--the progressive governmentwhich in he 2, No.2(December 274.In 1923): addition to his intellectualattitude, Jászi had 139 138 137 136 country of elevenmillion individuals. participants in thepoliticalprocess. the nobles, who traditional held rights (such as tax exemptions) and were theonly concept which described thoseHungarians who heldconstitutional rights. These were history. Before 1848, theHungarian nation, or embeddingself-interest in alegitimatingdiscourse. less todowith reconciling ethno-culturaland political realities, and moredo with to specific groups as atactic ofpolitical assertion; thatis,nationalism movements have construction. Moreover, heunderstands that nationalist projects areoften used by He isaware, in other words, thatnationalism a relativelyis novel intellectual creed,” surely a grave cominginsult from a socialscientist. To besure,he was notamaterialist historian; he oncecalled Marxism a “Messianic tongue.” interests ofthe nobility... or asahatred ofthe serfs, especially those ofaforeign surroundings the national couldmanifest idea itself atbest as asolidaritywiththe modern Transylvania, almostconflict all setMagyar and Romanianpeasants against OscarJászi, “Dismembered Hungary andPeace inCentralEurope,” Jászi, Jászi, Jászi, Perhaps Jászihad accessto this insight because oftheparticulars ofHungarian 138 The Dissolution oftheHabsburg Monarchy, The Dissolution oftheHabsburg Monarchy, The Dissolution oftheHabsburg Monarchy, Hefocusesonclass-based conflict andsolidarity in order toprove his point. 136 137 AsJaszinotes, this was agroupof136,000 a in Hecontinuestosaythat “insuchsocial Natio Hungaricum 299. 299. 298. 139 Henotesthatin early , was apolitical Foreign Affairs 63 CEU eTD Collection 144 143 142 subjectsthesis. of this 141 140 Generation, nineteenth century. Despite thebest efforts ofCount IstvánSzéchenyiand the Reform and vertical antipathy, these social andpoliticalfault linespersevered into the the Dózsarebellion of1514 had instilled such a strongsenseof horizontalallegiance Hungarian nobles, Székely smallnobles, andSaxon town-dwellers. differentiated little among thosewho were to hisright onthe politicalspectrum. and chauvinism withrespect to the national minorities--in least intheview ofJászi,who interest of the narrow political elite,which was expressed asanti-Austrian fulminations chapter. The dominant conception ofthenationalcommunity was bytheself- defined gentry. withthe subsequent politicalgeneration, which was dominatedby Kálmán Tisza andthe explanation forthe widespread non-compliance withthe law squarely places the blame masses inanotherdirection.” resisting Habsburg power and“diverting theeconomicand social dissatisfactionof the newly-formed HungarianParliament passeda nationalities lawin1868. asatoolidea which can serve certain social interests. extensive bibliography and usestables and statistics frequently--he views thenational the style ispolemical, andthetext containsfew footnotes, although heincludes an Jászi, Jászi, Jászi, Theterm “Second Reform Generation” issometimesreference usedin to the Jászi, Later, Jászi discusses nationalism the Dualistin era.As mentioned earlier, the 144 The political tendencies ofthis regime havealready been discussed in thefirst The Dissolution oftheHabsburg Monarchy, The Dissolution oftheHabsburg Monarchy, The Dissolution oftheHabsburg Monarchy, The Dissolution oftheHabsburg Monarchy, 141 Hungarian nationalism was usedbythenobility for two purposes, 142 Regardless of the validity of his historical assertions-- 318. 315. 302. 300. 140 In part because Inpart 143 His 64 CEU eTD Collection from centralizing stateswith guaranteesof culturalrights forthe newly-created regarding an improvement ofthepost-war situation, helinks the freedom of individuals politicalconsciousness and bringabout social progress. Inhis finalsuggestions should havebeenaccepted. was nonethelessaware thattheminority nationalities’ demands forcollective rights 147 Quarterly the fall oftheempire. rigidity ofthe Dualist system for theexacerbation ofnational conflicts, and eventually system. “pentarchy” consisting ofthe“historical nations” asanalternative tothe Dualist Monarchy, the Failure ofDualism andthe Danubian United States. 146 145 multi-national empire. for thenationalities while maintaining the economicmilitary security and ofthe large “federation ofautonomous Danubianstates,” which would haveensured culturalrights multi-nationalstate or “superstate.” Specifically, Jászisupported the ofa idea maximum of cultural-linguistic autonomywithin aeconomically andmilitarily coherent Mihály Károlyi. His solution was similar tothat of RennerandBauer inthat calledit fora elevation totheposition ofnationalitiesminister inthe1918 revolutionary government of Democrats KarlRenner andOttoBauer.) This was evidenced by his briefand futile alternative tothe establishment stance.(HisAustrian counterparts were theSocial Jászi, NándorDreisziger, “Oscar Jászi:Prophet and Danubian Federalist,” LeeCongdon, 177. This isbecausethe national idea was acommunalidentitywhich could raise Jászi’s solution tothe national problem was themost prominent progressive 146 The Dissolution oftheHabsburg Monarchy, 47, no.181 (Spring 2006). Thebookitself isnottranslated. Towards theendofhis bookon the dissolution ofthe Empire, heblames the 147 145 Inspiteof his skepticism regarding the ofidea nationalism, he Hepublished thisplan ina1918book, 451. The Future of theThe Future of He calledfora Hungarian 65 CEU eTD Collection cultural sphereshould beacknowledged here. Jászi, so therelatively Jewishcharacter ofthe progressive intelligentsia outside ofthe Ferenczi’s psychoanalysts. Both leading figures were from backgrounds, Jewish as was early twentieth century, György Lukács’ Sunday Circle ofradical aesthetes and Sándor Other Progressive Circles in Fin-de-Siécle Budapest consciousness of astate community.” proved totheworldthat it ispossible toreplace theconsciousness of national unity by a Habsburgs wouldhave surpassed the narrow limits ofthenation state and would have directed at thesupranationalstate, for inthebeginning ofthebook hewishes that “the issues. And itseems thathewouldhavepreferred forthecitizens’ main loyaltyto be should behandledcollectively, on a large scale andwithout reference tonational hismind,in shouldbe small. Theeconomy andmilitary affairs, on theother hand, chauvinistic toward the nationalities. The scale ofacommunity ofpoliticalparticipation, bureaucratic state,which intheHungariancase hadbeen socially elitist and rights and collective culturalrights would be protected from the power ofthe however, Budapestapparently was closertothe Viennese case. bourgeois character ofViennese modernity. In other areas of intellectualactivity, strata” were soimportant toBudapest’s culturalscene, contrast in to theJewish, 150 149 148 became progressive. aradical Lukácstried, and failed, toextricate himself from the the threefigures typify the responses available tomodernity. Asdetailedabove, Jászi minorities. Hanák, Jászi, Jászi, There were two otherimportant intellectual groups operating Budapest in in the The Dissolution oftheHabsburg Monarchy, The Dissolution oftheHabsburg Monarchy, 148 The Garden and the Workshop, His His idea was tomaximizecontrol local ofgovernment--thus individualcivil 149 173. here marvels that“traditional social 150 While theyengaged indisparate fields, 3. 455. 66 CEU eTD Collection truthfulness, andsimplicity, afterwhat theyperceived astheexcessively negative aestheticism,”matched which hiscolleagues’ “longings forunity, affirmation, inner he experienced in 1910-11, “after whichhedefinitively rejected Impressionism and siècle early career, putting his aesthetic thoughtthe in socialandculturalcontext of periodhas been translated. However, a number ofsecondary sources dealwith his as aMarxist philosopher overshadows pre-War his intellectualproduction, little from the withthe leading members of either attack onGauguin”the in examplehe recalls being“close friends” with the painter Czigány, andpublished “an Livingstone (London: Verso, 1983) 41. 152 the group. 151 war. led the“Sunday Circle” ofradical aesthetes, until thegroup fragmented during the here. Before hisconversion to Marxism after World I,hewasWar aculturalcritic who rather ambivalent. demonstrated, however, their attitudes towards a liberal project ofdemocratization were on thenational community, theyboth asserted progressive political positions. As will be political issues. thesources availableWhile do notindicate muchtheir about thoughts which entailedthe discovery ofthe “psychologicalman” andthe internalizationof politicalsphere. Ferencziengaged inthequintessential intellectualendeavor ofhistime, GeorgLukács, SeeGluck, 151 Budapest. Gluck describes Lukács’central breakthrough astheresult ofacrisis Hewasmuch very apartofthe cultural scene Budapestin atthe time--for György Lukácshad a longandstoried career, which cannotbesummarized Georg Lukács andHis Generation, 1900-1919 Record ofaLife: AnAutobiographical Sketch, Huszadik Század, Huszadik Század although hehad “no personal relationships or Nyugat.” fora detailed narrative of 152 trans. Rodney Becausehis career fin-de- 67 CEU eTD Collection Blackwell, 1991), 64. 157 156 155 154 however, forced it him out ofanambivalent withdrawalfrom politics. Gyani quotesJúlia intellectualproject withthat Ady’s poetry, just asJászidid. In the case of Lukács, assaults inquisitive concerning things Western.” gave intellectual andconceptual rigor toAdy’s lyrical assaults on an‘Asiatic’ nation, biographer sumstwo upthe thinkers’ intellectual relationship bysaying that“Lukács participation inthepolitically engagedsector ofHungarian literature. Lukács’s embodiedthe cultural situation Hungary, in and furthermore implied some senseof withwhich heviewed thepoet implied anunderstanding thatAdy in some sense 153 Goethe’s Philine: ‘And I if love you, what concernisthat of yours?’” was notdisappointed, saying, “My lifelong attitude to important men hasbeenthatof failing toconverse withthe poet ashe was surroundedbyfriends. But asserts that he before his death. Herecalls being taken to meet AdybyCzigány at arestaurant, but which was composed from taped interviews in the latesixties and early seventies, just of politicalengagement. Hisesteem for themanis still evident inhis “autobiography,” liberalism. suggest adeepambivalence abouttheextent oftheir “secession” from society and liberalism fathers.of their Lukács’ group Schorskeanin terms, asarebellion ofpost-liberalsons against the cerebral, and individualistictemper the late ofnineteenth century.” ArpadKadarkay, Lukács,40. Gyáni, Gluck, Gluck, It was Lukács’admiration for thepoetry of Ady thatbestshowed his tendencies Georg Lukács and His Generation, Georg Lukács and His Generation, 155 Identity andtheUrban Experience, Georg Lukács: Life, Thought, andPolitics 154 Gyánidisagrees, arguing that the available sources 76-105. 5. 219-220. 157 Lukácsthus associated his (Cambridge, MA: (Cambridge, Basil 153 156 Shedescribes The reverence The 68 CEU eTD Collection 159 158 be notedbeforehand that he was offeredaprofessorship bytheSoviet government in occasionally turnstopolitics. administrative tasksoforganizing psychoanalytic societies,but the conversation Most ofitconcerns theoretical questions about theirburgeoning field, aswell asthe University Press, and fills three volumes, thefirst ofwhich covers the period 1908-1914. attests tothat fact. Thecorrespondence has been translated and published byHarvard to Freud. The correspondence between the two, which spans a period of25years, primary figure in agroup of Hungarian psychoanalysts, and a close disciple andfriend This simplification,is a as he played a farmore important rolethan that--he wasthe time, andsaysthat he “introduced many ofFreud’s ideasto theHungarian public.” example,Frigyesimentions him alongwithin other important Jewish intellectuals ofthe Budapest, and usuallyis discussed inthecontext ofJewish Budapest modernity. For his life in various forms, from aesthetic withdrawalto revolutionary Marxism. which caused hisdisgust for bourgeois society, which would manifest itself throughout Ady thuswasto able reconcile inLukács thefragmented andcontradictory impulses the politically liberalor progressive world of Bendl at length toshow how Ady’s poetrycaused Lukácsto atleast partially engage in Frigyesi, 81. Frigyesi, Gyáni, outside this world.’” ‘liberal’ wasadirtyword. Yet,hecould not, nor didhewant to remain exceptionhe made was also Ady.Itshould be noted that for Lukács to him was threadbare, provincial, gentrified andliberal. The only “‘In anumber ofways heprofoundly despised thisworldwhich according One letterinparticular illustrates Ferenczi’s ambivalent progressivism. Itshould Sándor Ferenczifeatures less prominently inthe literature on Identity andtheUrban Experience: Fin-de-Siècle Budapest, 158 fin-de-siècle Budapest: fin-de-siècle 220. 159 69 CEU eTD Collection intellectual elite ofhumanity thought becomesanti-authority an rebellion. the field areextended to asocial level, and the generational conflict centralto Freudian seemsFerenczi tobepsychoanalyzing society. Thetransgressive spaces opened upby “I donotthink the orientations. common good.Ofcourse, their different scientific fields lead to divergent political just sociopolitical order solves theconflict inliberalism betweenrights individual and the and morality shouldbere-calibrated to reflect scientific progress, and furthermore thata in turn. 162 1993), 130.Emphasisoriginal. in Volume I,1908-1914, 161 1990), 305. A History of Hungary, 160 1919, sosurely hehadaprogressive reputation. science science of psychoanalysis: Ferenczi speculates on the possibilities offered byasociety informed bythenew InSchorske’sanalysis, political conflicts are internalized. Here, theyare externalized SándorFerenczi, TiborHajdú andZsuzsa L. Nagy, “Revolution, Counterrevolution, Consolidation,” in ensue.” reconciliation ofindividual interests withthe common goodwould costly, andineveryrespectmorepurposeful,economical less The extentoftheirdivergence isrevealed later intheletter,when Ferenczisays, would gotothedevil--what is teacher, neighbor, andeven the king. Allfabricated, imposed authority think what itwould mean one if unimagined possibilities for social andpolitical lifeareopened up. Just “Once society has gone beyond the infantile, then hitherto completely 161 ȥĮ The Correspondence ofSigmund Freud and Sándor Ferenczi: ed. Peter F. Sugar (Bloomington, IN:Indiana University Press, trans. PeterT. Hoffer (Cambridge: Harvard UniversityPress, [psychoanalytic] worldview todemocraticleads egalitarianism; the shouldmaintain its hegemony; Ibelieve Plato desired rightful could tell everyone thetruth 162 wouldremain natural... amore Like Jászi, Ferencziargues that society 160 Intheletter,from February 1910, , one’s father, 70 CEU eTD Collection had been exploited bythe the national idea around thesuppressed masses, andespecially the peasantry, which consistent theirin denial ofthegentry’s claimsof ownership ofnationalism, reorienting homelandstanding the wayin ofenergetic Western progress. Nonetheless, theyare sense ofambivalence, withthe “Eastern” qualities of theHungarian people andtheir Hungarianness expressed itself asayearning for freedom and justice. Againthere isa emancipatory elements ofnationalist discourse, constructing anarrative inwhich they didso through anationalist prism. LikeOszkár Jászi, they attempted tocapture the typical ofthesymbolists they admired. But when theydid approach politics in their art, progressive. To be sure, much ofit dealtwiththe kindof psychological self-exploration 163 something similar.” Nationalism and Progressivism in Nyugat Poetry the national community inthename ofdemocratization ofsociety. thus offers acounterpoint tothose Budapest progressives whomarshaled the idea of background, and theinternationalcharacter ofthepsychoanalytic movement. Ferenczi the national issue doesnot arise--perhaps it isunderstandable, given Ferenczi’s merely apparentthat his ideaofamore just societywas notanegalitarian one. Also, Whether hispositionwas directresultof hisscientific research isalsounclear; it is some semblance ofliberal elitism, orhehassomethingaltogether new mind.in hard toascertain specifically whathemeans byit.Apparently, hehas either retained Ferenczi, 130.Emphasis inoriginal. The portion of 163 Nyugat asurprisingis This sentiment, andbecause it fragmentaryis is it Natio Hungaricum poetry whichalluded to political issueswas oftenexplicitly throughout history. 71 CEU eTD Collection nationalist, anti-semitic counter-revolutionary government was established which would experiment collapsed intheface ofan invading Romanianarmy. Finally aconservative- and theSocialist Party, an even shorter-lived “Soviet” government tookover.This expectations, however. Afterashortcoalition ofKárolyi’s progressives, Jászi’s radicals, result ofthesocial andpoliticalupheavals would notfulfillthe soon come toanend. to theravagesof war. Theyare reduced to“lazy warlords” whose tenuousstatus will agenda. The old elites, onceowners ofthenational idea,have theirlost legitimacy due unites atraditional “blood andsoil” national ideawitha radically progressive political literature) catching fire, andtransforming docile plowshares intoretributive swords, swords?” tired ofit hundred lazywarlords/ The Magyar summer plows astormwithwarped beit like whenhaystacks’ the mire/ catch Will a spark,putting theworld onfire?/ When revolutionary potential, hewrote, “InEastern laze theMagyar summer will dozes./ What Employing familiar imagery ofOrientallaziness, butwithan added element of poem onspeculating thecomingfury of the Hungarian nation against itsoppressors. 1918, with thepolitical, social, military and situation verging onchaos, Juhász wrote a the workers’ movementstrength gained due to aradicalization ofHungarian society. In towards socialism hispolitics.in 1996), 555. ‘Miracle Stag’: ThePoetry ofHungary 165 164 GyulaJuhász, “Hungarian Summer [1918],”trans. Adam Makkai, in Makkai, 553. The time forrevolution would come the fall in of1918, at theendof the war. The Gyula Juhászwas among themore explicitly progressive 165 Themetaphor of a sleepy agrariancountryside (common Hungarian in 164 Thiswas allthe more during evident thewar, when , ed. Adam Makkai (Chicago: Atlantis-Centaur, Nyugat Nyugat writers’ In Quest ofthe poets, tending 72 CEU eTD Collection however, called is “The Revolutionary.” He reserves specialscorn for this type, calling Kosztolányi ridicules them enough toprovethat heisnoconservative.The last, satires ofcertainsocial types--the first two areaboutupper-class figures, and capabilities forwordplay. Healso haddoubts about politics. He wrote agroupofthree Atlantis-Centaur, 1996) 581. in the ‘Miracle Stag’: ThePoetryofHungary, words likemilk or bread.” one poem, heshrugs,“Iam Magyar, because I write Magyar/ in and muse onMagyar 168 167 1996), 557. 166 as a and politics, Kosztolányi beingthe most prominent example. Heevendescribed himself and nowJuhászno longer feels asenseof belonging. poet. The project oflinking nationalcharacter to politicalemancipation was anillusion, failureThe ofprogressive politics Hungaryin becomes identitycrisis apersonal forthe ‘Ancient Gypsy’...” He laments that“within myhomeland, I’vebecome astranger.” poetry. Juhász’s dejection atthe situation was evident a in poem called “Onefor the was totallychanged, which conditioned the artistic possibilities open to Hungarian they denied CarlIV his throne. As mentioned above, the politicaland social situation establish order. They even called thenewly independent Hungary akingdom, though the humiliating territorial concessions andthe failure of the revolutionary governments to last into thefinalyear of II.TheoldWorld War eliteswereto reassert able controlafter In Quest of the‘Miracle Stag’: ThePoetry ofHungary, Dezs Makkai, 565. GyulaJuhász, “One forthe ‘Ancient Gypsy’...,” trans.Adam Makkai, in homo aestheticus Some Ę Kosztolányi,“I am Magyar, BecauseI Write in Magyar,” trans. Peter Zollman, Nyugat poetswere more orlessindifferent tothedramas ofnationalism tocontrast himself with Ady, whom he called 168 His interest His in theHungarian language islimitedto its ed. Adam Makkai ed.Adam Makkai (Chicago: Atlantis-Centaur, homo moralis In Questof (Chicago: 166 167 . In 73 CEU eTD Collection Atlantis-Centaur, 1996), 589-591. Quest ofthe ‘Miracle Stag’: ThePoetry of Hungary, 169 illustrativethat it worthis quotingat length: “beautiful decay” of lateHabsburg society.His poem “A PeacockTakesitsPerch,isso spiritual quest is linked to the “spiritual crisis” of the progressive,and a critical impulse aremost intimately linked--also, Ady’s personal treatment ofnationalism and progressivism literature.in Inhis poetry, patriotic sentiment than passionate participant. reference to nationality, but clearit is thatKosztolányi ismorethe cynical of observer belied byhis comfortable lifestyle andmistreatment wife. of his him a hypocritewhose devotion tothe betterment ofmankind isnothing but aposture, Desz Again, onemust turntoAdy,master ofthe Ę Kosztolányi,“Three Satires: The Revolutionary,” trans.Peter Zollman, in Let theproud, frail peacock, whose feathers dazzle thesun, Tomorrowwill change,all be changed at last--new eyes New windsgroan will laments intheold Magyar trees, Either theancient hall will fallfrom the flames’ stroke, or oursoulswill rothere, boundtheir in ancient yoke. New forges andnew fires, new faiths, new holy men, a sign thatfreedom manycomes to thrall...’ folk in Either in Magyar words new meanings willunfold, “‘A peacock takes its perch upon thecounty hall-- Or elsethisfaith ofourswill prove doesnot it lie. in newin willbattles turnwith laughter to the skies. proclaim that tomorrow here allwill beundone. either you’ll come tolife,or be nothing again. Either we areallfools, andto a manwill die, while await, await new mysteries.Magyar Nyugat ed. Adam Makkai fin-de-siecle circle, for themost incisive 169 , giving vivid life to the Thepoem contains no (Chicago: In 74 CEU eTD Collection Nyugat stereotypes andambivalence about modernityWestern characteristic oftheFirst come tofruitiononHungariansoil suggests, once again, thepersistence ofnational discourse. That heconstantlyquestioned whether anyemancipatory project would gave meaningand coherence to hissocial critique through reference to a national journalisticoutput, separating him from ethnic nationalists. Thepoint merelyis that Ady Anti-German andanti-Semitic sentiments aretotally absent from Ady’s poeticand Ady was nationalist, anethnic anddoes notdetract from artistic accomplishment.his that “Vlachs and Slavs” share the Hungarian predicament. be bornat last onemighty will?” theonly cosmopolitan element his is acknowledgment “The Song ofaHungarian Jacobin,” he asks, “Will from a thousandsluggish longings/ unfoldingwhich is throughout history. conceptualizes his own spiritualand political sentiments aspart ofanational drama only be coherently visualized through thesymbolism continuity.of folk Ady eschatologicalsense ofexpectation. Socialand spiritualtransformation, however, can the ‘Miracle Stag’: The PoetryofHungary, 170 The opening linequotes a traditional folksong. 1996) 498. 172 171 1996), 483. ‘Miracle Stag’: The Poetry ofHungary EndreAdy,“APeacock Takes itsPerch,” trans.Maurice Bowra, Sir in EndreAdy, “Song of aHungarian Jacobin,” trans. Sir Maurice Bowra, in Makkai, 483n. To call such To callliterature “cosmopolitan” ignores the symbolism at work. in When Generation. or the sadnessor the ofMagyarwill life linger asofold.” , ed. Adam Makkai ed. Adam Makkai 171 Thepoem is animated byanalmost (Chicago: Atlantis-Centaur, 172 This This does not mean that (Chicago: Atlantis-Centaur, 170 In Questofthe In Quest of 75 CEU eTD Collection 173 Hungarian people. Written in themiddleof hiscareer (in hot.” landlords, perhaps you would speak/ tomy scythe-bearing people--for thesummer is Dózsa,/ asad peasant-noble, must cryoutformy people’s lot./ Ah,youmasters, great the revolutionary potentialof the Hungarianpeasantry: “I, the grandson of György calls him a peasant-noble, which similaris to ownhis background. The poem speaks to sense ofidentification with theman. Though Dózsa’s noble-status isunclear, Ady also leader of asixteenth-century peasant revolt, and hisTransylvanian origins addto Ady’s poem,Grandson “The of György Dózsa,” illustrates this point. Thepoem refers tothe 174 Centaur, 1996) 484. of the‘Miracle Stag’: ThePoetry ofHungary wrecked everythingforthe sakeofsome injury small totheirpocket.” themselves Hungary, and in thesacred nameof Hungariandom made bargains and Hungarian history, “afewhundred aggressive families dominated... [and]nominated have subdued the Magyars’ essential freedom-loving ways. Helaments that,early onin obstacles todemocratization asthe aristocracyChurch, andthe foreign elements which the common ofHungary, people and thus with thepoliticalproject ofdemocratization. 1908), the poem displaysalready revolutionary tendencies. He identifies himself with is allis themore given interesting, Ady’sgentry background. Adycombined alovefor assertion isalso anattackon the self-interested politics ofthe Hungarian nobility, which 249. Articles andStudies, 1898-1916 EndreAdy, “The Grandson ofGyörgy Dózsa,” trans. Sir Maurice Bowra, in EndreAdy,“The ExplosiveCountry,” in 173 The use The use of nationalist discourse,however, always is in thename His ofprogress. His journalistic writings confirm this assertion. Forexample,he identifies the Adyendorses Dózsa--killer ofmany nobles--as the true representative ofthe , transG.F. Cushing (Budapest: Corvina Press, 1977), The Explosive Country: aSelection of , ed. Adam Makkai Az Illés Szekerén (Chicago: Atlantis- 174 The historical The , published in In Quest 76 CEU eTD Collection fragmentation of identity orcontradiction inthis case;Ady,along withothers inhis nation, which aimed atwesternization anddemocratization. Therewas less failure. More importantly, inhismindhe embodied theyearnings ofthe Hungarian Of course,thiswould occur onlyaftercataclysmic the Great andwould end War, in of theexisting politicalorder, based on alimitedconception ofthe politicalcommunity. claims oftheruling classes through a moralappeal. Hepredicted thecoming rejection few morepeople gentle and affectionate towards theminorities.” a “representativeof his race,” butthen asserts, “apartfrom Oszkár Jászithere canbe Patriotism,” discussed earlier, hedescribes himself assomeone who himself considers to continue the history of our slavery and penury.” historical classparades history before us,we shallboldly cryoutthat we donotdesire regarding the nationalities issue. In “The Explosive Country,” hesays, “If the famous there was nocontradiction between ethnic identification and aprogressive stance 177 176 175 create inHungarians abelief inthe ruthlessly criticized Hungary while celebrating a proudHungarian past “inorder to patriotism” understandingof Ady and the through politicaland social modernization.Lee Congdon exemplifies the “critical interpret Ady asaprophet, calling onHungarians torenew their ancient greatness Hungarianness witha hatred forthosewho claimed torepresent it. Many scholars thus Ady,“The Explosive Country,” 251. Ady,“A Confession Regarding Patriotism,” 277-278. Congdon,305. In his 1913 Szabad Gondolat possibility (“Free Thought”) article “AConfessionRegarding Nyugat of anew Hungary.” generation whenhe says that Ady 177 Adythusdeflates thetraditional 176 175 Clearly, for him 77 CEU eTD Collection politicalsocial and of rights liberalism. generation, stridentlyasserted anational ideawhichwouldextend anddeepen the 78 CEU eTD Collection this area of debate regarded theposition ofartists andcenters ofcreativity within the urban identity once againsuggests ambivalence aboutmodernization. Nonetheless, as countryside was certainly expectedofwesternizing artists, theirfailure to embrace an countryside from a position ofurban sophistication. thiscriticism While of theHungarian embarrassment forcoming from the countryside, the retaining some amount ofprideintheirprovincial roots. displayingWithout countryside. The drawingwhile on Hungarian “folk”elements for aprimordial inspirationalsubstance. trend of Hungarian modernism which energetically embraced western artistic trends was oftenexpressed interms ofHungary’s eastern roots. Hungariansociety between westernizing progress andtraditionalist authenticity, which demonstrated, Tisza’s direct participation thein culturaldebate surrounding particularly true in“smallnations” Hungary,like afactwhichisexemplified byIstván makes theaesthetics of artapolitical question, which is often debated openly. is This istrueeven emerges. theartstrives for if This secession and Thisindividuality. inturn which theyemerge, andthustothe social and political context fromwhich the discourse qualities of awork of art almost always contain reference to theculturaldiscourse from lines ofrelationships between artsandpolitics. Firstly, theaesthetic andthematic Conclusion Secondly, thesame ambivalence emerged the image in ofthecityand Though itfocused ondisparate areasofdebate, hopefully this thesishas traced Nyugat Nyugat literature,diverse, while expressedpart theambivalencein in writers didnotadopt anurbane, cosmopolitan clearlyidentity, Nyugat Nyugat writers didcritique the Nyugat thusfitintoageneral . Ashas been 79 CEU eTD Collection characterized the intellectual currents of were verymuch apartofgeneralprogressive-nationalist tendency which interested in theaesthetic aspectof modernity. Overall, however,the Certainly, some ofthebestwriters in the group, most Kosztolányi, notably were more terms(in ofthelower classes) and horizontally (withregard to theminority nationalities). democratic vision ofthenational community. It would bemore egalitarian, both vertically modernity. That asingle poetcouldcapture and reflect the nationalsituation withsuch Hungarian modernism but theexpression ofambiguities relating to theprospects of modernity. His poetrywas thusnota synthetic solution tothe problem of creating own fragmented identity embodiedthe ambivalence withwhichHungary proceeded into optimism--expressed thecrisis facingHungarian society and the available solutions. His east andwest; modernization and continuity; fatalistic pessimism and revolutionary age.his Thecontradictions contained within his life andwork--sensuality andreligiosity; aesthetic merit ofhis work, the is reasonAdy is enshrined asthe prime figure literary of else. If anything this thesis shouldhaveshown thatthis quality, inaddition tothe embodiedthe contradictions and tensions of Hungarianmodernity betterthan anyone ambivalent aboutthe prospects of successfor suchaproject--rightly, as turnedout.it represented various politicalorientations, the definition of national communitythe socio-political and order within it. Thoughthey and political leaders, drawing the restofthe country withthem modernity.into national community, the It was EndreAdy who bestexpressed these doubts, just asitwas Adywho This confidence was also present thefinalin discursive topic,which was the Nyugat writers unambiguously asserted their role ascultural fin-de-siècle Nyugat writers confidently articulated a Budapest.The writers were only Nyugat writers 80 CEU eTD Collection withconsensus a ofsecondary literature, affirms that thiswas thecase. effectiveness isunthinkablea largecountry America,Ady’s poetry, in such as but along 81 CEU eTD Collection Ady, Endre.“APeacock Takes itsPerch.” Translated bySir Maurice Bowra, in Ady, Endre. “OnNew TranslatedWaters.” byAnton N.Nyerges, in Ady, Endre. “TheMagyar Fallow.” Translated by AntonN.Nyerges, in Ady, Endre. “Letter From Paris.” In Ady, Endre. “TheKinsman ofDeath.”Translated byPeter Zollman, in Ady, Endre. “TheHungarian Pimodan.” In Ady, Endre. “The Grandson ofGyörgy Dózsa.” Translated bySir Maurice Bowra, in Ady, Endre “TheExplosive Country.” In Ady, Endre. “TheCrime oftheFirm of Heywood.” In Ady, Endre. “AConfessionConcerning Patriotism.” In Primary Sources Bibliography Chicago: Atlantis-Centaur, 1996. of the‘Miracle Stag’: ThePoetry ofHungary Chicago: Atlantis, 1996. ‘Miracle Stag’: The Poetry ofHungary Atlantis-Centaur, 1996. ‘Miracle Stag’: The Poetry ofHungary, Press, 1977. 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