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Hungary Since 1989
C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/578174/WORKINGFOLDER/RME/9780521888103C10.3D 204 [204–232] 10.10.2009 6:02PM 10 Hungary since 1989 ANDRÁS BOZÓKI AND ESZTER SIMON Located in East-Central Europe, Hungary has often found itself at a crossroads of political influences of greater powers as well as of different cultures. Although Hungary enjoyed independence for centuries in its early history, the experience of foreign domination over the last five centuries is one of the defining features of Hungarian public consciousness. Most notably, Hungary was under the control of the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth and seventeenth century, the Habsburgs in the eighteenth, nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, and the Soviet Union from 1945 until the regime change in 1989. Therefore, Hungarians had to master the techniques of survival under foreign domination.1 They learned how to operate informally, under and within formal, rigid rules, which represented the interests of the dominant foreign power. Nonetheless, during its twentieth-century history, Hungary made some genuine albeit short-lived attempts to achieve democracy. First, there was the brief liberal-democratic government of Count Mihály Károlyi in late 1918. A second attempt was made during the semi-democratic coalition government between 1945 and 1947. Finally, Hungary operated as a democracy for twelve remarkable days during the anti-totalitarian revolution of October 1956. The Hungarian revolution was internally successful but was crushed by the inter- vention of the Soviet Red Army. These shining moments of recent Hungarian history cannot hide the fact that throughout the twentieth century Hungary enjoyed democracy for one decade only, the 1990s. -
Königs-Und Fürstenhäuser Aktuelle Staatsführungen DYNASTIEN
GESCHICHTE und politische Bildung STAATSOBERHÄUPTER (bis 2019) Dynastien Bedeutende Herrscher und Regierungschefs europ.Staaten seit dem Mittelalter Königs-und Fürstenhäuser Aktuelle Staatsführungen DYNASTIEN Römisches Reich Hl. Römisches Reich Fränkisches Reich Bayern Preussen Frankreich Spanien Portugal Belgien Liechtenstein Luxemburg Monaco Niederlande Italien Großbritannien Dänemark Norwegen Schweden Österreich Polen Tschechien Ungarn Bulgarien Rumänien Serbien Kroatien Griechenland Russland Türkei Vorderer Orient Mittel-und Ostasien DYNASTIEN und ihre Begründer RÖMISCHES REICH 489- 1 v.Chr Julier Altrömisches Patriziergeschlecht aus Alba Longa, Stammvater Iulus, Gaius Iulius Caesar Julisch-claudische Dynastie: Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero 69- 96 n.Ch Flavier Röm. Herrschergeschlecht aus Latium drei römische Kaiser: Vespasian, Titus, Domitian 96- 180 Adoptivkaiser u. Antonionische Dynastie Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, Mark Aurel, Commodus 193- 235 Severer Aus Nordafrika stammend Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabal, Severus Alexander 293- 364 Constantiner (2.flavische Dynastie) Begründer: Constantius Chlorus Constantinus I., Konstantin I. der Große u.a. 364- 392 Valentinianische Dynastie Valentinian I., Valens, Gratian, Valentinian II. 379- 457 Theodosianische Dynastie Theodosius I.der Große, Honorius, Valentinian III.... 457- 515 Thrakische Dynastie Leo I., Majorian, Anthemius, Leo II., Julius Nepos, Zeno, Anastasius I. 518- 610 Justinianische Dynastie Justin I.,Justinian I.,Justin II.,Tiberios -
Hungary Country Report BTI 2010
BTI 2010 | Hungary Country Report Status Index 1-10 9.00 # 8 of 128 Democracy 1-10 9.25 # 10 of 128 Market Economy 1-10 8.75 # 8 of 128 Management Index 1-10 6.51 # 20 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Transformation Index (BTI) 2010. The BTI is a global ranking of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economic systems as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. The BTI is a joint project of the Bertelsmann Stiftung and the Center for Applied Policy Research (C•A•P) at Munich University. More on the BTI at http://www.bertelsmann-transformation-index.de/ Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2010 — Hungary Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2009. © 2009 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2010 | Hungary 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 10.1 HDI 0.88 GDP p.c. $ 18799 Pop. growth % p.a. -0.2 HDI rank of 182 43 Gini Index 30.0 Life expectancy years 73 UN Education Index 0.96 Poverty2 % <2 Urban population % 67.1 Gender equality1 0.59 Aid per capita $ - Sources: UNDP, Human Development Report 2009 | The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2009. Footnotes: (1) Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM). (2) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Hungary is a consolidated democracy with inclusive, free and fair elections, a pluralist media environment, and a strong, independent judiciary. The general conditions of Hungarian democracy have remained stable but political tensions have grown. -
Absolute Power?
Nick Sitter, BI & CEU, 12 May 2011, p.1 Forthcoming as Nick Sitter “Absolute Power? Hungary Twenty Years after the Fall of Communism” in Elisabeth Bakke (ed.) Twenty Years after the Fall of the Berlin Wall (Berlin: Berliner Wissenschafts-Verlag, 2011) Absolute Power? Hungary Twenty Years after the Fall of Communism In April 2010 Viktor Orbán acquired absolute power. The prime minister-elect spoke of an electoral revolution, and compared 2010 to 1956 and 1989. Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, he announced that the time had come to complete Hungary’s regime change. His party – the Fidesz Hungarian Civic Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (Fidesz-KDNP), commonly known simply as Fidesz – had just secured more than two-thirds of the seats in parliament. With this he acquired the power to re- write the constitution. Within weeks the government announced that it would do precisely this. Large-scale personnel changes in the public sector followed over the summer, as ministries, independent regulators and the state-owned media had their senior management replaced by new government appointees. A parliamentary committee began to investigate violations of law by the state apparatus in the previous eight years. Changes to economic policy and Central Bank independence drew threats of legal action from the EU. When the Constitutional Court ruled a retroactive tax law unconstitutional, a constitutional amendment was passed to limit Court’s power of review. A new constitution was adopted on 18 April 2011. Never, in the history of the European Union, has an election in a member state resulted in political, legal, economic and administrative changes of this magnitude over such a short period of time. -
AN INVESTIGATION of the IDEALS of SECONDARY SCHOOL STUDENTS Elemér Kunsági
AN INVESTIGATION OF THE IDEALS OF SECONDARY SCHOOL STUDENTS Elemér Kunsági =4 Ideals have an important role in the devlopment of youth. The living person, historical hero, character from literature on an imagined person to whom the child, the young man would like to be similar, can be an. important source of the development of hia per- sonality. In the practi'ce of Pedagogy many do not pay proper attention- -not even in the education of teenagers-to the fact that inquiries should be made into the particular characteristic features of people who are highly esteemed by their pupils. During the course of their work within education with regard to teenagers it ia completely arbitrary who should be the ones most likely to be characterized, to be put in the centre of'interest so that they may be the models .of action for their pupils. This opinion and practice can be traced even better in the education of youth. Teachers often say that choaing an ideal and following-'it is common only in the case of amall children. This opinion is based on the fact that amall children have strong imi- tative propensities, they do not have their own principles, their affection for an attractive ideal is merely emotional. Their emotional instability, imaginative fantasy make small children choose a new type of ideal very often. • According to certain practicing teachers,young people form their own characters on the basis of their moral education, on their establiahed, world view. There are no examples, ideals in front of them, they even conaider it a "childish thing" if they are thought to look upon 8ome peraon or persons or certain human characteristic features as fit to be imitated. -
Budapest, 1900-1918
The First Nyugat Generation and the Politics of Modern Literature: Budapest, 1900-1918 Maxwell Staley 2009 Central European University, History Department Budapest, Hungary Supervisor: Gábor Gyáni Second Reader: Matthias Riedl In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts CEU eTD Collection 2 Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection 3 Abstract This thesis investigates the connections between arts and politics in fin-de-siècle Hungary, as expressed in the writings of the First Nyugat Generation. Various elements of the cultural debate in which the Nyugat writers participated can illustrate the complexities of this relationship. These are the debate over the aesthetics of national literature, the urban-versus-rural discourse, and the definition of the national community. Through close reading of the Nyugat group’s writings on these topics, two themes are explored, relating to the ambivalence with which the Nyugat writers implemented their project of westernizing Hungarian culture. The first is the dominant presence of the nationalist discourse within an ostensibly cosmopolitan endeavor. This fits in with a general artistic trend of Hungarian modernism, and can be explained with reference to the ambiguous position of Hungary within Europe and the subsequent complexities present in the national discourse. -
Hungarian Studies Review, Vol
Hungarian Studies Review, Vol. XI, No. 2 (Fall 1984) Innovative Archaisms in the Poetry of Endre Ady* MariannaD. Birnbaum Literary archaization is always innovative, primarily because it is a conscious effort on the part of the artist to lend by it a new markedness to his text. Markedness is achieved by replacing the expected with the unexpected. The aesthetic effect of archaisms in a literary text depends on how clearly the action of choice is felt, namely how obvious it is for the reader that the lexical item or structure the author uses was selected instead of one that would have readily come to mind. Thus the effectiveness of archaisms is enhanced if the absence of the replaced item is clearly felt in the presence of the one replacing it. This in turn means that only recognized, (perceived) archaisms may function as a literary device. 1 In their alien-ness, archaisms interrupt contiguity between sequential items in the text, and the greater the gulf between the expected and the archaic usage of language, the stronger the disruptive effect of archaisms. Consequently, in its intratextual position a lexical archaism may be conceived of as a metaphor rather than a synonym, its effect sharpened by the reader's awareness of the lack of spatio-temporal proximity. While this holds true for lexical items only, both the insertion of archaic vocabulary and grammar create a radiation in the text, comprehensively rearranging and redirecting the links in the chain of objects and actions, in form and meaning as well. Yet, there is one essential difference: archaisms, their temporal alien-ness notwithstanding, are chosen from a pool of known items, since their desired effect is based on reader recognition, *Note: A shorter version of this paper, read in Oxford, July 1981, was dedicated to the memory of Professor Robert Auty, an expert in the Central European literary languages and a devoted reader and translator of the poetry of Ady. -
Hungary: the Assault on the Historical Memory of The
HUNGARY: THE ASSAULT ON THE HISTORICAL MEMORY OF THE HOLOCAUST Randolph L. Braham Memoria est thesaurus omnium rerum et custos (Memory is the treasury and guardian of all things) Cicero THE LAUNCHING OF THE CAMPAIGN The Communist Era As in many other countries in Nazi-dominated Europe, in Hungary, the assault on the historical integrity of the Holocaust began before the war had come to an end. While many thousands of Hungarian Jews still were lingering in concentration camps, those Jews liberated by the Red Army, including those of Budapest, soon were warned not to seek any advantages as a consequence of their suffering. This time the campaign was launched from the left. The Communists and their allies, who also had been persecuted by the Nazis, were engaged in a political struggle for the acquisition of state power. To acquire the support of those Christian masses who remained intoxicated with anti-Semitism, and with many of those in possession of stolen and/or “legally” allocated Jewish-owned property, leftist leaders were among the first to 1 use the method of “generalization” in their attack on the facticity and specificity of the Holocaust. Claiming that the events that had befallen the Jews were part and parcel of the catastrophe that had engulfed most Europeans during the Second World War, they called upon the survivors to give up any particularist claims and participate instead in the building of a new “egalitarian” society. As early as late March 1945, József Darvas, the noted populist writer and leader of the National Peasant -
The Alliance of the Hungarian Opposition: Burying the Hatchet
The Alliance of the Hungarian Opposition: Burying the Hatchet Tamás Boros - Working paper - Friedrich Ebert Stiftung Budapest September 2013 The Alliance of the Hungarian Opposition: Burying the Hatchet Tamás Boros The Alliance of the Hungarian Opposition: Burying the Hatchet A year before the 2014 parliamentary elections, the political adversary of the right-wing Fidesz – a force which possesses a two-thirds legislative majority and a confident lead in all polls – was a divided opposition. Thus, the most important political question in the summer of 2013 was whether different leftist forces would be able to reach an agreement regarding a joint ticket and a single candidate for prime minister. The pact, which saw daylight in the final days of August, definitely fulfills the minimum requirements for an electoral victory: the candidates of the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) and the Együtt- PM coalition led by ex-prime minister Gordon Bajnai will not run against each other in single-member districts. On the other hand, they will not run on a mutual list and the parties do not have a common prime ministerial candidate. Transformation of the political scene In the 2010 Hungarian elections, left-wing and liberal parties had been defeated by the right- wing Fidesz, which has resulted in the transformation of the Hungarian political scene. The Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) lost more than half of its voters; new parties, such as the extreme right Jobbik and the green Politics Can be Different (LMP) emerged; and liberal parties disappeared. Graph 1 Source: www.valasztas.hu In 2011, Ferenc Gyurcsány, former MSZP prime minister left the Socialist Party, and founded a new political movement, the Democratic Coalition (DK). -
Continuity and Change in Family Policies of the New European Democracies: a Comparison of Poland, Hungary and Romania
CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN FAMILY POLICIES OF THE NEW EUROPEAN DEMOCRACIES: A COMPARISON OF POLAND, HUNGARY AND ROMANIA PART II: PATH DEPENDENCE AND PATH DEPARTURE IN FAMILY POLICIES SINCE 2000 An NCEEER Working Paper by Tomasz Inglot, Minnesota State University-Mankato Dorottya Szikra, Eötvös University-Budapest (Hungary) Cristina Raţ, Babeş-Bolyai University Cluj-Napoca (Romania) National Council for Eurasian and East European Research University of Washington Box 353650 Seattle, WA 98195 [email protected] http://www.nceeer.org/ TITLE VIII PROGRAM Project Information* Principal Investigator: Tomasz Inglot NCEEER Contract Number: 825-10 Date: November 14, 2011 Copyright Information Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded through a contract or grant from the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research (NCEEER). However, the NCEEER and the United States Government have the right to duplicate and disseminate, in written and electronic form, reports submitted to NCEEER to fulfill Contract or Grant Agreements either (a) for NCEEER’s own internal use, or (b) for use by the United States Government, and as follows: (1) for further dissemination to domestic, international, and foreign governments, entities and/or individuals to serve official United States Government purposes or (2) for dissemination in accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United States Government granting the public access to documents held by the United States Government. Neither NCEEER nor the United States Government nor any recipient of this Report may use it for commercial sale. * The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract or grant funds provided by the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research, funds which were made available by the U.S. -
Hungary: Between Democracy and Authoritarianism
144 REVIEWS Hungary: Between Democracy and Authoritarianism. By PAUL LENDVAI. Pp. 288. New York: Columbia University Press. 2012. $35. Cloth. ISBN: 978-0-231-70322-2. The title of Paul Lendvai’s most recent book gives a hint not only at the author’s scope, but also at his own opinions of the current situation in Hungary. While other books by Lendvai look at climactic historical events that have changed and formed the course of Hungary, such as the 1848 and 1956 revolutions, this book focuses on the last twenty-five years of political transition.1 Born in Hungary in 1929, Lendvai’s own experience and relationship with the country and its politics is scattered throughout his writing through his extensive work as a journalist, first in his homeland and then as an émigré in Austria, where he became a foreign correspondent after the 1956 uprising.2 In this book, Lendvai gives a modern history of the country through its political elite. While the book goes through a rough chronological account of post-1989 developments through the trials and errors of the political figures, allusions are made throughout the text at the ominous character of Viktor Orbán, the current Prime Minister of Hungary, a figure that could – in Lendvai’s view – tip the scales of Hungary’s political future towards authoritarianism. The first chapter draws the reader in with a descriptive narrative of the symbolic reburial of Imre Nagy in 1989, the communist chairman of the Council of Ministers, executed for treason after the failed 1956 revolution. It is here that the reader is first introduced to Orbán as a young revolutionary, representing the coming generation, shattering political conventions of the time with a speech calling for the removal of Soviet forces and the downfall of Communism. -
ARTICLES MARIO D. FENYÖ (New York, U.S.A.) Nyugat Versus The
ARTICLES MARIO D. FENYÖ (New York, U.S.A.) Nyugat versus the Establishment* The literary review Nyugat and the movement pertaining to it swept through and lifted the intellectual life of turn-of-the-century Hungary. Such intellectual fermentation was to be expected: the country was undergoing profound socio-economic change, a modernization process that transformed its economy from one predominantly agricultural into one partly industrial, and its largely feudal society into one that was semi-feudal, semi-capitalist. War was rocked two Then, in the aftermath of World I, Hungary by political ' revolutions, the first in late 1918 and the second in early 1919, paralleling closely Russian events of 1917. The questions arise: was there any relationship between the literary fer- mentation around 1908, the year Nyugat was launched, and the political rev- olutions of 1918-19? Did Nyugat contribute to the political upheaval? More specifically, how did the government and the part-aristocratic, part-gentry ruling class react to the ostensibly literary revolution fomented and fostered by Nyugat and by its poet-comet, Endre Ady? In 1908 and 1909 most academicians found it beneath their dignity to take cognizance of modem hterature.1 Most contemporary writers upon whom they bestowed praise and prizes were simply not modem. Yet the silence of the academicians did not achieve its manifest end: because it was so evidently deliberate, it alerted the reading public. And, inevitably, the attention of the public and of the critics led in turn to explicit condemnation by the regime and its conservative supporters, i.e., the establishment.