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The Chinese Civil War (1927–37 and 1946–49)
13 CIVIL WAR CASE STUDY 2: THE CHINESE CIVIL WAR (1927–37 AND 1946–49) As you read this chapter you need to focus on the following essay questions: • Analyze the causes of the Chinese Civil War. • To what extent was the communist victory in China due to the use of guerrilla warfare? • In what ways was the Chinese Civil War a revolutionary war? For the first half of the 20th century, China faced political chaos. Following a revolution in 1911, which overthrew the Manchu dynasty, the new Republic failed to take hold and China continued to be exploited by foreign powers, lacking any strong central government. The Chinese Civil War was an attempt by two ideologically opposed forces – the nationalists and the communists – to see who would ultimately be able to restore order and regain central control over China. The struggle between these two forces, which officially started in 1927, was interrupted by the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, but started again in 1946 once the war with Japan was over. The results of this war were to have a major effect not just on China itself, but also on the international stage. Mao Zedong, the communist Timeline of events – 1911–27 victor of the Chinese Civil War. 1911 Double Tenth Revolution and establishment of the Chinese Republic 1912 Dr Sun Yixian becomes Provisional President of the Republic. Guomindang (GMD) formed and wins majority in parliament. Sun resigns and Yuan Shikai declared provisional president 1915 Japan’s Twenty-One Demands. Yuan attempts to become Emperor 1916 Yuan dies/warlord era begins 1917 Sun attempts to set up republic in Guangzhou. -
Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School March 2019 Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927 Ryan C. Ferro University of South Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Scholar Commons Citation Ferro, Ryan C., "Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927" (2019). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7785 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist-Guomindang Split of 1927 by Ryan C. Ferro A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Co-MaJor Professor: Golfo Alexopoulos, Ph.D. Co-MaJor Professor: Kees Boterbloem, Ph.D. Iwa Nawrocki, Ph.D. Date of Approval: March 8, 2019 Keywords: United Front, Modern China, Revolution, Mao, Jiang Copyright © 2019, Ryan C. Ferro i Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………….…...ii Chapter One: Introduction…..…………...………………………………………………...……...1 1920s China-Historiographical Overview………………………………………...………5 China’s Long -
20 JOMSA Only Foreign Head of State to Receive the Award Was the Taisho Emperor of Japan
(“Grand Merit Order”) instead of Da Bao Zhang (“Grand President Yuan on the anniversary of the Wuchang Precious Order”). Uprising but declined by Sun The sash for the sash badge (Figure 8) was Imperial • Li Yuanhong – awarded October 10, 1912 by President Yuan to Vice President Li on the anniversary of the yellow) and was worn over the left shoulder.21 The Wuchang Uprising insignia was to be worn on formal dress although it could also be worn with informal attire where required • The Taisho Emperor of Japan – awarded November for diplomacy.22 10, 1915 by President Yuan • Feng Guozhang (Figure 9) – awarded July 6, 1917 by President Li Yuanhong to Vice President Feng • Xu Shichang (Figure 10) – awarded October 10, 1918 by President Xu Shichang to himself on the anniversary of the Wuchang Uprising • Duan Qirui – awarded September 15, 1919 by President Xu Shichang to Premier Duan Qirui • Cao Kun (Figure 11)– awarded October 10, 1923 by President Cao Kun to himself on the anniversary of the Wuchang Uprising • Zhang Zuolin – awarded around 1927 by Zhang Zuolin to himself as Grand Marshal of China24 Seven were presidents (or equivalent, in the case of Zhang Zuolin). Notwithstanding the 1912 Decree, the Grand Order was also awarded to vice-presidents and premiers Figure 8: Illustration of the Republican Grand Order sash badge reverse with the name of the Order (Da Xun Zhang, 大勋章) in seal script. Compare the characters to that of the Imperial Grand Order in Figure 5 (www.gmic.co.uk). The regulations provided for the surrender or return of the insignia upon the death of the recipient, or upon conviction of criminal or other offences.23 Given the chaotic times of the early Republic, this did not necessarily occur in practice. -
1 Reexaminating TERAUCHI Masatake's Character
February 2019 Issue Reexaminating TERAUCHI Masatake's Character - As a “Statesman”- KANNO Naoki, Cheif, Military Archives, Center for Military History Introduction What comes to mind when you think of TERAUCHI Masatake (1852 - 1919)? For example, at the beginning of the Terauchi Cabinet (October 1616 - September 1918), it was ridiculed as being both anachronistic and a non-constitutional cabinet. Using NISHIHARA Kamezo, also known as Terauchi's private secretary, he provided funds of up to 110 million yen to the Duan Qirui government in northern China (the Nishihara Loans). The so-called Rice Riots broke out in his final year, and Siberian Intervention began. Terauchi was also called a protégé of YAMAGATA Aritomo, the leading authority on Army soldiers from former Choshu domain (Choshu-han). On the other hand, what about the succeeding Hara Cabinet (September 1918 - November 1921)? Exactly 100 years ago, HARA Takashi had already started the cabinet that consists of all political party members, except for the three Ministers of the Army, Navy, and Foreign Affairs. After the World War I, a full-on party politics was developed in Japan as global diplomatic trends drastically changed. Compared to Hara, Terauchi has not been evaluated. After Chinese-Japanese relations deteriorated following the Twenty-One Demands in 1915, the aforementioned Nishihara Loans, implemented for recovery, were over-extended to the only northern part of China, the Duan Qirui government only for a limited time. Then, ultimately, the Loans did not lead an improvement in relationships. Thus it can be said that, until recently, Terauchi's character has been almost entirely neglected by academia. -
Enfry Denied Aslan American History and Culture
In &a r*tm Enfry Denied Aslan American History and Culture edited by Sucheng Chan Exclusion and the Chinese Communify in America, r88z-ry43 Edited by Sucheng Chan Also in the series: Gary Y. Okihiro, Cane Fires: The Anti-lapanese Moaement Temple University press in Hawaii, t855-ry45 Philadelphia Chapter 6 The Kuomintang in Chinese American Kuomintang in Chinese American Communities 477 E Communities before World War II the party in the Chinese American communities as they reflected events and changes in the party's ideology in China. The Chinese during the Exclusion Era The Chinese became victims of American racism after they arrived in Him Lai Mark California in large numbers during the mid nineteenth century. Even while their labor was exploited for developing the resources of the West, they were targets of discriminatory legislation, physical attacks, and mob violence. Assigned the role of scapegoats, they were blamed for society's multitude of social and economic ills. A populist anti-Chinese movement ultimately pressured the U.S. Congress to pass the first Chinese exclusion act in 1882. Racial discrimination, however, was not limited to incoming immi- grants. The established Chinese community itself came under attack as The Chinese settled in California in the mid nineteenth white America showed by words and deeds that it considered the Chinese century and quickly became an important component in the pariahs. Attacked by demagogues and opportunistic politicians at will, state's economy. However, they also encountered anti- Chinese were victimizedby criminal elements as well. They were even- Chinese sentiments, which culminated in the enactment of tually squeezed out of practically all but the most menial occupations in the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. -
Introduction
Notes Introduction 1. Hobsbawm 1990, 66. 2. Diamond 1998, 322–33. 3. Fairbank 1992, 44–45. 4. Fei Xiaotong 1989, 1–2. 5. Diamond 1998, 323, original emphasis. 6. Crossley 1999; Di Cosmo 1998; Purdue 2005a; Lavely and Wong 1998, 717. 7. Richards 2003, 112–47; Lattimore 1937; Pan Chia-lin and Taeuber 1952. 8. My usage of the term “geo-body” follows Thongchai 1994. 9. B. Anderson 1991, 86. 10. Purdue 2001, 304. 11. Dreyer 2006, 279–80; Fei Xiaotong 1981, 23–25. 12. Jiang Ping 1994, 16. 13. Morris-Suzuki 1998, 4; Duara 2003; Handler 1988, 6–9. 14. Duara 1995; Duara 2003. 15. Turner 1962, 3. 16. Adelman and Aron 1999, 816. 17. M. Anderson 1996, 4, Anderson’s italics. 18. Fitzgerald 1996a: 136. 19. Ibid., 107. 20. Tsu Jing 2005. 21. R. Wong 2006, 95. 22. Chatterjee (1986) was the first to theorize colonial nationalism as a “derivative discourse” of Western Orientalism. 23. Gladney 1994, 92–95; Harrell 1995a; Schein 2000. 24. Fei Xiaotong 1989, 1. 25. Cohen 1991, 114–25; Schwarcz 1986; Tu Wei-ming 1994. 26. Harrison 2000, 240–43, 83–85; Harrison 2001. 27. Harrison 2000, 83–85; Cohen 1991, 126. 186 • Notes 28. Duara 2003, 9–40. 29. See, for example, Lattimore 1940 and 1962; Forbes 1986; Goldstein 1989; Benson 1990; Lipman 1998; Millward 1998; Purdue 2005a; Mitter 2000; Atwood 2002; Tighe 2005; Reardon-Anderson 2005; Giersch 2006; Crossley, Siu, and Sutton 2006; Gladney 1991, 1994, and 1996; Harrell 1995a and 2001; Brown 1996 and 2004; Cheung Siu-woo 1995 and 2003; Schein 2000; Kulp 2000; Bulag 2002 and 2006; Rossabi 2004. -
Threading on Thin Ice: Resistance and Conciliation in the Jade Marshal’S Nationalism, 1919-1939
THREADING ON THIN ICE: RESISTANCE AND CONCILIATION IN THE JADE MARSHAL’S NATIONALISM, 1919-1939 Mengchuan Lin A thesis submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History (Modern China). Chapel Hill 2013 Approved by: Michael Tsin Miles Fletcher Klaus Larres ©2013 Mengchuan Lin ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii Abstract Mengchuan Lin: Threading On Thin Ice: Resistance and Conciliation in the Jade Marshal’s Nationalism, 1919-1939 (Under the direction of Michael Tsin) The 1920s marked a decade in the history of modern China which is typically referred to as the period of warlords. This period was characterised by political chaos, internal division and internecine warfare between various cliques of military strongmen who controlled China’s numerous provinces. These de facto military dictators of China, known as warlords in historical literature, were customarily construed to be avaricious and self-serving despots who ruled their large territories with little regard for the welfare of their subjects or that of the Chinese nation. My thesis aims to revise these previously held assumptions concerning the historical agency of Chinese warlords by investigating the unusual conduct of a particularly influential warlord: Wu Peifu. Wu’s display of deeply seated nationalistic tendencies throughout his political career, I argue, complicates our understanding of the impact that Chinese warlords exerted on the rise of Chinese national -
China's Xinhai Revolution and Political Fluctuations in Japan
China’s Xinhai Revolution and Political Fluctuations in Japan Book synopsis by author Sakurai Ryōju (Reitaku University) Translated by Christopher D. Scott In this book, I take up the Xinhai Revolution of 1911—a critical event that signaled the de facto start of political disorder in China—and its influence on later Japanese politics. Japan’s policy toward China became confused during the 1910s and veered off course during World War I, in part because of the instability of the Chinese political situation. With the outbreak of World War I, Japan’s policy toward China disengaged from international cooperation and became more active. At the same time, Japan’s involvement with China also became more diversified. Thus, the government and private citizens of Japan reacted to the ups and downs of the Chinese political situation by trying to secure their influence over China while displaying either so-called “autonomous” or “cooperative” responses vis-à-vis the great powers, which were being either “coercive” or “friendly” toward China. This was a departure from the fundamental policy of Japanese diplomacy following the Russo-Japanese War, which was to gradually expand influence over China while maintaining a foundation of cooperation with both Britain and Russia. Mine is not the first study to deal with the relationship between the Xinhai Revolution and Japan. Earlier studies have shown, for example, that Japan became a base for the revolutionary movement due to the fact that some Japanese people (such as Miyazaki Tōten and Umeya Shōkichi) supported the Xinhai Revolution and many Chinese exchange students had come to Japan before the revolution. -
East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine (EASTM - Universität Tübingen)
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine (EASTM - Universität Tübingen) EASTM 42 (2015): 39-71 The Experience of Illness in Early Twentieth-century Rural Shanxi Henrietta Harrison [Henrietta Harrison is professor of modern Chinese studies at Oxford University. She received her doctorate from Oxford University in 1996 and subsequently taught at Leeds and Harvard universities. She works mainly on the history of central Shanxi and has published a biography of Liu Dapeng (The Man Awakened from Dreams: One Man’s Life in a North China Village 1857- 1942, 2005) as well as a history of a Catholic village in the same area (The Missionary’s Curse and Other Tales from a Chinese Catholic Village, 2013). Contact: [email protected]] * * * Abstract: This paper uses the diary and other records of Liu Dapeng 劉大鵬 (1857-1942), a Shanxi village resident, to examine how people in rural China experienced and understood illness at an important time of transition for medical systems in China. It explains how Liu understood the illnesses that afflicted himself and members of his family in terms of providence. The healing methods he used ranged through self-medication with folk remedies and modern patent medicines; remedies provided by families friends and neighbours (including acupuncture and prescriptions based on classical Chinese medicine); remedies provided by gods and shamans; and prescriptions provided by professional doctors of Chinese medicine, whom Liu deeply distrusted. It also examines the arrival of Western medicine in Shanxi and argues that while this existed it was incorporated into networks of medicine provided by family and friends, rather than functioning as a separate institutional system. -
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Ill DEMCHUGDONGROB’S EARLY CAREER 1919-1928 The Ruling Prince of His Own Banner After the old Prince Namjilwangchug died, there was not an actual ruling prince of the Sunid Right Banner for almost seventeen years. Therefore, Demchugdongrob’s assumption of power as jasag was a momentous and happy occasion for the whole ban ner. It also relieved, at least ostensibly, his “ official” mother (the Turned khatun, the first wife of his father) and the elderly officials of the banner of their heavy responsibilities.' During 1919, Prince De’s first year in charge of the banner administration, a group of Buriyad Mongolian intellectuals initiated the Pan-Mongolian movement, and in late February convened a meeting of delegates from Buriyad and Inner Mongolia at Dau- ria, in Siberia. They decided to organize a government for all Mongolia and sent repre sentatives to the Paris Peace Conference to strive for international recognition ofMon golia’s independence. Because it had already established its own government. Outer Mongolia rejected the invitation, but some Inner Mongols, especially the leaders of the Hulunbuir area in the far north of Inner Mongolia, were willing to Join, and the Naiji- Toyin Khutugtu of Hohhot Turned (Inner Mongolia) was recognized as their leader. Though this movement failed to achieve its goal of recognition at the Paris con ference, it influenced all of Mongolia. Even though the activities of Japanese militarists and the White Russian leader, Semenov, overshadowed this movement, it still helped to rouse a common Mongolian desire for unity and independence. Although Demchugdong- rob was not involved in these matters, he was inevitably influenced by them. -
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VII THE PERIOD OF THE MONGOLIAN POLITICAL COUNCIL APRIL 1934 - JANUARY 1936 Founding of the Council The approved Eight Articles on Mongolian Local Autonomy became the legal foundation for Mongolian self-rule that Mongolian leaders had desired for years. In ac cordance with these principles, both the Temporary Outline of the Organization of the Mongolian Local Autonomous Political Affairs Council and its main personnel were all announced. The hearts of both traditional and more modem-minded Mongol leaders were gladdened, and they also perceived this as an unprecedented event in the history of the Republic of China. Still, the Eight Articles also occasioned a counterattack from the frontier provinces. Fu Zuoyi and his clique tried hard to destroy this great accomplish ment. Because of this. Prince De and other leaders ofthe autonomy movement had no choice but to concentrate their attention and energy on dealing with the pressure from without. But they were unable to make progress solving internal problems and satisfying the desires of the Mongol people because of Japanese westward expansion and changes in China ’s domestic political scene. After the Mongolian delegates returned to Beile-yin sume and submitted their report, both Prince Yon and Prince De took up their positions on April 3, 1934 and then telegraphed the Chinese government that they would go ahead with ceremonies to mark the establishment of the Mongolian Political Council and the inauguration of its mem bers. Princes Yon and De invited General He Yingqin, the Superintendent of Mongolian Local Autonomy, to come and “supervise” the ceremony. On April 23, 1934 the Mongolian Political Council was founded and its mem bers were sworn in. -
The 1911 Revolution and the Korean Independence Movement: the Road to Democratic Republicanism
The 1911 Revolution and the Korean Independence Movement: The Road to Democratic Republicanism KIM Bong-jin 1. Foreword The Xing Zhonghui 興中会 （Revive China Society） started by Sun Yat-sen（ 1866-1925） and Wang Zhaoming 汪兆銘（ Wang Jingwei, 1883-1944） merged with the Hua Xinghui 華興会 established by Song Jiaoren 宋教仁 （1882-1913） and Huang Xing 黄興（ 1874-1916） on August 20, 1905 in Tokyo to become the Zhongguo Tongmenghui 同盟会 （Chinese Revolutionary Alliance）. Sun Yat-sen was selected to head the organization, and Huang Xing to run general affairs. Various documents were adopted, including the “mili- tary government proclamation,” “general articles of the Tongmenghui,” and “revolutionary strategy.” The Tongmenghui issued as their organizational publication the Minbao 民報, which adopted the general principles advocated by Sun of “expel the Manchus and restore China, establish a republic, and equalize land rights.” Subsequently, they fomented uprisings all over China, but all ended in failure. The Wuchang New Army successfully revolted against the Qing govern- ment on October 10, 1911. Other provinces followed suit by declaring inde- pendence from the central government. On January 1, 1912 the Provisional Government of the Republic of China was established in Nanjing, with Sun Yat-sen as provisional president. On February 12, however, Yuan Shikai （1859-1916） compelled the child emperor Puyi（ 1906-1967） to abdicate. The next day Sun Yat-sen turned in his resignation as president and recommended to the provisional National Assembly that Yuan take the position. On February 15 the provisional National Assembly agreed on Yuan’s appointment and to designate Nanjing as the capital.