Rome's Last Efforts Towards the Union of Orthodox Albanians (1929-1946)

ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS (1929-1946)

INES ANGJELI MURZAKU*

INTRODUCTION

It would probably be improper to study the history of the Albanian Greek Catholic Church in unity with Rome in isolation from a concurrent movement, that is, the struggle to establish an Albanian Autocephalous Church. The two movements have something in common: they were both animated by the desire of the Albanian people for national identity. Indeed, Albania is not an isolated case scenario in ecclesiastical history. Analogous developments have taken place in other Eastern European countries; the case of Bulgaria is the classical example. The move of the Bulgarian Orthodoxy toward Rome was largely inspired by the wish to restore their national identity after centuries of coercion, not only by the Turks but also from the Greeks.1 In nineteenth-century Bulgaria, when the struggle for autocephaly was gaining momentum, several influential Bulgarian Orthodox faithful in Constantino- ple began to contemplate union with Rome as a solution to their national problems. They thought that as Orthodox they would be able to revive their national ecclesiastical traditions, which they thought Constantinople had denied them.2 In fact, the Greeks were profoundly hated in Bulgaria, because

* Ines Angjeli Murzaku is Associate Professor of Religious Studies at Seton Hall Univer- sity in South Orange, New Jersey, an Adjunct Associate Professor of Historical Theology at the Graduate School of Theology, Immaculate Conception Seminary, and Lecturer at the Centro per l’Europa Centro-Orientale e Balcanica of the University of Bologna. The author benefited immensely from the critical remarks of the editor, Prof. Dr. Joseph Ver- heyden, his staff, and the reviewers, and of the diligent reading and refining of the text by Kelly A. Shea Ph.D., Assistant Professor of Writing and Director of the Writing Center, Seton Hall University. Abbreviations: ABGG: Archive of the Greek Abbey of Grottaferrata. ACCO: Archive of the Congregation for Oriental Churches. APVSJ: Archivum Provinciae Venetae Societatis Jesu. Fasc.: Fascicle. Prot.: Protocol. 1 Christopher Walter, ‘Raphael Popov, Bulgarian Uniate Bishop: Problems of Uniatism and Autocephaly’, Sobornost, 6 (1984), 1, pp. 46-47. 2 Ronald Roberson, The Eastern Christian Churches. A Brief Survey, Orientalia Christiana Analecta (Rome, 1999), p. 180. 42 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU they insisted that the sole direction the Bulgarian Church could take was to eliminate the use of Slavonic in liturgy and to accept native Greek hierarchy, and, as a consequence, the complete submission of the Bulgarian Church to Constantinople.3 The autocephalous and union movements, indeed, had very much in common. In the case of Albania and Bulgaria, they developed during concurrent historical developments. The Albanian union movement began at the end of the nineteenth century, in 1886, and the movement for autocephaly started at the beginning of twentieth century, following the achievement of Alban- ian independence during 1912-1913. The same goes for Bulgaria. The Bul- garian union movement began in 1861, when a Bulgarian delegation headed by the elderly Archimandrite Joseph Sokolsky went to Rome to negotiate a union.4 The struggle for autocephaly began a few years later, in 1870, when the Ottoman government allowed the re-establishment of a national Bulgar- ian church as an autonomous exarchate, which caused a schism with the Ecu- menical Patriarchate.

Autocephaly, an Intricate Matter in the Life of Eastern Churches The movement for autocephaly was a perplexing and puzzling process involv- ing intrigue and desecration. Local churches often had to wait for years in order to get recognition as an autocephalous church. After it had proclaimed its autocephaly, the Albanian Orthodox Church still needed to wait fifteen years before it was officially recognized by the Ecumenical Patriarchate. The Bulgarian Church was recognized as autocephalous only in 1945, 72 years after it had proclaimed itself autocephalous. It took the Romanian Church twenty years (1885) and the Church of Greece seventeen years (1850).5 And some orthodox churches are still waiting for recognition and in consequence are considered churches of an irregular status. In the case of Albania, the question of church autocephaly became the groundwork of national and political independence. However, since Albania was not an exclusively Christian nation, independence from outside influence

3 Guglielmo De Vries, Oriente Cristiano, Ieri e Oggi (Rome, Civiltà Cattolica, 1949), p. 194. 4 Roberson, Eastern Christian Churches, p. 180. 5 Alexander Bogolepov, Toward an American Orthodox Church (Crestwood, NY, St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 2001), p. 47. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 43 was requested by other religious communities as well. In 1923, the Alban- ian Sunni Muslims refused to accept any form of control from abroad.6 They became an autonomous religious body with King Zog’s assistance.7 Moved by their success, the Bektashi of middle and southern Albania also sought to gain recognition.8 In 1929, Bektashism was recognized as an autonomous entity within the Muslim community of Albania, with statutes drawn up at Korçë, and in 1930, the Albanian government approved the regulations under which Bektashi affairs were regulated.9

Methods of Achieving Church Union History proves clearly that the Roman Catholic Church never lost hope of bringing back all Christians to the one fold. However, it should be noted that many of the initiatives of Rome took shape under tragic circumstances of political threat and violence and most of them failed, in as much as they caused new conflicts and divisions within the communion of the Orthodox churches.10 Raymond Janin distinguishes three methods of conversion that were used by Catholic missionaries, either separately or simultaneously, to bring Eastern Christians back to the Catholic Church: Latinization; the cre- ation of churches united with Rome; and an approach that can be called one of personal adherence or adhesion.11 The first method, which was in use throughout the Middle Ages and beyond, was believed to have the advantage of keeping the converted more efficiently in the rightful Catholic faith. However, as Janin rightly points out, it was usually perceived as some sort of conquest rather than as an attempt

6 Bernd Fischer, Albania at War, 1939-1945 (Indianapolis, IN, Purdue University Press, 1999), p. 52. 7 Kristo Dako, Zogu the First King of the Albanians (Tirana, Luarasi Printing Press, 1937), p. 161. 8 Fulvio Cordignano, ‘Per un Concordato fra l’Albania e la Santa Sede’, to the Provincial, Tiranë, March 25, 1930. AVPSJ, Albania II, Corrispondenza Epistolare dei Nostri, 1914-1944, p. 1. 9 Celia Hawkesworth, Muriel Heppell, and Harry Norris, Religious Quest and National Identity in the Balkans (New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2001), p. 192. 10 Anton Houtepen, ‘Uniatism and Models of Unity in the Ecumenical Movement’, Exchange, 25 (Leiden, Interuniversitair Instituut voor Missiologie en Oecumenica, Afdel- ing Missiologie, 1996), p. 202. 11 Raymond Janin, Les Églises Orientales et les Rites Orientaux (Paris, Letouzey & Ané, 1955), p. 512. 44 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU at conversion. Eastern Christians felt that Rome disregarded their own traditions and practices and was trying hard to make them disappear. It is fair to say that some popes were at least partially aware of the dangers this method presented. Clement XI, Clement XII, Benedict XIV and Leo XIII made efforts to protect the Eastern Christian communities from Latinizing missionaries.12 Pope Benedict XIV, in his Allatae Sunt, on the Observance of Oriental Rites (July 26, 1755), forbade the Melchite Catholics to replace the Greek with the Latin rite. Additionally, he admonished Catholic missionaries not to support Melchite Catholics. Only the Apostolic See could give permission for such procedures of replacing rites.13 Despite these and similar efforts, attempts at Latinization had become so widespread at the end of the 19th century that, after the International Eucharistic Congress of Jerusalem 1893, Cardinal Langémieux sounded the alarm bell in a confidential report to Pope Leo XIII. The pope shared the cardinal’s concerns in his encyclical Orientalium Dignitas of November 30, 1894.14 ‘Any Latin rite missionary, whether of the secular or religious clergy, who induces with his advice or assistance any Eastern rite faithful to transfer to the Latin rite, will be deposed and excluded from his benefice in addition to the ipso facto suspension a divinis and other punishments that he will incur as imposed in the afore said Constitution Demandatam. That this decree stand fixed and lasting we order a copy of it to be posted openly in the churches of the Latin rite.’15 Creating Catholic churches of oriental rite is more or less the only method that is presently employed and the one that was applied in the case of Alba- nia. This method has proven to be the most successful and the most practical. However, it has its own problems as well. Janin mentions two: first, it results in creating a more complex hierarchical structure; and second, it often yields renewed animosity on the part of Orthodox religious leaders. In Alba- nia, the government considered Greek Catholicism as an illegitimate fourth religion, besides Islam, Orthodoxy, and Catholicism. It is obvious that this method can create divisions, hostility and conflicts of jurisdictions, but, according to Janin, it seems to be impossible to find other remedies than to

12 Jean-Claude Roberti, Les Uniates (Paris, Cerf, 1992), p. 47. 13 Vatican Documents on the Eastern Churches, Papal Encyclicals and Documents Concerning the Eastern Churches (Fairfax, VA, Eastern Christian Publications, 2002), Vol. 1, p. 17. 14 Roberti, Les Uniates, p. 50. 15 Vatican Documents on the Eastern Churches, Vol. 1, p. 183. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 45 try to delineate as precisely as possible the powers of each of the groups. As for the second problem that Janin mentions: it is obvious that Orthodox bishops have vividly opposed all such attempts at converting their faithful to Catholicism, but Rome has had but little consideration for these concerns.16 The third approach is a very sensitive one. Here individuals are invited to join the Catholic Church without having to forsake their church of origin. This method has had some success only in converting representatives of the intellectual elites. Western missionaries did not use it willingly. During the 17th and 18th centuries, the Jesuits and Capuchins used to preach and con- fess in some Eastern churches with the permission of and even at the invitation of the Greek bishop.17 The same method was used later on in the 19th and 20th centuries, as the case of the Greek Catholic Church of Albania illustrates. It demystifies the popular mythology that generally caricatures “Uni- atism” as a plot conceived by Rome and executed predominantly by the Jesuits.18 With regard to the latter, it is worth noting that some Orthodox scholars argue that among the Latin missionaries the Jesuits were against uniatism.19

Church Union as a Product of Its Time Ernst Suttner, in his book Church Unity: Union or Uniatism?, presents a sophisticated analysis of the problem of church union, situated in its historical, political, cultural, and theological context. He argues that uniatism is a product of its time, representing the spirit of the period in which it is under- taken. Gabriel Patasci likewise points out that it was especially in periods of political decadence or unrest in Orthodox countries that such attempts at uniting the Eastern Christians with Rome took place. Due to the pitiful situation of the Church in the Ottoman Empire, the Orthodox clergy was not prepared to challenge the well-trained Catholic missionaries that came to the East.20 Jean-Claude Roberti upholds that the Union of Brest-Litovsk of 1596,

16 Janin, Les Églises Orientales, p. 513. 17 Ibid., p. 515. 18 Robert F. Taft, ‘Reflections on “Uniatism” in the Light of Some Recent Books’, Orien- talia Christiana Periodica, 65 (1999), 1, p. 155. 19 Roberti, Les Uniates, p. 81. 20 Gabriel Patasci, ‘Anciennes et nouvelles perspectives concernant les Églises Orientales Unies à Rome’, Irénikon, 41 (1968), p. 35. 46 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU which was inspired by the Council of Florence of 1438–1439 and which united with the Catholic Church several millions of Ukrainian and Beloruss- ian Orthodox Christians living under Polish rule in Lithuania, was determined by the political and social circumstances of that time. The union was not realized by Rome nor by the Poles, but rather appears to be the initiative of an important part of the Orthodox hierarchy seeking social and canonical legitimacy that neither Moscow nor Constantinople were able to provide.21 Besides historical and political circumstances, cultural factors have always played an important role in church unions. When Western missionaries came to the East, they came as advocates of a new approach toward education and intellectual development. Many of their students showed themselves open, not only to secular knowledge, but also to the spiritual life of these missionaries.22 The missionaries who came to Albania were far more superior intellec- tually and pastorally than the simple Orthodox clergy they encountered and were seeking to convert. Suttner adds that the missionaries did not really need any further propaganda.23

The Age of Ecclesiological and Soteriological Exclusivism Suttner points out the influence of the Council of Trent in promoting the greater emphasis on centralism and hierarchy in Roman Catholic ecclesiology. There was a growing awareness in the West that the Church had to be united under the one authority of the successor of Peter.24 It was this kind of conviction that led Latin and Greek Catholic missionaries to establish a Greek Catholic Church in Albania. In his analysis of pre-Vatican II Catholic ecclesiology and its implications for the relations between Eastern Christians and Rome, Robert Taft makes it clear that ‘in doing so the Catholic Church was true to its evolving exclusivist ecclesiology in which there was one valid Christendom, its own, entirely under the sway of the bishop of Rome, who could use his minions to do more or less what he pleased everywhere’.25

21 Roberti, Les Uniates, p. 74. 22 Ernst C. Suttner, Church Unity: Union or Uniatism. Catholic-Orthodox Ecumenical Per- spective (Rome, Centre for Indian and Inter-religious Studies, 1991), pp. 100-101. 23 Ibid., p. 101. 24 Ibid., p. 80. 25 Robert F. Taft, ‘The Problem of Uniatism and the Healing of Memories: Anamnesis, Not Amnesia’, Logos: A Journal of Eastern Christian Studies, 41-42 (2000-2001), p. 160. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 47

Ecclesiological exclusivism was related to soteriological exclusivism. Catholic missionaries were genuinely concerned about saving other Christians, but under conditions set by Rome. This exclusivist soteriology remained the official Roman doctrine until the Second Vatican Council.26 Missionaries such as G.B. Della Pietra or Leone Giovanni Nigris, both apostolic delegates to Albania, were as convinced of this doctrine as were the Basilian monks of Grottaferrata.

Focus of the Present Study The purpose of the present study is to analyze the second period in the history of the Albanian Greek Catholic Church, from the dedication of the first Greek Catholic church in the city of Elbasan in 1929 to 1946 when the communists took over the country.27 Although the uniate movement in Alba- nia was not very successful, it may have led some pressure upon Constan- tinople to speed up the process of recognizing the autocephaly of the Alban- ian Orthodox Church. The situation was made even more complex by the position of the Albanian government that opposed and feared the uniate movement and for that reason gave up its initial intention of seeking to set up the Albanian Orthodox National Church without the approval of Con- stantinople. When the Albanian Orthodox Church was finally recognized had its implications and created further difficulties for the Greek Catholic mission and union with Rome.

Sources The analysis is based on previously unexplored primary sources, such as annual reports, letters, narratives, and travel accounts of both Western and Greek Catholic missionaries and of the Albanian Orthodox clergy, that are deposed in the Vatican Archive of the Congregation for Oriental Churches, the Archive of the Venetian Province of the Society of Jesus, and the Archive of the Greek Catholic Abbey of St. Nilo in Grottaferrata.

26 Suttner, Church Unity, p. 82. 27 For a detailed survey of the first period in the history of the Albanian Greek Catholic Church, see Ines Angjeli Murzaku, ‘The Road to Church Union for Orthodox Albanians’, The Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 55 (2003), 3-4, pp. 245-282. 48 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU

NEW PERSPECTIVES FOR A UNION WITH ROME?

A Church in Crisis On September 10, 1922, the Congress of Berat proclaimed the administrative independence or autocephaly of the Albanian Orthodox Church from the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the right to elect its own bishops, and proclaimed Albanian, instead of Greek, to be the liturgical language. The congress elected the First Holy Synod of the Albanian Orthodox Church, con- sisting of eight members, four clerics and four lay persons.28 The government ordered festivities to be organized in the major cities of Albania to celebrate the event. But not everything went as planned. According to Roberto Morozzo della Rocca, the Congress of Berat signaled the beginning of a crisis in Alban- ian Orthodoxy which King Zog I tried to unravel.29 As soon as Ahmed Zog was elevated to the throne and Albania was proclaimed a monarchy, the king committed himself to the settlement of the question by pushing the canonical recognition of autocephaly without the help of the Ecumenical Patriar- chate.30 The government informed the Patriarch that ‘it will alone take charge of organizing the Albanian Autocephalous Church’.31 In 1929, the government of Tiranë charged Monsignor Vissarion Xhuvani from Elbasan with the responsibility of constituting the Second Holy Synod of the Albanian Orthodox Church. The Synod was exclusively composed of bishops of Alban- ian descent.32 On February 12, 1929, Vissarion and Bishop Vittorio, Vicar of the Serbian Patriarch Demetrio, consecrated new Albanian bishops, and, on February 18, 1929, a synod of Albanian Orthodox bishops reasserted the autocephaly of their native church. The head of the Albanian Autocephalous Church was Vissarion Xhuvani, who was elevated to the rank of metropolitan of Durrës – Tiranë. In June of the same year, Vissarion called together

28 Dhori Qiriazi, Krishterimi në Shqipëri (Tiranë, Argeta-LMG, 2000), pp. 161-162. 29 Roberto Dela Roka, Kombësia dhe Feja në Shqipëri, 1920-1944 (Tiranë, Elena Gjika, 1994), pp. 52-53. 30 Dh. Beduli, Kisha Orthodokse Autoqefale e Shqipërisë, gjer në Vitin 1944 (Tiranë, 1992), p. 26. 31 Fatmira Rama, ‘Sinodi I Parë Shqiptar dhe Kongresi I Dytë Panortodoks I Kishës Auto- qefale Kombëtare’, in 70-Vjet të Kishës Ortodokse Autoqefale Shqiptare (Tiranë, Akademia e Shkencave, 1993), p. 64. 32 Ines Angjeli Murzaku, ‘The Religious Policies of King Zog I’, Orientalia Christiana Periodica, 69 (2003), 2, p. 432. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 49 the Congress of Korçë, which approved the statutes of the Albanian Church and the formation of four ecclesiastical districts (Korçë, Durrës, Gjirokastër, and Berat). The Albanian Orthodox Church had at least the appearance of being autocephalous. This act, which Morozzo dell Rocca called an act of force desired by Zog’s government, caused violent remonstrations followed by excommunications from the Phanar, which traditionally had assigned the bishops of the Albanian dioceses. The Phanar did not hesitate to point out that only countries of which a majority of the population was Orthodox had a right to autocephaly.33 Consequently, and due to its non-canonical status, the autocephaly of the Albanian Church was not recognized by any of the Orthodox patriarchates or by other autocephalous churches. Even Bishop Fan Noli, who at that time was residing in the United States, did not approve of the new Church and of its synod.34 Thus, the schism between Constan- tinople and the Church of Albania was exacerbated.

The Completion of the Greek-Catholic Church Project and the Persecution of Greek Catholics in Elbasan Archimandrite Jorgji Germanos, the founder of the Albanian Greek Catholic mission and of the Greek Catholic Church of Elbasan, died in April 1929, four months before the inauguration of the new church on August 25, 1929. At the request of the Apostolic Delegate, Monsignor G.B. Della Pietra s.j,35 the Vatican Congregation for Oriental Churches had finally sent Papas Pietro Scarpelli to Elbasan. Scarpelli was an Italian-Albanian priest and former vicar- general of Lungro in Calabria. It was planned that under the leadership of the apostolic delegate Scarpelli would take responsibility for directing the Greek Catholic mission of Elbasan. But trouble was on its way. As Scarpelli was preparing for his new Albanian mission, the government was planning his arrest and expulsion and the closure of the newly inaugurated church. In September 1929, the Albanian police ordered Scarpelli and Papas Popescu, a Rumanian Basilian Archimandrite who had recently converted to Catholi-

33 Dela Roka, Kombësia dhe Feja në Shqipëri, pp. 62-63. 34 Ibid., p. 63. 35 Armando Guidetti, Diccionario Historico de la Compañía de Jesús, Vol. 1, p. 1078; also Id., Gesuiti in Albania, Apostolato, Cultura, Martirio, nel 50 Anniversario del Martirio dei Padri Giovanni Fausti e Daniele Dajani (1946-1996) (Milano, San Fedele Edizioni, 1996), p. 25. 50 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU cism, to leave Elbasan immediately. This act ended the Greek Catholic mission of Elbasan. As a result of strong protests and intervention from Italy, Scarpelli was finally able to return to Elbasan. Upon his arrival, he paid a visit to the Pre- fect of Elbasan, Karagjozi, who had communicated to Scarpelli the decision of the government that it was absolutely prohibited to say mass in the church according to the Greek Catholic rite until the new church was officially recognized by the government. Karagjozi did not make any further comments as to who precisely should recognize the church and enable it to function.36 The two Greek Catholic parish priests, Scarpelli and Joan Toda, were forced by the government to celebrate only in the Latin rite, with which they were not familiar. Furthermore, government agents kept the Greek Catholics of Elbasan under surveillance to prevent them from attending church services.37

Evaluating the New Religious and Political Situations In 1929 things looked quite promising for the Catholic mission. Although at the time of the inauguration of the Greek Catholic church of Elbasan, the number of the Greek Catholics was not very large, there were hopes that a union with Rome would be possible, not only in the Elbasan region, but also in Kavajë, Gjirokastër, and Fier, in central-southern Albania. The period from 1922 to 1937, the year the Ecumenical Patriarch finally granted autocephaly to the Orthodox Church of Albania, was a critical one, both religiously and politically, for the Orthodox community of Albania, and Rome thought to exploit it for its own benefits. Swift action was needed to counter the moves of the Serbian patriarchate and to thwart the influence of Amer- ican Protestants whose missions had the support of the Albanian government. Actually the Albanian bishops had called for the help of the Serbian Patri- arch to have some of its titulars ordained by him. As a result, the self-proclaimed Autocephalous Albanian Orthodox Church was in danger of becom- ing like a daughter church of the Serbian Church and was strongly dominated by the latter.

36 Murzaku, ‘The Religious Policies of King Zog I’, pp. 447-448. 37 ‘Relazione’, Sacre Congregazioni “Pro Ecclesia Orientali” e degli Affari Ecclesiastici Straor- dinari. Relazione con Sommario sulle Condizioni della Missione Cattolica di Rito Orientale in Albania, ACCO, Prot. 441/28, No. I, p. 9. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 51

The majority of the Orthodox population, however, disapproved of this situation. It was known to all that the Serbian patriarchate actively inter- vened in domestic affairs of the Church of Albania and that it offered substantial financial support to the clergy of the Autocephalous Church. More- over, many feared that Serbia would also benefit politically from it, and some even saw the shadow of Russia behind all this. To many it seemed that they had simply exchanged the Phanar for Ser- bia. The Albanian press did not remain uncommitted. The Gazeta e Re of February 12, 1929, reported as follows on the installation of two Albanian bishops and the constitution of the Holy Synod: ‘The decisions of the Head of the Autocephalous Church which were granted based on the Ecclesiasti- cal Statute of Berat, were approved and communicated to Bishop Visar Gio- vanni. His Excellency, after paying a visit to Yugoslavia for eight days, returned (to Albania) yesterday afternoon, in the company of Bishop Vit- torio, the Vicar of the Serbian Patriarch Demetrio, who did not withheld his spiritual assistance, as requested by the Autocephalous Albanian Church’.38 The next day the same newspaper published an interview with Vasil Marko on the formation of the Holy Synod. Among other things, Marko commented on Serbian support: ‘The noble assistance of the Serbian Patriarch to the Albanian Autocephalous Church deserves our respect; … the gentlemanly gesture of the Serbian Patriarch. A Church was found that presented itself as a sister and mother towards the Church of Albania, and this Church is the Serbian Church, …’.39 In Rome one was very well aware of the influence of the Serbian Church and of its ‘patronage’ of its ‘young daughter’.40 Moreover, many Orthodox Albanians thought that the Serbs had ordained the wrong persons. In addition, the Greek and Rumanian minorities in Alba- nia could not accept the decision of the Albanian Autocephalous Church to impose the use of Albanian as the liturgical language and were shocked by the persecution and arrest of several respected members from their communities who opposed this decision. These were sufficient reasons to have a

38 ‘Prima Relazione di D. Pietro Scarpelli del 14 Febbraio 1929’, ACCO, Prot. 441/28, No. I, p. 14. 39 Ibid. 40 ‘Estratto, Della Pietra, G. B., to il Signor Card. Segretario della S. C. Orientale, Scu- tari, 8 Novembre 1934’, ACCO, Prot. 289/33, p. 1-2. 52 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU noteworthy number of Orthodox Albanians look towards Rome and to begin to envisage church unity as the only solution to their problems. Rome was regarded as the sole guarantee for a solid organization, according to the spirit of Jesus Christ.41 However, the Albanian government, the majority of which consisted of Sunni Muslims, staunchly opposed any such attempt at union with Rome. Some Muslims in governmental circles feared that this would mean the end of Muslim supremacy in Albania. One means that counter this was to use the closing down of the Greek Catholic church of Elbasan to press Con- stantinople to speed up the process of recognizing the autocephaly of the Albanian Orthodox Church. In a public appearance, King Zog I assured that the ‘the church of Elbasan will only be re-opened to the Byzantine-Greek ritual after the Patriarch of Constantinople has officially recognized the autocephaly of the Albanian Orthodox Church’.42 The message to Constantino- ple was clear: better respond quickly or the Orthodox Albanians will have other alternatives to contemplate. Constantinople was of course well aware of the fact that Serbia and White- Russian officers had played a crucial role in bringing Ahmet Zog to power. In December 1924, Ahmet Zog’s forces had begun their offensive from Yugoslavia with the support of units of the regular Serbian army and Gen- eral Wrangel’s White-Russians who had settled in Serbia and were paid by Bel- grade.43 Furthermore, a good number of ministers and high-ranking government officials, such as Ceno beg Kryeziu, Xhemil Dino, Iliaz Vrioni, Nikollë Ivanaj, and Sejfi Vllamasi, were all openly Serbophiles.44 Anton Harapi, a Franciscan Albanian priest who visited Korçë in 1936, reported that the Albanian government was actively working towards foster- ing anti-union sentiments among the Orthodox.45 When Harapi was in

41 ‘Prima Relazione di D. Pietro Scarpelli del 14 Febbraio 1929’, p. 15. 42 ‘Lettera di D. Pietro Scarpelli ritornato in Albania per l’intervento del Ministro Italiano del 10 Novembre 1929, ACCO, Prot. 441/28, No. VI, p. 26. 43 N.D. Smirnova, ‘Albania’s Red Bishop Fan Noli’, Soviet Studies in History, 13 (1974- 75), 3, p. 42. Also Noel Malkolm, Kosovo A Short History (New York, New York Univer- sity Press, 1998), p. 276. 44 Hysamedin Feraj, Skicë e Mendimit Politik Shqiptar (Tiranë, Koha, 1998), pp. 167 and 168-169. 45 Antonio Harapi, to Giorgio Fishta, Relazione ‘Albanesi Korça. Situazione religiosa a Korça’, ACCO, Prot. 348/36, p. 4. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 53

Korçë, an inspector of the royal court visited him several times under the pre- text of examining how the construction of the prefecture was progressing. In fact, according to Harapi, the inspector’s main focus was to keep an eye on Harapi and to discourage the Orthodox to attend the conferences he was scheduled to give. Furthermore, one of the notables of Korçë who was openly in favor of church union confided to Harapi that he was summoned by the inspector who had suggested he gave up propagating church union, and that if he did not obey, extreme measures would be taken against him.46 Meanwhile the leaders of the Autocephalous Church relentlessly opposed the Greek Catholic Church. In a circular dated January 31, 1930, Vissarion Xhuvani, the primate of the Autocephalous Church, officially announced the end of the Greek Catholic mission of Elbasan, claiming a decisive role for himself in the operation. He also invited the Orthodox to preserve their ancient saints and to cooperate with the Albanian National Church.47 Xhuvani’s sense of patriotism is well illustrated in an interview with the Serbian journal Stampa that was taken over by the weekly Katolicki Tjednik of September 22, 1934. In this interview he comments as follows on the union movement:

‘Unfortunately even our (Albanian) Orthodox Church had to fight against Roman Uniatism. The Uniats sought to penetrate in Tosknia (in South- ern Albania), i.e., in South Serbia. For this reason they have selected Elbasan as the center of their activities. But we were successful in pre- venting every attempt of the Uniates, and (we) were succeeded in shut- ting down the newly constructed church of Elbasan. Hence, we now need the guardianship of the Serbian Orthodox Church, which will help us propagate and strengthen our Albanian Church’.48

The government also followed a second path in obstructing the expan- sion of (Greek) Catholicism in Albania by supporting American Protestant

46 Ibid., p. 5. 47 Pietro D. Scarpelli, ‘Missione Orientale-Cattolica, Elbasan Albania. Relazione 10 Gen- naio-10 Maggio 1930’, Chiesa e Missione di Elbasan, ACCO, Prot. 441/28, Fasc. IV, p. 1. 48 ‘Estratto, Della Pietra, G. B., to il Signor Card. Segretario della S. C. Orientale, Scu- tari, 8 Novembre 1934’, ACCO, Prot. 289/33, pp. 1-2. 54 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU missions.49 The government also saw in it a further way to push Constan- tinople. Rome was well aware of the problem. According to a report by the apostolic delegate, Protestant missionaries made their first appearance in Albania after World War I when they attempted to settle themselves in Shkodër in northern Albania, but with little success. As a result of the strong reaction of the Catholic episcopacy, the missionaries left Shkodër and moved towards the south, away from the influence of the Catholic bishops. Eventually, the Protes- tants opened boarding schools for Albanian girls and boys in a number of Albanian cities, including Tiranë, Kavajë, Korçë and Vlorë. In Vlorë, for example, a Protestant church was built with the participation of both Mus- lim and Orthodox converts. In governmental and wider nationalist circles, religion was often regarded as a cause of dissent and disagreement and as a potential danger for national unity. Some nationalists went so far as to recommend that religion, be it Christianity or Islam, be abolished altogether. Others thought that maybe one could install one common religion for the whole of the country, which could be Protestantism.50 This may explain why the government in 1929 was considering the possibility of opening a nursery school in Tiranë to be run by Protestant missionaries from Switzerland, while at the same time trying to prevent Catholic nuns from setting up similar projects.

Union Movements in Major Orthodox Cities The attempts of the government notwithstanding, embittered Orthodox continued to work for a unity with Rome in several cities. Gjirokastër In September 1929, Papas Scarpelli was invited by a lawyer from the Dilo family from Gjirokastër, a city in the south of Albania, to set up a union center as soon as possible in the city. From his frequent contacts with members

49 ‘Relazione del Delegato Apostolico all’Cardinal Segretario di Stato del 11 Luglio 1929’. Sacre Congregazioni “Pro Ecclesia Orientali” e degli Affari Ecclesiastici Straordinari. Relazione con Sommario sulle Condizioni della Missione Cattolica di Rito Orientale in Albania, ACCO, Prot. 441/28, No. II, p. 16. 50 Fulvio Cordignano, ‘Da una Visita a Korça, 31 maggio-10 Giugnio 1929’, to the Provin- cial, Shkodër, June 18, 1929. AVPSJ, Albania II, Corrispondenza Epistolare dei Nostri, 1914- 1944, Fasc. 1926-1929, p. 12. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 55 of the Dilo family and of other prominent families in the city, Scarpelli got the impression that there was general interest in seeking union with Rome, not only in the cities of Gjirokastër and Delvinë but also in neighboring towns. According to Scarpelli, many in the Orthodox communities of Gjirokastër and Delvinë were hostile to the Albanian Autocephalous Orthodox Church because of its leaders and because they could not accept that Albanian had replaced Greek as the language of the liturgy. The liturgical texts had been translated very poorly. Moreover, there was no need for Albanian since about 80% of the Orthodox local clergy and the large majority of the population in the region was fluent in Greek (an estimated 65,000 out of approximately 90,000 people).51 Tensions were high, and some prominent members of the community were arrested. The promises made by the government to provide for larger stipends for the clergy had no effect. The movement found some support among Sunni Muslims and Bektashi who felt they had been betrayed by their own government and were seeking the protection of the Holy See and the Italian government. Still others, especially among the Greek speaking population, opposed Xhuvani and his Auto- cephalous Church, not out of sympathy for Rome, but because they just wanted stability and peace to return in the region. In a telegram to the Apostolic Delegate Della Pietra, Scarpelli expressed some hesitation about the project. He knew Gjirokastër was an important center to begin a Catholic mission and he favored the project of setting up in the city.52 But he doubted whether there was a solid basis for it and whether the Orthodox, the Muslims, and Bektashi of Gjirokastër and Delvinë really wanted the union for reasons of faith and doctrine or just because they cher- ished their Greek language and culture and objected to the Autocephalous Orthodox Church and what it stood for. One could also see offering a West- ern-oriented education for youth without any commitment to religion. These were all valid questions that needed further investigation by Rome given the meager results of the mission in the past.

51 ‘Relazione del Delegato Apostolico alla S. C. pro E. O. 8 Settembre 1929’. Sacre Con- gregazioni “Pro Ecclesia Orientali” e degli Affari Ecclesiastici Straordinari. Relazione con Som- mario sulle Condizioni della Missione Cattolica di Rito Orientale in Albania, ACCO, Prot. 441/28, No. IV, pp. 20-21. 52 Ibid. 56 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU

Elbasan Although the Greek Catholic church of Elbasan remained closed, Papas Crisostomo Dhama, an elderly parish priest of the Orthodox Church of St. Mary’s joined the Catholic Church in 1932. The local press portrayed Dhama as mentally unstable, ignorant, and an enemy of Orthodox faith and even of the state, but the man did not change his mind. He was finally anathema- tized and excommunicated from the autocephalous church. Because of all of the unfortunate events that had occurred in Elbasan, the center of the Greek Catholic mission but also the hometown of Archbishop Xhuvani, Scarpelli eventually determined that the city was far from an ideal location to start the Catholic mission. He considered the region to be hostile to foreigners in general and to Italians in particular. The mission could easily be regarded as some kind of intervention from Italy. To have a reasonable chance of success, Scarpelli thought they should ask an ethnic Albanian to take responsibility for it. He proposed Deacon Sifi Papamihali, who was a third-year student of theology in Rome. After the completion of the current academic year, Papamihali would make an excellent choice as head of the Greek Catholic mission of Elbasan.53 The local government continued to harass Scarpelli and the Greek Catholic Church of Elbasan. Scarpelli was not allowed to leave or work outside of Elbasan without the prior consent of the prefect. Due to Italian intervention this was changed, but Scarpelli was absolutely prohibited from celebrating the Byzantine-Greek rite in Elbasan.54 The newly assigned apostolic delegate, Ildebrando Antoniuti, successor to Della Pietra, agreed with Scarpelli that the situation in Elbasan was not favorable for a Catholic mission. In 1936 the number of Greek Catholics was about 150 individuals,55 but in 1938 it fell

53 G.B. Della Pietra, to Sua Eminenza Reverendissima Il Signor Cardinale Segretario della S. C. Orientale, Citta del Vaticano, Scutari 30 Gennaio 1935. Albanesi, Locus Elbasan. Chiesa e Missione di Elbasan, ACCO, Prot. 289/33, Fasc. I, Serie Documenti 1-122, pp. 1-2. 54 G.B. Della Pietra, to Sua Eccellenza Reverendissima Mons. Giuseppe Cesarini, Asses- sore della S. C. Orientale, Scutari 29 Aprile 1936, Albanesi, Locus Elbasan. Chiesa e Mis- sione di Elbasan. ACCO, Prot. 289/33, Fasc. I, Serie Documenti 1-122, pp. 1-2. 55 Ildebrando Antoniuti, to Sua Eminenza Reverendissima il Sig. Card. Eugenio Tisserant, Segretario della S. Congregazione Orientale, Scutari, 23 Ottobre, 1936, ACCO, Prot. 348/36, p. 1. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 57 to 73 and eighteen families.56 The animosity towards the Greek Catholic mission and towards Scarpelli can be illustrated with the case of the death Mr. Sifi Karidha, who had converted to Catholicism together with his family in December 1935. The family had asked Scarpelli to administer the last rights the night before the man died. His funeral was to be held in the Greek Catholic church. However, on the morning the funeral was scheduled, a policeman presented himself at the mission house. The prefect ordered Scarpelli not to celebrate the funeral mass for the deceased, as he was an Orthodox. Scarpelli responded that the deceased was not an Orthodox, because he and his entire family had received the sacraments according to the Greek Catholic rite. After inquiries of Scarpelli and of family members in the prefecture, Scarpelli was finally allowed to celebrate the funeral mass in the church and to bury the man in the Greek Catholic cemetery.57 The case was won thanks to the protests of the family of the deceased. Liberty of religion and freedom of expression, which the king had so boastfully promised to his fel- low Albanians, seemed far gone. This and similar incidents proved that Elbasan was a most difficult place to work in a mission, at least for the time being. In one of his letters to the Vatican Congregation for Oriental Churches, Anto- niuti pointed out that the Greek Catholic mission in Elbasan, and in general, turned out to be an expensive enterprise that yielded only meager results.58 Korçë Korçë was the largest and economically and culturally the most developed city of southern Albania. According to Fulvio Cordignano of the Jesuit Albanian Traveling Mission, who visited the city during the months of May-June 1929, Korçë had a population of 25,000 inhabitants. One-third of them were Sunni Muslims and the rest Orthodox.59 The Muslims had two mosques and the

56 Isidoro Croce, to Sua Eminenza il Sig. Card. Eugenio Tisserant, Segretario della S. Con- gregazione Orientale, Grottaferrata, 10 Luglio 1938, Chiesa e Missione di Elbasan, ACCO, Prot. 209/33, Fasc. II, pp. 5- 6. 57 Della Pietra, to Sua Eccellenza Reverendissima Mons. Giuseppe Cesarini, Assessore della S. C. Orientale, Scutari 29 Aprile 1936, ACCO, Prot. 289/33, Facs. I, Serie Documenti 1-122, pp. 1-2. 58 Antoniuti, to Sua Eminenza Reverendissima il Sig. Card. Eugenio Tisserant, Segretario della S. Congregazione Orientale, Scutari, 23 Ottobre, 1936, ACCO, Prot. 348/36, p. 2. 59 Cordignano, ‘Da una Visita a Korça, 31 maggio-10 Giugnio 1929’, to the Provincial, Shkodër, June 18, 1929. AVPSJ, Albania II, Corrispondenza Epistolare dei Nostri, 1914-1944, Fasc. 1926-1929, p. 9. 58 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU

Orthodox three spacious and beautiful churches. The principal Orthodox church of the city was still under construction in 1929. It was situated on the ruins of an ancient Orthodox church in the piazza next to the bishop's palace. One of the city’s Orthodox churches was exclusively used by the Vlachs, who were numerous in the city and the surrounding area. Part of the city’s affluence was due to emigration, especially to the United States. When visiting or returning to their native city, immigrants brought with them substantial wealth, and they introduced a refined American lifestyle. However, under the exquisite surface of the most sophisticated latest fashion designs and inside the splendid and elegant houses and the busy city cafés and theatres, Cordignano sensed a spiritual void that the Korçaris were trying to fill.60 Cordignano, was invited by the administrative director of the ‘Lycée Français’, Mr. Papahristo, to settle in Korçë not only to fulfill the needs of the Catholics living in the city, but also to offer philosophical-theological and moral conferences to young, educated Korçaris, who, according to Papahristo, were lacking any sort of religious education. The director discussed with Cordignano the possibility and benefits of erecting a Catholic church in Korçë, with a priest of Latin rite. According to Papahristo, the presence of a Catholic priest in Korçë could be perfectly argued for by the number of Catholics, both Albanians and foreigners (mostly Italians and French), living in the city. Hil Mosi, the prefect of Korçë, agreed that Cordig- nano stay on to serve the growing needs of the Catholics in the city. More- over, Papahristo told Cordignano that if the Catholic church celebrated its liturgy with decorum and ceremony, it would indubitably appeal to the Orthodox Christians.61 In fact, this was made possible two years later, when a small chapel of Latin rite was opened in Korçë by the Lazarist priest Francesco-Tommaso Brunetti. Brunetti’s mission in Korçë developed in a rel- atively calm atmosphere. The Apostolic Delegate Antoniuti agreed with its focus, methods, and rationale. The missionary chapel was frequented by Catholics as well as by Orthodox, and, on certain occasions, the latter were even in the majority.62

60 Ibid., p. 10. 61 Ibid., p. 13. 62 Antoniuti, to Sua Eminenza Reverendissima il Sig. Card. Eugenio Tisserant, Segretario della S. Congregazione Orientale, Scutari, 23 Ottobre, 1936, ACCO, Prot. 348/36, p. 3. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 59

In his ministry, Cordignano showed a keen interest in the Orthodox community of the city. More than once Orthodox families asked for permission to participate in mass or to listen to his sermons. Encouraged by theses suc- cesses, Rome was seriously considering opening a center of Greek Catholic mission in Korçë in the near future. Cordignano, however, was more hesi- tant and thought it to be an imprudent step that might cause troubles with the Orthodox high clergy and the government and that could turn out neg- atively for the whole project. The mission Cordignano initiated in Korçë in 1929 was picked up by Alban- ian Franciscans in 1936. Gjergj Fishta, one of the most authoritative Albanian Catholics, supported the idea of church union. In his discussions with several Orthodox leaders of Korçë, Fishta found a clear desire for union with Rome. Fur- thermore, Korçari Orthodox leaders asked Fishta to send them his confrater Fr. Anton Harapi, an Albanian Franciscan known for his patriotism, to speak to the Orthodox community of the city. Harapi was highly regarded throughout Albania for the depth and eloquence of his talks and for his elucidation on religious topics.63 At the small Catholic parochial church of Korçë, Harapi dealt with such topics as the Christian ideal, Christian religion, philosophy, ethics, Chris- tian culture, and patriotism. His talks attracted the Korçari Orthodox intellectuals as well as Muslims. The local press reported with sympathy on the event. Harapi was invited by the city authorities to give similar speeches either at the Orthodox Cathedral or in the city theatre. Brunetti sent a most enthusiastic report to Rome: every afternoon three hundred Orthodox, all the intellectuals of the city, including professors, lawyers, and industrialists, attended Harapi’s lectures. On one occasion, there were more than five hundred people present.64 Harapi himself was equally impressed with the success he met. He reck- oned the Orthodox community of the city (estimated at about 19,000 out of 25,000 inhabitants) among the most sophisticated and educated in all Albania, or, as he called them, they were the leaders or condottieres of Alban- ian Orthodoxy.65 He even thought that once the cause of the union was won

63 Giorgio Fishta, ‘Sacra Congregatio Orientalis, Scodra 12 Maggio 1936’, Albanesi Korça. Situazione religiosa a Korça. ACCO, Prot. 348/36, pp. 1-2. 64 Francesco-Tommaso Brunetti, ‘Relazione sulla Situazione Religiosa degli Ortodossi nel- l’Albania Meridionale’, ACCO, Prot. 348/36, p. 2. 65 Harapi, to P. Fishta, Giorgio, Relazione, Albanesi Korça. Situazione religiosa a Korça, ACCO, Prot. 348/36, p. 2. 60 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU in Korçë, the whole country would follow. Therefore, Harapi advised the Vatican Congregation that the Oriental Churches should concentrate forces on Korçë as a high-priority city to win over Orthodox Albania. On the other hand, Harapi was not blind to the tensions that existed between Muslims and Orthodox. He sensed that maybe one of the reasons that incited Orthodox Korçari to be sympathetic towards Rome – besides the superiority of the Catholic church as an organization – was their antipathy against their Muslim compatriots and their dominant position in society. A question that came up time and again in conversations with Orthodox was whether the pope would support them against the Muslims.66 Orthodox leaders in Korçë were among the country’s most active pro- moters of achieving autocephaly and for eliminating Greek influence in their church, which they considered to be an insult to their national pride. How- ever, as so many others, they were disheartened by the Albanian Autocephalous Orthodox Church and its leaders. The chaos in church affairs, low morals, and the ignorance of the clergy had disgusted many Korçaris. It was highly regretted that the Church had no serious means for training its clergy. Intel- lectuals had a problem with the way the Autocephalous Church often acted as some kind of government agency. They disapproved of the estrangement of the Albanian Church from the other Orthodox Churches. Those who attended Harapi’s lectures understood the need for a real form of church union, although Harapi himself was very careful not to allude to the possibility of such a union with the Catholic Church. According to Harapi, the Korçaris were dispirited by the situation of their own Church and considered union with Rome as the most desirable way to escape the crisis they were in. They admired the Catholic clergy and the strong and efficient organization of the Catholic Church, something their church lacked altogether. They were also attracted by what Harapi had to say about Catholic civil and religious culture and patriotism. All the intellectuals Harapi met during his stay in Korçë expressed an explicit desire for union with Rome. Every individual demonstrated an interest in on-going dialogue with the Catholics, especially with the clergy. For these reasons, and considering that other motives of a more material kind may also have played a part, Harapi strongly recommended that Rome should act swiftly and strike while the iron was hot.67

66 Ibid. 67 Ibid., p. 4. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 61

One day, a neighboring village sent a delegation of more than one hundred persons, headed by the papas, to Harapi requesting union with the Catholic Church. The request followed an incident with Sunni Muslims on the day of Epiphany. However, when they were asked to attend Catholic cat- echetic instruction, they refused to do so. The biggest problem with the Orthodox, according to Harapi, was that they could not come to a decision. Harapi also reported an interesting incident that occurred in Korçë during his visit. When Papas Petri, one of the Greek Catholic priests of Elbasan, was invited to celebrate mass in Korçë in Greek, the prefect urged the local Orthodox bishop to start an aggressive anti-union campaign. The bishop, however, frustrated by the government’s interference in Church affairs, answered that he felt constrained to ‘lead his people with the cross to embrace Catholicism’.68 A similar act of ‘civil disobedience’ is reported by Brunetti in May 1936 with regard to Scarpelli’s initiative to celebrate mass according to the Byzantine rite. Although the Orthodox followers were under police surveillance, three hundred male Orthodox supporters of the union attended the service.69 Brunetti had transformed the chapel to accommodate the celebration of the Byzantine rite, and the Orthodox immediately felt at home. The Orthodox insisted that Scarpelli extend his visit in order also to celebrate the Feast of the Annunciation. The possible threat of police or government intervention did not prevent people from attending the celebrations. The Korçaris’ discontent with the Albanian government and with their church is also clearly reflected in a protest of 1936. The protesters regretted that their church and religion had fallen to the lowest level since it lacked a school for clergy training and was not able to provide people with the necessary spiritual support. In addition, concern was expressed with regard to the statute of the Orthodox Church as approved in the 1929 congress, which, according to the protesters, was compiled in a hurry and did not correspond to the current situation or the needs of the Orthodox Church. The protesters also called for a new congress to be held in their city.70

68 Ibid., p. 5. 69 Brunetti, ‘Relazione sulla Situazione Religiosa degli Ortodossi nell’Albania Meridionale’, ACCO, Prot. 348/36, p. 2. 70 ‘Preghiera degli Ortodossi di Korça ai Dirigenti delle Commissioni Ecclesiastiche di Korça’, signed gli Ortodossi di Korça, ACCO, Prot. 348/36, pp. 1-2. 62 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU

This protest coincided with a project that the Orthodox leaders who were working for union had discussed with Harapi. Their plan was to win the votes favoring church union on the part of Orthodox religious leaders and faithful and then convene a general congress in Korçë and declare en masse union with Rome. Interestingly, the protest of Orthodox faithful of Korçë happened less than one year before the official recognition of autocephaly by Constantinople. It is probable that, given the collective dissatisfaction the Orthodox faithful had for their national church and the enthusiasm and inclinations they were showing for the Catholic Church, they might have pressured Constantinople to speed up the process. In conclusion, Harapi’s mission to Korçë was successful. He helped nurture the pro-union sentiment among the Orthodox faithful. Harapi concluded in his report that he had wit- nessed an undeniable enthusiasm and favorable disposition of Korçaris toward church union. However, he described these leanings as vague. Nonetheless, he urged Rome to work more vigorously to follow up on these tendencies, a course Rome eventually pursued. In 1938, when Isidore Croce from the Abby of Grottaferrata visited Korçë, he found 60 Greek Catholic faithful belonging to thirteen families and 200 Latin Catholics. Papas Josif Papamihali and Kristo Trebicka were serving the Greek Catholic community.71

Greek Catholic Mission after the Official Autocephaly Recognition Rome did not lose hope for the union of Orthodox Albanians. In fact, after the official recognition of autocephaly from Constantinople in 1937, Rome multiplied efforts to win over Orthodox Albanians. In June 1937, only one month after the recognition of autocephaly, the Congregation for Oriental Churches decided to send three Italian-Albanian clergymen to abet the Greek Catholic Albanian mission. Besides Elbasan, Korçë was the second most important city the missionaries were planning to visit. The congregation considered the two cities advantageous, both religiously and geographically. Apparently, the congregation did not want to lose Elbasan, the center of the union mission. Another city the congregation was considering besides these

71 Croce, to Sua Eminenza il Sig. Card. Eugenio Tisserant, Segretario della S. Congregazione Orientale, Grottaferrata, 10 Luglio 1938, Chiesa e Missione di Elbasan, ACCO, Prot. 209/33, Fasc. II, p. 5. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 63 two was Vlorë, which was located in southwestern Albania, facing the Adri- atic Sea. At the beginning, the Catholic Church of Vlorë could be used for Oriental services. However, the Franciscan parish priest was very ill-disposed to Greek-Catholics and Orthodoxy in general. The Apostolic Delegate, Ilde- brando Antoniuti, had proposed to Rome that if the Franciscan was removed from Vlorë, the church and the parish residence could be used for Oriental services as well, given there were only fifteen Catholic families who had moved from the north.72 This plan was realized when Isidore Croce visited Vlorë in 1938. There were forty Greek Catholic faithful in Vlorë and approximately one hundred Roman Catholics. Scarpelli served the Greek Catholic community of Vlorë during Croce’s visit. The liturgy and the Byzantine func- tions were celebrated in the Catholic Church in a side altar.73

Basilian Monks of Grottaferrata to Assist the Albanian Greek Catholic Mission The Abbey of Grottaferrata, founded in 1004 by Sts. Nilo and Bartolomeo, fifty years before the so-called schism between the Eastern and Western Churches, was established in the metropolitan territory of the Roman patriarchate. The monastery had always been united to the Apostolic See of Rome, while nonetheless maintaining and preserving the Byzantine-Studite liturgical tradition. These unique characteristics make the Monastery of Grottafer- rata a unique phenomenon in ecclesiastical history. The Basilian monks of Grottaferrata had ancient relations with the Chris- tian East, particularly with Albania, that went back to the 16th century. In 1622, Pope Gregory XV, with the bull Inscrutabili Divinae, established the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of Faith or Propaganda Fide. The main focus of Propaganda Fide was to foster the spread of Catholicism, to reg- ulate Catholic ecclesiastical affairs in non-Catholic countries, and to halt the spread of Islam in Catholic lands, as was the case in Albania. Basilian missionaries were sent to help revive Catholicism, especially in central and southern Albania. The monks were for the most part of Albanian descent, Italian- Albanians of southern Italy, especially from Sicily and Calabria. Or, as Nilo Borgia explains, the Basilian missionaries who went to Albania were ‘Italians

72 Antoniuti, to Sua Eminenza Reverendissima il Sig. Card. Eugenio Tisserant, Segretario della S. Congregazione Orientale, Scutari, 24 Giugnio 1937, ACCO, Prot. 348/36, p. 2. 73 Croce, to Sua Eminenza il Sig. Card. Eugenio Tisserant, p. 4. 64 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU by adoption, Albanians by origin, and monks by profession’.74 The monks accelerated their missions during the 16th and 17th centuries, especially in the mountainous region of Himarrë in southern Albania, which, according to the local bishop, ‘had an innate proclivity and devotion towards the holy church of Rome, from the time of the blessed memory of Gregory XIII, when the Greek Seminary of Saint Athanasios was established, its first student was a Himarriot’.75 Furthermore, Himarrë had kept frequent contacts with the Catholics of the west, especially with the Venetians, with whom they shared a common enemy, the Ottomans.76 The relations of the Chris- tians of Himarrë with Greece were never cordial, and Greek religion did never profoundly pervade their hearts.77 Basilian missionaries were particularly successful in this region, and, as a result, almost the whole population of Himarrë came under the jurisdiction of the pope. In 1577, representatives from the people of Himarrë wrote a letter to Pope Gregory XIII, requesting the rebuilding of the Episcopal residence, which was destroyed by the Ottomans,78 and seeking unity with the Roman Church, on the condition that their priests, bishops, prelates, and patriarchs would be able to administer the sacraments and celebrate according to the Greek-Byzantine liturgical tradition, because the majority of the people did not know Latin.79 The Basilian colleges of Grottaferrata in Rome and Mezzojuso in Sicily played important roles in training the future Byzantine Catholic clergy targeted for missions in Albania. In the spring of 1920, under the special recommendation from the pope and the Congregation for the Oriental Churches, Nilo Borgia from the abbey of Grottaferrata and Papas Paolo Matranga, parish priest in Piana dei Greci, both Italian-Albanians of Greek Catholic tradition, toured central and northern Albania to succor the Albanian Greek Catholic mission. They visited Durrës, Shkodër, Tiranë, Elbasan, Berat, Fier, and Vlorë.

74 Nilo Borgia, I Monaci Basiliani d’Italia in Albania, Appunti di Storia Missionaria, Secoli XVI-XVIII (Rome, Istituto per l’Europa Orientale, 1935), p. 2. 75 Ibid., p. 10. 76 Ibid., pp. 10-11. 77 Ibid., p. 11. 78 Historia e Popullit Shqiptar, Ilirët, Mesjeta, Shqipëria nën Perandorinë Osmane gjatë Sheku- jve XVI-Vitet 20 të Shekullit XIX, Vol. I (Tiranë, Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë, Insti- tuti I Historisë, Toena, 2002), p. 600. 79 Borgia, I Monaci Basiliani, p. 19; also Historia e Popullit Shqiptar, Vol. I, p. 601. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 65

Then, in the summer of 1938, only a few months before he was appointed as archimandrite, Isidore Croce, accompanied by Lorenzo Tardo from Grotta- ferrata, visited southern Albania to look into the possibility of establishing a permanent Basilian mission in the country. They passed through Durrës, Fier, Metan, Berat, Kuçovë, Vlorë, Korçë, Elbasan, and Tiranë. Croce met with the local Catholic authorities, the Orthodox Bishop of Berat, Monsignor Agathangjel Çamçe, and Mitrophor Vasil Marko of Korçë. From his encoun- ters with Orthodox leaders and faithful, Croce got the impression that they still deplored the derangement of their Autocephalous Orthodox Church, which did not at that time have the energies and means to remedy the situation and fill the spiritual void of the Orthodox faithful. The individuals Croce talked to held the Catholic Church and the Catholic organization in high esteem. Croce remarked that Albanians in general, and the Albanian elite in particular, tended to separate themselves from their Oriental culture and tradition and looked towards the West as the more sophisticated partner. Croce also noticed that a similar disposition towards Western ideas was shared by Christians and Sunni Muslims alike.80 According to his detailed report to Cardinal Tisserant, Croce thought that an immediate Basilian establishment in southern Albania was necessary and that time was running out, ‘as the monks needed to get used to Albanian traditions and language and the Alban- ian people needed to get used to the monks’.81 According to Croce, the ideal place to begin the mission was the city of Elbasan, where the first Greek Catholic Church and mission in Albania had its beginnings. Later on, the monks could then expand their mission to other cities, such as the neighboring city of Fier. In Elbasan, the monks would dedicate their energies not only to the apostolate in general, but they would also teach young people, concen- trating especially on those individuals who were considering an ecclesiastical vocation before they were sent to the seminary in Grottaferrata for advanced theological studies. In March 1938, Archimandrite Isidore Croce, in accord with the Con- gregation for Oriental Churches, invited the monastic chapter of Grottafer- rata to open a mission house in central Albania, between Berat and Fier. The

80 Croce, to Sua Eminenza il Sig. Card. Eugenio Tisserant, Segretario della S. Congregazione Orientale, Grottaferrata, 10 Luglio 1938, Chiesa e Missione di Elbasan, ACCO, Prot. 209/33, Fasc. II, pp. 1-2. 81 Ibid., p. 8. 66 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU

Congregation for Oriental Churches considered the current situation more than favorable since a good number of Orthodox Albanians seemed to be willing to come over to the Catholic Church.82 Fier was a good candidate for a mission, because the Catholics had long since been without a priest.83 Croce, who had just returned from a journey to Albania, informed the monks of the difficulties the mission would have to face in dealing with the high-ranking Orthodox clergy and with the Albanian government. Consequently, Croce proposed to the Congregation for Oriental Churches that rather than Fier, the monks should station their mission in the already established house of Elbasan. Judging from the circumstances, they could in the future extend their mission to other Albanian cities such as Fier. Croce’s proposal was approved by the Congregation for Oriental Churches and by the Apostolic Delegate. The monastic chapter of Grottaferrata, in its meeting of August 1938, voted in favor of an Albanian mission of the Basilian monks of Grotta- ferrata in the city of Elbasan.84 In typical monastic spirit and discipline, two monks of Grottaferrata, Daniele Barbiellini Amidei and Flaviano La Piana, after receiving a special blessing from Pope Pius XI departed for Albania. They arrived the next day in Durrës. After celebrating mass in the Catholic church of Durrës, the monks departed for their final destination, Elbasan.85 A few months later, in Decem- ber 1938, it was officially communicated that the Catholic mission of Elbasan had been entrusted to the monks of Grottaferrata.86 Two months after their arrival in Elbasan, Danielle Barbiellini wrote a detailed report to the Congregation for Oriental Churches in which he explained that the government at first sight might give the impression of being indifferent to religious matters in general and to Catholic activity in particular, but that in practical issues the government systematically opposed the Catholic mission.87 He saw two causes: the influence of the Orthodox clergy in government circles and its fear for initiatives that could end in a

82 Cronache delle Missioni in Elbasan, 1938-1939, ‘Registro dei Verbali del Capitolo della Badia di Grottaferrata’, ABGG, p. 1. 83 Ibid., p. 2. 84 Ibid., p. 1. 85 Ibid., p. 2. 86 Ibid., p. 6. 87 Daniele Barbiellini, to Sua Eminenza Rev.ma il Cardinale Eugenio Tisserant, Elbasan, Ottobre 1938’, Cronache delle Missioni in Elbasan, ABGG, p. 1. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 67 union with the Catholic Church. To this end they used the local papas, who for the most part were uneducated and blind instruments in the hands of their superiors. Furthermore, the government was uncomfortable with the idea that some day a strong Catholic or Christian party (in the case of a successful union between the Orthodox and the Catholic Church) could endanger the Muslim supremacy. For that reason the government tolerated and even supported the intrigues of the Orthodox and favored dissent among Chris- tians. As a consequence, Catholic activity was viewed with suspicion and closely monitored. The Basilian mission to Albania was not a simple one. It required a lot of experience, prudence, and local expertise on the part of the missionaries. When the Basilian monks reached Elbasan, the Greek Catholic mission was languishing, because local authorities had forbidden the Italian-Albanian priests Scarpelli and Matranga from officiating according to the Byzantine- Greek tradition. Only liturgical celebrations in the Latin rite for Roman Catholics were tolerated. The Basilian monks, in concert with the Apostolic Delegate, Della Pietra, tried a fresh approach.88 The first thing they noticed was the shallow spiritual level of the faithful of the Greek Catholic mission,89 as well as the profound religious indifference among Albanians, the lack of catechetical instruction, and the dearth of teaching every principle of Chris- tian life. The monks were very reproachful of the quality of the Greek Catholic faithful, who thought of their membership in the Greek Catholic Church as a means to make a living or as a mode to resolve economic issues. They deplored the reversal of the Greek Catholic mission of Elbasan to a com- mercial-type agency which administered scholarships, aid, and all sort of favors to the faithful, and they took immediate measures to eradicate the corrupted system. According to Barbiellini, who did not spare harsh language in his detailed report to Rome, the Greek Catholic mission had simply bought the faithful, who in turn thought of their church membership as a legitimate right to live at the expense of the mission or at least as a means of raising their family income. The monks were scandalized by the case of a converted Greek Catholic priest who after being notified of a reduction in his monthly stipend from the mission had expressed the intention of returning back to

88 Croce, ‘La Congregazione Basiliana’, p. 233. 89 Barbiellini, to Sua Eminenza Rev.ma il Cardinale Eugenio Tisserant, Elbasan, 27 Gen- naio 1939, Chiesa e Missione di Elbasan, ACCO, Prot. 209/33, Fasc. II, p. 1. 68 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU

Orthodoxy. Aleksandër Gega, the church singer, as a matter of fact returned to Orthodoxy when he was denied a raise of his stipend. As a sign of protest, he made both his sons, who were studying for free at the minor seminary in Grottaferrata and at the Greek College in Rome respectively, quit their studies in Rome and return home to Orthodoxy. In the first five months of the mission, two Orthodox families converted to Greek Catholicism. The monks noticed that their conversion was ‘disin- terested’.90 During the months that followed, the motto, as explained by Bar- biellini, was to win the benevolence and esteem of the local people, and only after this first step was accomplished could they attract more people to God.91 However, remediating the unprincipled modus operandi of the mission was not enough. It was also essential to educate people in the Catholic faith. To meet this objective, the monks introduced Sunday catechetical instruction and Scripture study. Moreover, locals invited the monks to their homes to give catechetical instruction to their daughters, as young girls were not allowed to frequent the church. Such was the case with the family of Benjamin Marku. The monks were straightforward in stating that the ‘conversion should be spontaneous, and not motivated by any other interest’.92 The Biba family expressed interest in conversion as well. The monks wanted all family members to pursue catechetical instruction three times a week, and, after finish- ing the instruction, they would be evaluated.93 Furthermore, both Orthodox and Muslim local youth were attracted by the monks’ zeal, and, according to Barbiellini’s report, still more of them would be after the library, which was in the planning stages, had been established.94 Church participation for the Christmas celebrations was sizable, with the participation of several Ortho- dox families. The monks paid a visit to Prof. Shuteriqi, an Orthodox intellectual who expressed interest in conversion to Catholicism, but ‘found it impossible to make the first step in that direction for family reasons’.95 Against their intentions and following the advice of the most experienced in the

90 Ibid., p. 6 91 Barbiellini, to Sua Eminenza Rev.ma il Cardinale Eugenio Tisserant, Elbasan, Ottobre 1938’, Cronache delle Missioni in Elbasan, ABGG, p. 3. 92 Cronache delle Missioni in Elbasan, 1938-1939, 17 Dicembre 1938, ABGG, p. 5. 93 Cronache delle Missioni in Elbasan, 1938-1939, 2 Gennaio 1939, ABGG, p. 10. 94 Barbiellini, to Sua Eminenza Rev.ma il Cardinale Eugenio Tisserant, Elbasan, Ottobre 1938’, Cronache delle Missioni in Elbasan, ABGG, p. 3. 95 Cronache delle Missioni in Elbasan, 1938-1939, 14 Dicembre 1938, ABGG, p. 5. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 69 region, the monks did not make an effort to contact the local Orthodox clergy who were very conscious of their inferiority. However, they were able to establish friendly relationships with the local clergy, both Bektashi and Orthodox, in the following months of their Albanian mission. The monks did not hesitate to respond to the local Bektashi’s invitation to visit the Bek- tashi Grand Teqe. The visit with the Bektashi was more than cordial. The Grand Baba Mustafa was interested in the Basilian organization and explained the Bektashi organization and way of life.96 The monks were invited and participated in the Orthodox Christmas Mass, and, after the mass, they paid a visit to the houses of the local clergy to deliver their Christmas greetings in person.97 Another major challenge the monks had to face was the concern of refer- ring to the Byzantine Catholic Church with the derogatory term “uniate” and to the Greek Catholic faithful as “uniates”. Consequently, the monks proposed to the apostolic delegate to drop the term “uniate” altogether and to replace it with the Catholic Church that locals were much more accustomed to.98 The local authorities presumed the Greek Catholic Church was a dis- tinct and separate entity from the Catholic Church, and for that reason it was not officially recognized by the government, which was constitutionally secular, but equally tolerated and protected Albania’s three religions: Muslim, Orthodox, and Catholic. The government tended to look upon uniatism as a fourth religion. Barbiellini asked the Congregation for Oriental Churches to help straighten out the confusion and assured the government officials and local people that the Greek Catholic Church was in a true sense a Catholic Church, but of different ritual. An event that happened on November 28, on the occasion of the feast of independence, illustrates the attitude of the government towards the Greek Catholic Church. Barbiellini had decided to dedicate a special thanksgiving service, as was done also in the local Orthodox Church and in the mosque. The prefect was invited. To Barbiellini’s surprise, the prefect responded that the ‘Uniate Church is not recognized by the government’.99 Barbiellini wrote

96 Cronache delle Missioni in Elbasan, 1938-1939, 14 Settembre 1938, ABGG, p. 2. 97 Cronache delle Missioni in Elbasan, 1938-1939, 6 Dicembre 1938, ABGG, p. 3. 98 Cronache delle Missioni in Elbasan, 1938-1939, 30 Novembre 1938, ABGG, p. 2. 99 Barbiellini, to Sua Eminenza Rev.ma il Cardinale Eugenio Tisserant, Elbasan, 27 Gen- naio 1939, Chiesa e Missione di Elbasan, ACCO, Prot. 209/33, Fasc. II, p. 6 70 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU back that the Greek Catholic Church of Elbasan is part and parcel of the Catholic Church. He also explained that he was the special delegate of the Holy See to assist with the Catholic mission in Albania. The only suggestion the prefect had for Barbiellini is that Rome ought to intervene to resolve the situation. Certainly, this attitude was not beneficial for the mission. Ortho- dox and Muslim faithful who were considering joining the Greek Catholic Church were discouraged by this position of inferiority. In order not to be left out completely from the festivities, the monks participated in the civil ceremonies that took place in the prefecture. They also took part in the procession at the local Orthodox Church and in the mosque.100 In return the monks opened the doors of their mission to local Sunni Muslims. Gani Bey, one of the influential beys of Elbasan, paid them a visit. Gani Bey expressed his support for the mission and promised he would influence the prefect and overrule any opposition on the part of the government against the opening of a Catholic ambulatory and hospi- tal.101 However, most devastating for the mission was the ineradicable assump- tion that the uniates fomented dissension between the Catholics and the Orthodox, a mentality that is still very present in some Orthodox circles today. And, as if this situation was not complicated enough, the monks had to fight against Latin clergy, especially some Franciscans of Shkodër, who forthrightly declared to their communities that the uniate Church and the uniate faithful were no Catholics. ‘Although the uniate Church did everything that the Catholic Church is expected to do, it is still not enough Catholic, but is simply and temporary tolerated by the Catholic Church’,102 was a common Latin bigotry. One can imagine what the Catholic faithful in Elbasan, who lacked a church of their own and had to attend the Greek Catholic services, would think of this church. The monks were especially sensitive to this part of the population, who refused to bring their families along, because they considered mass and other liturgical services that were said there as illegitimate.

100 Cronache delle Missioni in Elbasan, 1938-1939, 28 Novembre 1938, ABGG, p. 1. 101 Cronache delle Missioni in Elbasan, 1938-1939, 7 Dicembre 1938, ABGG, p. 3. 102 Barbiellini, to Sua Eminenza Rev.ma il Cardinale Eugenio Tisserant, Elbasan, 27 Gen- naio 1939, Chiesa e Missione di Elbasan, ACCO, Prot. 209/33, Fasc. II, p. 7. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 71

The Italian Invasion of Albania and Italian Policy towards Church Union On April 7, 1939, Mussolini’s troops invaded Albania. The ports of Durrës and Shëngjin in the north and Vlorë and Sarandë in the south were the first to be invaded.103 Victor Emanuel III took the Albanian crown. The Italian occupation of Albania seemed at first glance to open new perspectives for the Greek Catholic mission of the Basilian monks and to provide an invigorat- ing penetration of Catholicism in Albania. The ‘hour of the Lord has arrived’, stated Nigris in his correspondence to the Congregation for the Oriental Churches, and to Barbiellini, whom he invited to speed up his activities, which would now no longer be hindered by Zog’s government.104 Soon two new centers were opened, one in Fier and the other in Gjirokastër. The Basilian sisters, the Daughters of Saint Macrina, founded by Nilo Borgia and Elena Raparelli, joined efforts with the monks to aid the Albanian Greek Catholic mission. In August 1939, Mother Macrina left with three sisters for Albania. They headed for Gjirokastër. Upon their arrival in Albania, the sisters were contacted by the Apostolic Delegate, Nigris, who requested the mother superior to send Basilian sisters to Fier as well. Even- tually, in November of the same year, Mother Eumelia, accompanied by a few sisters, left for Fier.105 Given the advantageous political circumstances, Nigris designed an aggressive missionary plan. Building on the good-will the Catholic Church had experienced among the Orthodox and the Bektashi, Nigris thought it was legitimate to encourage them even more.106 His ample correspondence with the Congregation for the Oriental Churches shows him successful in obtain- ing substantial economic aid for the Albanian mission. Most important, Nigris solicited the support of the lieutenant-general in Albania, F. Jacomoni, to the union cause. Jacomoni considered Church union as the logical avenue to follow on the religious map of Albania.107 ‘The (Orthodox) Church authorities understand the new political situation of the country … and feel the

103 Stefanaq Pollo and Arben Puto, The History of Albania from its Origins to the Present Day (London – Boston, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981), p. 219. 104 Croce, ‘La Congregazione Basiliana’, pp. 233-234. 105 Cecilia Frega, Madre Macrina Raparelli Fondatrice della Congregazione Suore Basiliane “Figlie di S. Macrina” (Mezzojuso, 2001), pp. 55-56. 106 G.B. Nigris to Eugenio Card. Tisserant, Scutari, 13 Giugnio 1939, Albania II, Cor- rispondenza Epistolare dei Nostri, 1914-1944, Prot. 281/39, p. 1. 107 Croce, ‘La Congregazione Basiliana’, pp. 234-235. 72 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU necessity of uniting with Rome, in order to liberate Albanian Orthodox from various Balkan and especially Greek influences’.108 Moreover, Jacomoni, in his correspondence to Rome, reported on the abysmal religious and economic conditions of the Albanian Autocephalous Orthodox Church, and on a special meeting he had with Kristofor Kisi, Metropolitan of Tiranë and head of that church, regarding the union of Albanian Orthodoxy with the Catholic Church. Kisi had declared that he was fully convinced of the necessity and benefit of uniting with Rome, a unity that, according to Kisi, the Orthodox population would accept without discussion, if it was officially decided by the Holy Synod. In the eyes of the Orthodox leaders, now that Italy had occupied Albania, union with the Catholic Church meant that the Italian government would take the responsibility for financially supporting the clergy. However, after this initial benevolence, it would take some time for the Italian government to determine its role in the union movement. Nigris fore- saw as the first step in his plan the conversion or union of the Orthodox with the Catholic Church; second, the union of the Bektashi; and third, that of the Sunni Muslims.109 The conversion of Bektashi to Catholicism was considered both a way to undermine the majority position of the Sunni Mus- lims and to find a balance between the Muslim and the Christian population. The greatest challenge that Nigris anticipated was the education of the Orthodox clergy, the catechetical education of the Orthodox faithful, and the reform of the two Orthodox seminaries.

The Greek Catholic Mission of Radostinë and a Change in Italian Policy toward the Union Movement One of the first fruits of the union-related missionary work of the Basilian monks was the mission of Radostinë, in the diocese of Berat, a town in southern-central Albania. The Orthodox priest Pando Vartopi and Petro Pilo, parish priest of Radostinë, informed the apostolic delegate, Nigris, in Sep- tember 1939, of their intentions and those of the villagers to unite with the Catholic Church. The accompanying letter in Albanian addressed to the apostolic delegate was signed by family heads of the village and by the priests.

108 Dela Roka, Kombësia dhe Feja në Shqipëri, 1920-1944, p. 214. 109 Nigris, to Eugenio Card. Tisserant, Scutari, 13 Giugnio 1939, Albania II, Corrispon- denza Epistolare dei Nostri, 1914-1944, Prot. 281/39, pp. 1-2. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 73

The letter expressed ‘the unconditional desire of the villagers to unite with the Church of Rome. According to the Holy Scripture, we desire a united Christianity’.110 The villagers also were requesting a special blessing from the Holy Father for their move. However, Nigris’s fears regarding the Orthodox high clergy proved to be true. When the intentions of the citizens of Radostinë were made public, controversy and persecution were imminent. Emissaries of the Bishop of Berat made their first move in October 1939. Pando Vartopi was interrogated by the sub-prefect and the political secretary of Fier. Petro Pilo, along with a deacon from Berat, was handed a statement in which he denied being involved in the initiative to seek union with Rome, which no one in the village wanted to sign. When asked, the head of the village refused to give up the key of the local church.111 From Nigris’s report to Tisserant, it is clear that the apostolic delegate showed some hesitancy regarding the case of Radostinë. He thought that Barbiellini’s decision to accept the conversion of the villagers was hasty and not adequately evaluated. Nigris thought that more preparative work and investigation on the part of the Basilians were needed to study the situation and the motives of the villagers’ conversion.112 The situation became volatile, and, in fact, ended up in a fist fight between the epitropos of Fier, Vangjel, and Pando Vartopi. In October 1939, Pando Vartopi had a heated confrontation with Agathangjel Çamçe of Berat, ask- ing for the penalty of law and amends of 2,500 Albanian Francs for the public insult.113 The case of Radostinë was an unfortunate occurrence, causing a schism among Orthodox faithful supportive of a union with Rome, decry- ing the Greek Catholic mission, and corroding relations with Italy, which until then had expressed enthusiasm for the union mission. The people of Radostinë were reassured by Pando Vartopi with economic incentives, and he vowed that when they were united with the Catholic Church, they were not going to pay the tithe. As soon as the villagers learned the truth, that com-

110 Nigris, to Eugenio Card. Tisserant, Scutari, 23 Settembere 1939, Missione a Radostin, Berat, ACCO, Prot. 693/39, p. 3 (accompaning letter in Albanian with the village signa- tures). 111 Nigris, to Eugenio Card. Tisserant, Scutari, 10 Novembre 1939, Missione a Radostin, Berat, ACCO, Prot. 693/39, p. 1. 112 Ibid., p. 2. 113 Nigris, to Eugenio Card. Tisserant, Scutari, 10 Novembre 1939, Copia Allegato al N. 623/39, Missione a Radostin, Berat, ACCO, Prot. 693/39, p. 2. 74 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU pensations from Rome and Italy were not on the way, they went back to their old faith. The result was devastating for the movement: an entire village apostated the very next day after it had accepted union with Rome. Fur- thermore, it appeared that the morals of Pando Vartopi left much to be desired.114 It seemed as though it was Barbiellini’s normal procedure to pay for conversion. The case of Radostinë complicated relations with the Italian lieutenant in charge of the region, who expressed his concerns to Nigris about the case of Radostinë: ‘If controversy and disorder arises, I will behave like Zog, and incarcerate the responsible clergy’.115 Radostinë signaled a change in Italian politics toward the union movement. Italy had lost interest and eagerness in the movement within the very first months after the invasion. Later on it turned outright hostile towards the mission, as it was very attentive about dealing with the various religious communities in Albania, seeking to maintain balance, equally respecting and supporting each of them and trying to avoid any religious controversy and division.116 The Italians treated each religious community according to its political importance and the influence it exercised in society at large, an attitude that disappointed Catholics as well as Orthodox. The Italians began to see the union movement as an imminent danger to religious harmony, as the movement was causing problems with the Autocephalous Orthodox Church, with the Sunni Muslim community, which felt threatened by the Bektashis considering conversion to Christianity, and within the Catholic community itself where some complained about the initiative as such.117 But there was also a political reason of a different kind behind the change in attitude. Alban- ian nationalists had a strong voice in the Albanian Autocephalous Church. They had been accusing Greece of persecuting the Albanians in Epirus.118

114 The apostolic delegate, Nigris, was informed by the people of Libofsha, a parish Var- topi served before Radostinë, that Vartopi prostituted his wife with the bishop of Berat. The people were irritated and requested the removal of their parish priest. But their requests fell on the deaf ears of the bishop. Several people, irritated by the situation, had asked the Jesuit Brother Pantalia: ‘Bring a unite priest and we will become Catholics’. Nigris, to Eugenio Card. Tisserant, Scutari, 19 Febbraio 1940, ACCO, Prot. 692/39, p. 1. 115 Nigris, to Eugenio Card. Tisserant, Scutari, 19 Febbraio 1940, ACCO, Prot. 692/39, p. 3. 116 Dela Roka, Kombësia dhe Feja në Shqipëri, p. 200. 117 Ibid., p. 202. 118 Georges Castellan, Histori e Ballkanit Shekulli XIV-XX (Tiranë,Cabej, 2001), pp. 461- 462. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 75

Mussolini showed a great interest in their case while secretly preparing war with Greece. At 3:00 a.m. on October 28, 1940, Italy sent Greece an ulti- matum, and three hours later Mussolini’s armies began their march toward Greece.119 By attacking Greece, Mussolini wanted to secure Italy’s interest in the Balkans and his role in the war and to counter Hitler who had not even taken the trouble of informing him in advance of the German moves.120

The Greek Catholic Mission of Sarandë Another project the Basilian monks were working on in 1939 was the mission of Porto Edda, Sarandë, a city in southern Albania on the coast of the Ionian Sea near Greece, with a mixed population, half Sunni Muslim and half Orthodox. In October 1939, Lorenzo Tardo visited Sarandë to study the possibility of establishing a Basilian mission. As soon as Tardo reached Sarandë, he visited the only Orthodox Church in the city. He liked the iconostasis, with the icons of the Redeemer, the Virgin, St. John the Baptist, and St. Athanasios.121 Tardo also paid a visit to the efimerios (parish priest) Papa Kristo, who was pleased to meet the Basilian monk in person. According to Tardo’s report, the main focus of the tête-à-tête was to discuss the civil and religious conditions of Albania. Papa Kristo was a partisan of union of the Orthodox Church with Rome. In fact, the conversation between the priests ended with Papa Kristo saying that he ‘will salute with joy the day of union with Rome’.122 Tardo asked specific questions regarding the union movement and the inclinations of the Orthodox of Sarandë. According to Papa Kristo, a lot of persuasive work was needed so that people could be illuminated. The priest also drew Tardo’s attention to the fact that at first the Italians had been welcomed by the Orthodox as the Christian liberators from the Muslim yoke and as supporters of the Cross of Jesus Christ, but that afterwards it appeared that they were much more supportive of the Muslims, much to the regret of the Orthodox; this was a clear sign of the change in politics by the Italian government. The next important point in their discussion was whether the

119 Miranda Vickers, The Albanians, a Modern History (London-New York, I.B. Tauris, 1997), p. 143. 120 Barbara Jelavich, History of the Balkans, Twentieth Century (Cambridge, University Press, 1983), pp. 227-228. 121 Lorenzo Tardo, ‘Copia Allegato al N. 513/39, Nigris, to Eugenio Card. Tisserant, Scu- tari, 13 Ottobre 1939’, Missione a Porto Edda, ACCO, Prot. 591/39, p. 3. 122 Ibid., p. 4. 76 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU

Orthodox would be allowed to preserve their Byzantine liturgical tradition after they united with Rome. Tardo assured Papa Kristo that there would be ‘an absolute conformity in ceremony and language, and the liturgical language will remain Greek’,123 adding that the only difference would be that the name of the pope was going to be mentioned in the liturgy. Papa Kristo invited Tardo to celebrate the morning liturgy. He himself was willing to sing the responses, and the faithful would see for themselves and make a judgment. He promised to inform the people to attend the morning liturgy. Tardo accepted the invitation. The event was successful; Tardo was satisfied, as were Papa Kristo and the Orthodox attending. Tardo, in the first petition of the liturgy, sang, ‘Let us pray for our Supreme Pontiff, Pope Pius’, and the people responded with a Kyrie elesion.124 After the liturgy, Tardo met with the Orthodox faithful of the parish. He explained that the mass he had celebrated had been the same as the one Albania had celebrated in the 15th century in the time of George Kastriot Skënderbeg, when after the death of their national hero Albanians had preferred to go into exile in order to preserve their Christian faith in unity with the pope of Rome. And now that Albania had been united with Italy, it was only logical and beneficial that it would return to its old Christian roots of church unity and that it would renew its unity with the pope. Tardo assured the people that the pope would exercise the same paternal protection of the Albanian Christians, who had been aban- doned by the Phanar and their bishops, as he had done at that time. All the people consented. Tardo promised Papa Kristo and the faithful that he would definitely return soon to visit their parish.125 The successful meeting notwithstanding, Tardo judged it was not oppor- tune, at least for the moment, to install a permanent Basilian mission in Sarandë. Nigris was disappointed, for he thought that the Catholics should benefit from the auspicious political climate.126 Papa Kristo had formally informed the apostolic delegate of his and his parishioners’ intentions to unite with the Catholic Church. But instead, Tardo proposed that intermittent vis- its to keep the union spirit alive would be more profitable for the moment.

123 Ibid. 124 Ibid., p. 5. 125 Ibid., p. 6. 126 Nigris, to Eugenio Card. Tisserant, Scutari, 13 Ottobre 1939, Missione a Porto Edda, ACCO, Prot. 591/39, p. 1. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 77

Apostolic Delegate Leone Giovanni Nigris’s Colloquia with Orthodox Leaders Lorenzo Tardo’s attitude of ‘wait and see for better times’ did not satisfy the apostolic delegate’s ambitions. Nigris, known for his missionary zeal, decided to take matters into his own hands. Among the Orthodox high clergy and members of the Holy Synod, three were in favor of union with Rome: Mon- signor Kristofor Kisi, Metropolitan of Tiranë and head of the Albanian Auto- cephalous Church; the Metropolitan of Berat, Agathangjel Çamçe; and Mitro- for Vasil Marko. The Bishops of Gjirokastër and of Korçë, both Greek nationals who had been accepted by the Albanian Autocephalous Church in 1937 to please the Phanar and as part of their attempt to be granted autocephaly, opposed the union.127 By March 1939, Nigris had been able to realize a desire he had been con- templating for quite some time, to meet in person with Mgr. Kisi.128 Nigris had been given some useful information on the Albanian Autocephalous Church. The Church had about 260,000 faithful, 350 priests, 30 deserted monasteries which had been entrusted to a priest and were administered and used by lay people, 30 Orthodox seminarists who were enrolled in state schools while pursuing some religious instruction (thus completing their eight-year seminary training), and two priests trained to teach in the seminary.129 Kisi especially regretted the poor level of intellectual training of the Orthodox clergy. Then Nigris mentioned unity with the Catholic Church as a possible remedy to this situation, to which Kisi responded, ‘that would be a good thing, but now it is a critical moment and personal ambitions came in between’.130 Nigris replied that the Orthodox hierarchy would be kept intact. The meeting was not a success. It seemed that Kisi had become much

127 Dela Roka, Kombësia dhe Feja në Shqipëri, p. 215. 128 Nigris, to Eugenio Card. Tisserant, Scutari, 26 Marzo 1939, Chiesa Autocephala e Propaganda Cattolica Orientale, Albania Affari Generali Sommario, ACCO, Prot. 299/38, p. 1. 129 In a later report after a two-hour meeting with Vasil Marko, Nigris was able to get more accurate numbers. The number of the Orthodox priests was 450 instead of 350; there were 90 Orthodox seminarists instead of 30, 30 in Tiranë and 60 in Korçë. Nigris, to Eugenio Card. Tisserant, Tirana, 17 Aprile 1939, Chiesa Autocephala e Propaganda Cattolica Orientale, Albania Affari Generali Sommario, ACCO, Prot. 299/38, p. 1. 130 Nigris, to Eugenio Card. Tisserant, Scutari, 26 Marzo 1939, Chiesa Autocephala e Propaganda Cattolica Orientale, Albania Affari Generali Sommario, ACCO, Prot. 299/38, pp. 1-2. 78 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU more ambiguous than he once was. When Kisi had still been Archbishop of Berat, also later on in Korçë, he had ‘a perfectly Catholic persuasion’.131 But now Kisi had changed his attitude, although the Italian minister assured Nigris that the man still was well-disposed toward the cause of union.132 The second important encounter Nigris had was with Mitrofor Vasil Marko, a carpenter from the USA ordained to the priesthood by Fan Noli. Marko’s sympathy for union with Rome had been well known for almost a decade in Catholic circles. In a conversation he had with Pietro Scarpelli in 1930 in Tiranë, Marko expressed his support for the union and promised Scarpelli his cooperation.133 In reality, Marko was hoping that the Orthodox Church would thus be able to get back its dignity, as well as obtain ample financial means to face the Muslims in Albania.134 In their meeting, Nigris and Marko focused on the union. Marko was concerned above all about economic and national issues. He asked what would happen to the current hierarchy and who would take the responsibility of leading the clergy. Nigris responded that he was not authorized to discuss economic matters, but he said he felt, that once the unity between the two churches had been realized, hierarchical and economic matters would certainly be discussed. Marko responded, ‘One individual is needed to take the initiative. Personally, I do not feel like doing it. But if one takes the initiative I will follow’.135 Nigris exhorted Marko to discuss the union cause with Kisi and with the best elements in the Orthodox hierarchy, a request Marko promised to pursue. The meeting ended with a mutual wish for church union. From Marko’s comments, Nigris was able to prognosticate somewhat who among the Albanian

131 Stefano Gjeçov, to Dodaj, Paolo, Provinciale dei Francescani d’Albania, Elbasan, August 1924, ACCO, Prot. 28/28, Facs. III, p. 4. 132 Nigris, to Eugenio Card. Tisserant, Scutari, 26 Marzo 1939, Chiesa Autocephala e Propaganda Cattolica Orientale, Albania Affari Generali Sommario, ACCO, Prot. 299/38, p. 2. 133 ‘Terza Relazione di D. Pietro Scarpelli, 10 Gennaio 1930’. Sacre Congregazioni “Pro Eccle- sia Orientali” e degli Affari Ecclesiastici Straordinari. Relazione con Sommario sulle Condizioni della Missione Cattolica di Rito Orientale in Albania, ACCO, Prot. 441/28, Nr. X, p. 38. 134 Fulvio Cordignano, ‘Il mio Viaggio nell’Albania del Sud: Aprile 1928. Quel che si puo Pensare sulla Questione Ortodossa’, to the Provincial, May, 30, 1928. AVPSJ, Albania II, Corrispondenza Epistolare dei Nostri, 1914-1944, Fasc. 1926-1929, p. 10. 135 Nigris, to Eugenio Card. Tisserant, Tirana, 17 Aprile 1939, Chiesa Autocephala e Propaganda Cattolica Orientale, Albania Affari Generali Sommario, ACCO, Prot. 299/38, p. 1. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 79

Orthodox high clergy would be on the side of the union. The economic issue was a far more complicated one. The Orthodox Church had strong links with the government, to a degree the Catholic Church never had. Moreover, it received financial aid from Bulgaria, Romania, and, in the case of Vissar- ion Xhuvani, from Yugoslavia. The Orthodox seminary of Korçë was main- tained by grants from Greece. There was a possibility that the Italian government might provide some help here, which would be most welcome to further the discussions on this issue. The Orthodox faithful were divided, something the Italian occupation did not change much. Intellectuals and the elite were generally in favor of union with Rome, but the lower classes were so for purely utilitarian reasons.

The Greek Catholic Mission of Berat Despite all the difficulties, the strategy of the unionists became a little more concrete in the following months. In May 1940, Barbiellini informed Nigris of localities where new missionary centers could be established. In October of the same year, a delegation headed by the Metropolitan of Berat, Agath- angjel Çamçe, took part in the special synod organized by the Italian-Alban- ian eparchies at Grottaferrata, where it was decided to reserve a wing of the monastery to welcome the converted clergy pursuing their theological training.136 At about the same time, Nigris successfully inaugurated the first Greek Catholic mission of Berat. Josif Papamihali, an Albanian Greek Catholic priest, and the Adoratrice Sisters of the Blessed Sacrament from Cremona were in charge of the mission. Papamihali was the first Albanian priest belonging to the secular clergy to have been entrusted a mission in southern Albania. Since the Ottoman invasion in the 15th century, Berat had never hosted a Catholic institution. The city was the see of the Orthodox bishop. Its population consisted of half Orthodox Christians and half Muslims. The Ortho- dox of Berat were mostly in favor of the union. In fact, already in 1935, the union movement was gaining momentum in the city. Several distinguished families of Berat invited Scarpelli to realize the union. In 1938, more similar requests were coming from Berat. Athanas Papapavli was corresponding with the Congregation for Oriental Churches about the possibility of build-

136 Croce, ‘La Congregazione Basiliana, pp. 236-237. 80 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU ing a Greek Catholic Church in Berat. Papapavli wanted ‘to donate two houses worth 3,500 golden Franks if an Eastern Catholic Church was going to be built’.137

The Byzantine Catholic Mission of Tiranë and the Jesuit Approach to Christian Unity Michele Troshani, an Albanian Jesuit of the Byzantine tradition, was responsible for the Greek Catholic center of Tiranë. Tiranë was not the best location in central Albania to have a Greek Catholic mission, because the mission was under the scrupulous surveillance of the Orthodox high clergy. Troshani asked Rome to send nuns to assist him, because they often better succeeded in making contact with Orthodox families. He also brought up the issue of building a church because the tiny Byzantine chapel inside the Catholic Church was too small. In 1942 the number of Greek Catholic faithful in Tiranë was about 130, divided over ten to twelve families. The large majority of them were Calabrians. There were only fifteen Albanians.138 Troshani had encountered the same kind of cold and unwelcoming attitude among Latin Catholics of Tiranë toward the Greek Catholics that could be found elsewhere in Albania. In fact, Troshani complained in his report to Rome that the Latin, ‘authentic or true’ Catholics liked the Muslims better than their brothers and sisters in faith.139 Troshani recommended extreme prudence in order not to disturb completely the relations with the Ortho- dox hierarchy of the capital, and yet to be able to seek contact with those individuals among the hierarchy and intellectuals who were positively inclined to the unity with the Catholic Church. The Jesuits essentially followed a method based on dialogue rather than on assimilation. Troshani and Giuseppe Valentini, a Jesuit of Byzantine tradition who at that time was in Tiranë and a scholar of Albanian studies and

137 In the ACCO, there is a long correspondence in English between Athanas Papapavli and the Congregation for the Oriental Churches regarding the union inclinations from the Orthodox faithful of Berat and a plan of action proposed by Papapavli in 1939. Papapavli, to the Sacra Congreg. Orientale, Citta del Vaticano, Berat, February 8, 1939. S. Con- gregazione “Pro Ecclesia Orientali,” Mr. Athanas Papapavli, Albania, Berat, ACCO Prot. 104/38, p. 1. 138 Michele Troshani, to Eugenio Card. Tisserant, Tirana, 25 Marzo 1943, AVPSJ, Alba- nia II, Corrispondenza Epistolare dei Nostri, 1914-1944, p. 3. 139 Ibid. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 81 member of various academies, were always looking for elements that both churches had in common to begin a dialogue. On November 24, 1943, the Jesuits of Tiranë organized a conference commemorating Fr. Giorgio Guzzetta of Piana degli Albanesi (1682-1756), a distinguished Arbëresh or Italian- Albanian priest and poet, founder of the Greek seminary of Palermo in 1730, and a well-respected personality in Albanian Orthodox circles. It was thought that Guzzetta’s career was a good starting point for a dialogue with the Ortho- dox. Many Orthodox personalities, clergy and lay people, were invited to the conference, which ended with a celebration in the Byzantine rite. Troshani had invited Papas Petro Isaku from Korçë to sing mass with him on that occasion. Mgr. Ireneo Banushi, the newly appointed auxiliary bishop of Mgr. Kisi, was invited to share a meal with the Jesuit community. This Jesuit approach to establish relations with the Orthodox already pointed to the spirit that would dominate the Second Vatican Council. Troshani thought it was crucial that the Latin clergy get rid of its prejudices against the Ortho- dox, understand the importance of Christian unity, and treat with compre- hension the Orthodox brothers.140 In the Pontifical Albanian Seminary – the training ground of the Albanian clergy of the future – and in the Jesuit Apos- tolic School special courses were offered on Eastern Christian history and theology. The Jesuits also brought up the issue of church unity during the Octave of Prayer for Christian Unity in 1943, which was opened by a speech by Valentini. Every day of the octave, Valentini gave the participants from both groups – seminarians and students of the Apostolic School – a theme to meditate on. Books were distributed among the participants and it was decided that each group would begin building its own collection of books dealing with Oriental issues.141 The Jesuits were really working in the spirit of 1944 encyclical of Pope Pius XII, reflecting Rome’s renewed sense of appreciation and respect for the Eastern traditions. The last piece of information on the Greek Catholic mission in Albania is a report of Ernesto Cassinari, superior of the Catholic mission of Korçë, which signals the beginning of severe persecutions by the communists and talks of arrests and extraditions of Catholic missionaries of foreign descent. Barbiellini was placed in forced residence in Berat for several months, and the Basilian mission of Fier was raided by partisan troops in August 1945.

140 Ibid., p. 4. 141 Ibid., pp. 4-5. 82 INES ANGJELI MURZAKU

In 1946 the Basilian monks were finally expatriated, together with other Catholic missionaries and clergy, and their houses and goods were confis- cated by the communist government. These events signaled the end of the mission in Albania. With the communist takeover of the country, Greek Catholics, as well as faithful of all other religions, were forced to go under- ground.

CONCLUSIONS

The second period of the Greek Catholic Mission in Albania, which began in 1929 and ended in 1946, was not successful due to religious and political circumstances. The long struggle of the Albanian Orthodox Church to obtain its autocephaly from the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople (1922-1937) resulted in much disillusion and for that reason was thought to offer a promising ground for the union movement. The Serbian influence and the poor choices made in appointing the leaders of the self-proclaimed Alban- ian Autocephalous Church were enough reasons to make Orthodox Albani- ans look favorably to Rome and to church unity as the only solution to their ecclesiastical problems. Rome multiplied its efforts to win over Orthodox Albanians after the official recognition of autocephaly by the Patriarch in 1937. The mission of the Basilian monks of Grottaferrata among the Greek Catholics had to face the hostility of the Albanian government, of the high-level Orthodox clergy, and even of some Catholics (especially the Franciscans). Moreover, the monks had to be very thoughtful about whom to approach because many Ortho- dox regarded conversion as a means to make a living. As a result only a very limited number of people, mostly from the Orthodox high clergy of the Albanian Autocephalous Orthodox Church, the Orthodox elite and intellectuals, were really interested in a union. At first the occupation of Albania by Italy seemed to open new perspectives to the union movement. However, this initial support soon was given up and the Mussolini regime gradually grew indifferent and even hostile to the movement. The Holy See finally decided to postpone the whole union project and wait for a more appropriate time, because it was thought that the Orthodox clergy was not adequately prepared for a long-lasting unity with the Catholic Church. ROME’S LAST EFFORTS TOWARDS THE UNION OF ORTHODOX ALBANIANS 83

On the positive side, one could argue that the Greek Catholic mission caused a change of mentality in the Latin clergy operating in Albania and helped create a sense of appreciation of the Eastern traditions. Its failure, moreover, helped Rome to realize that the methods it had applied in Alba- nia were, with the Jesuit approach as the exception, for the most part out- dated.

ABSTRACT

The article offers an analysis, based on original source material, of Rome’s last efforts to realize a union of the Albanian Autocephalous Orthodox Church, and even of some followers among the Sunni Muslims and the Bektashi, with the Catholic Church. The missionary zeal of the apostolic delegates and of the monks of Grottaferrata and the sympathy the project had among certain parts of the population notwithstanding, the mission met with no success, mainly for political and religious reasons.