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Conceptualizing the Blue Frontier: the Great Qing and the Maritime World
Conceptualizing the Blue Frontier: The Great Qing and the Maritime World in the Long Eighteenth Century Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultüt der Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg Vorgelegt von Chung-yam PO Erstgutachter: Prof. Dr. Harald Fuess Zweitgutachter: Prof. Dr. Joachim Kurtz Datum: 28 June 2013 Table of Contents Abstract 2 Acknowledgments 3 Emperors of the Qing Dynasty 5 Map of China Coast 6 Introduction 7 Chapter 1 Setting the Scene 43 Chapter 2 Modeling the Sea Space 62 Chapter 3 The Dragon Navy 109 Chapter 4 Maritime Customs Office 160 Chapter 5 Writing the Waves 210 Conclusion 247 Glossary 255 Bibliography 257 1 Abstract Most previous scholarship has asserted that the Qing Empire neglected the sea and underestimated the worldwide rise of Western powers in the long eighteenth century. By the time the British crushed the Chinese navy in the so-called Opium Wars, the country and its government were in a state of shock and incapable of quickly catching-up with Western Europe. In contrast with such a narrative, this dissertation shows that the Great Qing was in fact far more aware of global trends than has been commonly assumed. Against the backdrop of the long eighteenth century, the author explores the fundamental historical notions of the Chinese maritime world as a conceptual divide between an inner and an outer sea, whereby administrators, merchants, and intellectuals paid close and intense attention to coastal seawaters. Drawing on archival sources from China, Japan, Korea, Vietnam, and the West, the author argues that the connection between the Great Qing and the maritime world was complex and sophisticated. -
20 JOMSA Only Foreign Head of State to Receive the Award Was the Taisho Emperor of Japan
(“Grand Merit Order”) instead of Da Bao Zhang (“Grand President Yuan on the anniversary of the Wuchang Precious Order”). Uprising but declined by Sun The sash for the sash badge (Figure 8) was Imperial • Li Yuanhong – awarded October 10, 1912 by President Yuan to Vice President Li on the anniversary of the yellow) and was worn over the left shoulder.21 The Wuchang Uprising insignia was to be worn on formal dress although it could also be worn with informal attire where required • The Taisho Emperor of Japan – awarded November for diplomacy.22 10, 1915 by President Yuan • Feng Guozhang (Figure 9) – awarded July 6, 1917 by President Li Yuanhong to Vice President Feng • Xu Shichang (Figure 10) – awarded October 10, 1918 by President Xu Shichang to himself on the anniversary of the Wuchang Uprising • Duan Qirui – awarded September 15, 1919 by President Xu Shichang to Premier Duan Qirui • Cao Kun (Figure 11)– awarded October 10, 1923 by President Cao Kun to himself on the anniversary of the Wuchang Uprising • Zhang Zuolin – awarded around 1927 by Zhang Zuolin to himself as Grand Marshal of China24 Seven were presidents (or equivalent, in the case of Zhang Zuolin). Notwithstanding the 1912 Decree, the Grand Order was also awarded to vice-presidents and premiers Figure 8: Illustration of the Republican Grand Order sash badge reverse with the name of the Order (Da Xun Zhang, 大勋章) in seal script. Compare the characters to that of the Imperial Grand Order in Figure 5 (www.gmic.co.uk). The regulations provided for the surrender or return of the insignia upon the death of the recipient, or upon conviction of criminal or other offences.23 Given the chaotic times of the early Republic, this did not necessarily occur in practice. -
1 Reexaminating TERAUCHI Masatake's Character
February 2019 Issue Reexaminating TERAUCHI Masatake's Character - As a “Statesman”- KANNO Naoki, Cheif, Military Archives, Center for Military History Introduction What comes to mind when you think of TERAUCHI Masatake (1852 - 1919)? For example, at the beginning of the Terauchi Cabinet (October 1616 - September 1918), it was ridiculed as being both anachronistic and a non-constitutional cabinet. Using NISHIHARA Kamezo, also known as Terauchi's private secretary, he provided funds of up to 110 million yen to the Duan Qirui government in northern China (the Nishihara Loans). The so-called Rice Riots broke out in his final year, and Siberian Intervention began. Terauchi was also called a protégé of YAMAGATA Aritomo, the leading authority on Army soldiers from former Choshu domain (Choshu-han). On the other hand, what about the succeeding Hara Cabinet (September 1918 - November 1921)? Exactly 100 years ago, HARA Takashi had already started the cabinet that consists of all political party members, except for the three Ministers of the Army, Navy, and Foreign Affairs. After the World War I, a full-on party politics was developed in Japan as global diplomatic trends drastically changed. Compared to Hara, Terauchi has not been evaluated. After Chinese-Japanese relations deteriorated following the Twenty-One Demands in 1915, the aforementioned Nishihara Loans, implemented for recovery, were over-extended to the only northern part of China, the Duan Qirui government only for a limited time. Then, ultimately, the Loans did not lead an improvement in relationships. Thus it can be said that, until recently, Terauchi's character has been almost entirely neglected by academia. -
Making the Palace Machine Work Palace Machine the Making
11 ASIAN HISTORY Siebert, (eds) & Ko Chen Making the Machine Palace Work Edited by Martina Siebert, Kai Jun Chen, and Dorothy Ko Making the Palace Machine Work Mobilizing People, Objects, and Nature in the Qing Empire Making the Palace Machine Work Asian History The aim of the series is to offer a forum for writers of monographs and occasionally anthologies on Asian history. The series focuses on cultural and historical studies of politics and intellectual ideas and crosscuts the disciplines of history, political science, sociology and cultural studies. Series Editor Hans Hågerdal, Linnaeus University, Sweden Editorial Board Roger Greatrex, Lund University David Henley, Leiden University Ariel Lopez, University of the Philippines Angela Schottenhammer, University of Salzburg Deborah Sutton, Lancaster University Making the Palace Machine Work Mobilizing People, Objects, and Nature in the Qing Empire Edited by Martina Siebert, Kai Jun Chen, and Dorothy Ko Amsterdam University Press Cover illustration: Artful adaptation of a section of the 1750 Complete Map of Beijing of the Qianlong Era (Qianlong Beijing quantu 乾隆北京全圖) showing the Imperial Household Department by Martina Siebert based on the digital copy from the Digital Silk Road project (http://dsr.nii.ac.jp/toyobunko/II-11-D-802, vol. 8, leaf 7) Cover design: Coördesign, Leiden Lay-out: Crius Group, Hulshout isbn 978 94 6372 035 9 e-isbn 978 90 4855 322 8 (pdf) doi 10.5117/9789463720359 nur 692 Creative Commons License CC BY NC ND (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0) The authors / Amsterdam University Press B.V., Amsterdam 2021 Some rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, any part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise). -
The Presidential Inauguration Commemorative Medals (Picms
The Presidential Inauguration Hui and Tong Meng Hui / Tung Men Hui. Between 1895 Commemorative Medals (PICMs) and 1911, Dr. Sun organized numerous uprisings against the Manchu Dynasty. When the revolution in Wuchang Republic of China (1912 - 1924) broke out on October 10, 1911, Dr. Sun was in exile in the United States lobbying for financial support from King Kwok Chinese overseas and from the western governments. In December 1911, Dr. Sun returned to Shanghai and was Introduction immediately elected by the revolutionaries as the Provisional President. This article explores the presidential inauguration commemorative medals (PICM) of the Republic of China On January 1, 1912, Dr. Sun declared the establishment issued between 1912 and 1924 and discusses the political of the Provisional Government of the Republic of China / military figures who became the Presidents of the in Nanjing / Nanking. Nevertheless, due to the lack of Republic of China during that period. The outbreak of financial support and unity between different factions of the Revolution on October 10, 1911 did not result in the the revolutionaries, the tide of war with the Imperial swift collapse of the Manchu / Qing / Ching Dynasty. Army under the command of Yuan Shi-kai was turning Though China was eventually declared a republic in early against the revolutionary forces. On the brink of defeat, 1912, the establishment of a Republican Government in Dr Sun was forced to compromise with Yuan. As a result, Beijing / Peking (also called the Beiyang / Peiyang on February 12, 1912, the baby emperor Pu Yi was Government) only marked the beginning of power dethroned. -
Provincial Autonomy and the Transformation of Chinese Election Law, 1920–1923
Voter Education: Provincial Autonomy and the Transformation of Chinese Election Law, 1920–1923 Joshua Hill, Ohio University Abstract Beginning in 1909, mainland Chinese governments routinely held elections, and lawmakers devoted considerable resources to writing and revising election laws. The earliest elections, held under the late Qing and the early Republic, utilized laws based on restricted electorates and indirect voting. By contrast, election laws designed during the provincial autonomy movement of the 1920s and the post-1927 Nationalist government featured direct voting in elections with (near-)universal adult suffrage. Each of these two systems of electoral law incorporated different elements of foreign electoral practice with concerns and ideas that arose from the experiences and ideals of late imperial Chinese political thought. The transition between these two systems highlights the surprising influence of the short-lived provincial autonomy movement on the legal structures of the centralized one-party states that followed. Keywords: Republican China, election law Introduction: A Question for John Dewey Three months before the end of a lengthy sojourn in China, American educator and philosopher John Dewey (1859–1952) met with members of the Jiangsu Education Association (Jiangsu sheng jiaoyu hui) for a conversation on “current global trends in elections.” Among the Republic of China’s most influential voluntary associations, this Shanghai-based group included many of the nation’s most prominent political, intellectual, and business leaders. The first questioner at this April 9, 1921, event asked Dewey to comment on an election that had just taken place in China: Of course, republics ought to have parliaments, but the Chinese parliament—both the old one [elected in 1912, but disbanded and reconvened multiple times since] and the new one [elected in 1918 and permanently dissolved in 1920]—is a bankrupt institution. -
Threading on Thin Ice: Resistance and Conciliation in the Jade Marshal’S Nationalism, 1919-1939
THREADING ON THIN ICE: RESISTANCE AND CONCILIATION IN THE JADE MARSHAL’S NATIONALISM, 1919-1939 Mengchuan Lin A thesis submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History (Modern China). Chapel Hill 2013 Approved by: Michael Tsin Miles Fletcher Klaus Larres ©2013 Mengchuan Lin ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii Abstract Mengchuan Lin: Threading On Thin Ice: Resistance and Conciliation in the Jade Marshal’s Nationalism, 1919-1939 (Under the direction of Michael Tsin) The 1920s marked a decade in the history of modern China which is typically referred to as the period of warlords. This period was characterised by political chaos, internal division and internecine warfare between various cliques of military strongmen who controlled China’s numerous provinces. These de facto military dictators of China, known as warlords in historical literature, were customarily construed to be avaricious and self-serving despots who ruled their large territories with little regard for the welfare of their subjects or that of the Chinese nation. My thesis aims to revise these previously held assumptions concerning the historical agency of Chinese warlords by investigating the unusual conduct of a particularly influential warlord: Wu Peifu. Wu’s display of deeply seated nationalistic tendencies throughout his political career, I argue, complicates our understanding of the impact that Chinese warlords exerted on the rise of Chinese national -
China's Xinhai Revolution and Political Fluctuations in Japan
China’s Xinhai Revolution and Political Fluctuations in Japan Book synopsis by author Sakurai Ryōju (Reitaku University) Translated by Christopher D. Scott In this book, I take up the Xinhai Revolution of 1911—a critical event that signaled the de facto start of political disorder in China—and its influence on later Japanese politics. Japan’s policy toward China became confused during the 1910s and veered off course during World War I, in part because of the instability of the Chinese political situation. With the outbreak of World War I, Japan’s policy toward China disengaged from international cooperation and became more active. At the same time, Japan’s involvement with China also became more diversified. Thus, the government and private citizens of Japan reacted to the ups and downs of the Chinese political situation by trying to secure their influence over China while displaying either so-called “autonomous” or “cooperative” responses vis-à-vis the great powers, which were being either “coercive” or “friendly” toward China. This was a departure from the fundamental policy of Japanese diplomacy following the Russo-Japanese War, which was to gradually expand influence over China while maintaining a foundation of cooperation with both Britain and Russia. Mine is not the first study to deal with the relationship between the Xinhai Revolution and Japan. Earlier studies have shown, for example, that Japan became a base for the revolutionary movement due to the fact that some Japanese people (such as Miyazaki Tōten and Umeya Shōkichi) supported the Xinhai Revolution and many Chinese exchange students had come to Japan before the revolution. -
Scanned Using Book Scancenter 5033
Ill DEMCHUGDONGROB’S EARLY CAREER 1919-1928 The Ruling Prince of His Own Banner After the old Prince Namjilwangchug died, there was not an actual ruling prince of the Sunid Right Banner for almost seventeen years. Therefore, Demchugdongrob’s assumption of power as jasag was a momentous and happy occasion for the whole ban ner. It also relieved, at least ostensibly, his “ official” mother (the Turned khatun, the first wife of his father) and the elderly officials of the banner of their heavy responsibilities.' During 1919, Prince De’s first year in charge of the banner administration, a group of Buriyad Mongolian intellectuals initiated the Pan-Mongolian movement, and in late February convened a meeting of delegates from Buriyad and Inner Mongolia at Dau- ria, in Siberia. They decided to organize a government for all Mongolia and sent repre sentatives to the Paris Peace Conference to strive for international recognition ofMon golia’s independence. Because it had already established its own government. Outer Mongolia rejected the invitation, but some Inner Mongols, especially the leaders of the Hulunbuir area in the far north of Inner Mongolia, were willing to Join, and the Naiji- Toyin Khutugtu of Hohhot Turned (Inner Mongolia) was recognized as their leader. Though this movement failed to achieve its goal of recognition at the Paris con ference, it influenced all of Mongolia. Even though the activities of Japanese militarists and the White Russian leader, Semenov, overshadowed this movement, it still helped to rouse a common Mongolian desire for unity and independence. Although Demchugdong- rob was not involved in these matters, he was inevitably influenced by them. -
Engaging with Socialism in China: the Political Thought and Activities of Chen Gongbo and Tan Pingshan, 1917-1928
Engaging with Socialism in China: The Political Thought and Activities of Chen Gongbo and Tan Pingshan, 1917-1928 Xuduo Zhao PhD University of York History May 2019 1 Abstract This thesis investigates Chen Gongbo (1892-1946) and Tan Pingshan (1886-1956), two significant Cantonese Marxists who helped found the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 1921. I use Chen and Tan as a lens to re-examine the dissemination of Marxism in May Fourth China and the underlying tensions in 1920s Chinese revolution. My study demonstrates that it was in the changing educational system in the early 20th century that Chen and Tan gradually improved their positions in the cultural field and participated in the intellectual ferment during the May Fourth period. At Peking University they became familiarised with Marxism. Their understanding of Marxism, however, was deeply influenced by European social democracy, as opposed to many other early communist leaders who believed in Bolshevism. This divergence finally led to the open conflict within the CCP between Guangzhou and Shanghai in the summer of 1922, which also embodied the different social identities among early Chinese Marxists. After the quarrel, Chen quit while Tan remained within the party. During the Nationalist Revolution, both Tan and Chen became senior leaders in the Kuomintang, but they had to face yet another identity crisis of whether to be a revolutionary or a politician. Meanwhile, they had to rethink the relationship between socialism and nationalism in their political propositions. This study of Chen and Tan’s political thought and activities in the late 1910s and 1920s offers a different picture of Chinese radicalism and revolution in the early Republican period. -
Warlord Era” in Early Republican Chinese History
Mutiny in Hunan: Writing and Rewriting the “Warlord Era” in Early Republican Chinese History By Jonathan Tang A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in Charge: Professor Wen-hsin Yeh, Chair Professor Peter Zinoman Professor You-tien Hsing Summer 2019 Mutiny in Hunan: Writing and Rewriting the “Warlord Era” in Early Republican Chinese History Copyright 2019 By Jonathan Tang Abstract Mutiny in Hunan: Writing and Rewriting the “Warlord Era” in Early Republican Chinese History By Jonathan Tang Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Berkeley Professor Wen-hsin Yeh, Chair This dissertation examines a 1920 mutiny in Pingjiang County, Hunan Province, as a way of challenging the dominant narrative of the early republican period of Chinese history, often called the “Warlord Era.” The mutiny precipitated a change of power from Tan Yankai, a classically trained elite of the pre-imperial era, to Zhao Hengti, who had undergone military training in Japan. Conventional histories interpret this transition as Zhao having betrayed his erstwhile superior Tan, epitomizing the rise of warlordism and the disintegration of traditional civilian administration; this dissertation challenges these claims by showing that Tan and Zhao were not enemies in 1920, and that no such betrayal occurred. These same histories also claim that local governance during this period was fundamentally broken, necessitating the revolutionary party-state of the KMT and CCP to centralize power and restore order. Though this was undeniably a period of political turmoil, with endemic low-level armed conflict, this dissertation juxtaposes unpublished material with two of the more influential histories of the era to show how this narrative has been exaggerated to serve political aims. -
An Analysis on the Gardens Reflecting Democratic Revolution in the Republic of China
International Conference on Arts, Design and Contemporary Education (ICADCE 2015) An Analysis on the Gardens Reflecting Democratic Revolution in the Republic of China Xiaohui Zhang Huanghe Science and Technology College Zhengzhou, China e-mail: [email protected] Abstract—Gardens concentrically demonstrated Chinese public gardens. He came up with the Three People's traditional arts, up to the Republic of China (1912-1949), Principles (Nationalism, Democracy, the People's Livelihood) because of continuous wars and warlord regime, many respectively in 1905 and 1924 and new three principles of traditional gardens are damaged. But the upsurge of the people, both of the two involved citizen livelihood issues democratic revolutions drove the establishment of public in detail. While the public gardens, served to improve gardens objectively, highlighted its function as a place for people’s life quality in nature, embodied the equality of all public meeting and public leisure, it also had a social function people and public owned in form. So Sun Yat-sen vigorously to memory. In addition, warlord and bureaucrat built private promoted the development of public gardens at spare time, gardens to show off their status and how much money they and made it a public place for people to assembly and own. Together with the running wine shops, the gardens celebration. become social custom of the Republic of China (1912-1949) and one bright landscape of the development of gardens art. The influence of democratic revolution promoted the construction of public gardens to some extent in Guangdong Keywords—garden; social custom of the Republic of China; Province, in1912, Sun Yat-sen advocated to plant trees in democratic revolution; privation of warlord and bureaucrat Guangzhou and led revolutionists to plant four masson pines at Huang Huagang and one of them was still alive.