Sulbha Rai

ETHNIC CONFLICT IN : ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE RESPONSES

Assam is the homeland for many races and communities and possesses a rich ethnic diversity. The ethnic diversity of the state represents a complex mosaic nature of the social set up with both tribal and non-tribal population. Today, these diverse ethnic communities are facing a crisis situation that emerged out of the eagerness to protect and promote the respective ethnic identity and culture. The crisis stems further in the form of ethnic conflict some of which have been violent and have attracted media attention over the past few years. The Government of (GoI), on many occasions, had devised various strategies and structural adjustments to meet the aspirations of the competing ethnic communities in the state. However, all such measures have not been adequate to address the issue of ethnic conflict and as such have become a matter of concern for the policymakers and advocates of peace. In this backdrop, the present paper probes the issue of ethnic conflict in the northeastern state of Assam. The paper deals with some of the significant research questions such as - What is the nature of the ethnic conflict in Assam? What are the causal factors for such conflict? What has been the GoI’s response? How effective has been the Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) in dealing with the issue of ethnicity? What is the current debate on the updation of National Register of Citizens (NRC) and what is the possible implication? The paper follows a historical and analytical method and incorporates secondary sources of data to support the arguments and findings.

Introduction Assam represents one of the eight states in India’s Northeast Region (NER). Like the rest of , Assam has a rich ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic diversity. Today, such diverse ethnic communities, instead of assimilating with each other are facing a situation of alienation and isolation (Sharma 2018: 74). This has caused many of the communities eager to protect their respective identity, political space and to have control over resources. On many occasions, such situations have been manifested in violent ethnic clashes. Ethnic conflict in Assam is not something new or recent phenomena; rather it has been a cyclical issue questioning the larger composite SULBHA RAI, Research Scholar, USHSS, GGS IP University; New 382 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) social existence of Assam. Over the years, much has been debated and discussed over the causal factors of such conflict, yet there solution seems a challenging task for the GoI. Today, it is a concern for the policymakers and advocates of peace and thus becomes significant for an investigation. In this background, the present paper probes the issue of ethnic conflict in the Northeastern state of Assam. It deals with certain significant research questions such as - What is the nature of the ethnic conflict in Assam? What are the causal factors for such conflict? What has been the GoI’s response? How effective has been the Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) in dealing with the issue of ethnicity? What is the current debate on the updation of National Register of Citizens (NRC) and what is the possible implication? The paper observes that the issue of ethnic conflict in the state could be understood under certain aspects. The unabated immigration, politicization of ethnicity and culture, identity politics as well as the ethnic assertiveness remain as the major causes behind the ethnic conflict in Assam. It further observes that the GoI has devised various policies to address the issue from time to time. However, such policies have not been adequate and are exclusive in nature, meeting demands for a few sections of the population at the cost of the other, resulting in further tensions.The paper follows a historical and analytical method and incorporates secondary sources of data to support major arguments and findings.

Assam in India’s Northeast Region Assam with an area of 78,438 sq. km represents 2.39 percent of the total land area and also accounts for up to 3,200 km of India’s International boundaries, with and Bhutan. The state acts as a gateway to the other Northeastern states as it is surrounded by the state of , , , , , as well as . Assam’s physiography is dominated by two major riverine systems – the mighty Brahmaputra and its tributaries; and the Barak River and its tributaries. These two rivers have the valleys that are separated by the Karbi Hills and the North Cachar Hills, both of which are an extension of the Shillong Plateau. In terms of demographic composition the state has a population of 3.12 , with the religious break up– 61.47% Hindu, 34.22% Muslim, 3.74% Christian ( 2011). Inhabitants of the state belong to different races, religion, castes, tribes and speak multiple languages. The predominant languages that are spoken in the state are Assamese, Bengali, and Bodo. Assam and the horizon of the Assamese society which is represented today by the number of districts and areas are quite different than the pre- . Assam was annexed into colonial jurisdiction after the signing of the Treaty of Yandaboo in 1826. The said treaty was signed between the Burmese king and the British East India Company that ended the first Anglo- Burmese war. Staring from the expansion of the colonial jurisdiction to its ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE... 383

Map 1: Map of Assam (District Wise) Source: Maps of India, Map of Assam, retrieved from https://www.mapsofindia.com/maps/ assam/assam-district.htm subsequent transfer to tdhe Indian Union, Assam became a melting pot for many races and communities to settle and inhabit. Today, the population of Assam can be distinctly categorized as ‘the tribes of the hills, the tribes of the plains, and the nontribal inhabitants of the plains’ (Sharma 2018: 74). Apart from the majority speaking population, there exists a complex mixture of several dialects and languages as shown in the table below (insert table 1 and 2 here).

Nature of Ethnic Conflict in Assam Assam having a complex social set up comprising of various ethnic groups has occasionally witnessed various social unrests and turmoil in the form of inter-ethnic conflicts. Notable among them are – the Nellie Massacre between Assamese (mostly Tiwas and Lalungs, categorized as Scheduled Tribe [plain])and Bengali speaking immigrants; Bodo and non-Bodos in the areas of Bodoland Territorial Area District (BTAD) under the jurisdiction of the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC); also including the Karbi and Dimasa conflicts in the Karbi Anglong and N. C. Hills District. The infamous Nellie massacre took place on February 18, 1983, lasting about six hours. Reportedly 384 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) armed mobs (ethnic Assamese) attacked and killed as many as 1,800 Muslims (unofficial claims: 3,300) across 14 villages in the undivided district of Central Assam, on the pretext that they were illegal migrants from Bangladesh (Rehman 2009). The case of ethnic conflict between Bodos and non-Bodos in the BTC is another major instance. The said area had witnessed violent ethnic clashes with severe casualties between Bodos and Adivasis (consisting mainly tribes of Central India like Santhal, Munda and others who were brought by the British to work on the Tea Estates) in the late 1990s and recently in 2014. Also, the conflict between Bodos and Muslims in the year 2008 and 2012 are the notable instances (South Asia Terrorism Portal 2017). Although the ethnic conflict in Assam has been associated with an inter-group phenomenon, it also has a manifestation in the form of sub- nationalistic or ethno-nationalistic aspirations. The concept of sub-nationalism implies the idea of expressing and emphasizing of the ethnic distinctiveness and identity of a particular ethnic community. In this context, Sanjib Baruah (1999) in his work discusses the case of sub-nationalism among the ethnic Assamese population that emerged as a result of the self-perception of being a distinct and internally coherent community. The author observes that such distinctively defines a ‘sub-nation’ within the larger framework of the Indian nation-state and pan-Indian identity. Assam in the last few decades has experienced the trauma and disturbance, resulting from social turmoil and unrests that is based on the ethnic distinctiveness and self-determination. Additionally, due to the presence of multiple ethnic, religious and linguistic groups in the same economic and socio-political space, prospect of conflicting and competing ethnic demands are significantly raised. Such a situation attracts a grave concern as it takes the form of ethnic armed conflicts quite occasionally in the state resulting in secessionism, insurgency and inter-ethnic conflict. Further, identity-based politics, easy availability of small arms, porous international boundary and poor border management, thin State administrative capacities along with the external support from neighbouring countries creates an ideal ecosystem for various ethnic insurgencies operating within the state vis a vis the NER to thrive. Thus, based on the above line of observations, it can be said that the ethnic conflict in Assam is dynamic in nature. The dynamism could be located in terms of (a) Conflict for preferential rights based on ethnic origin; (b) Conflict for creating separate ‘homeland’ and (c) Conflict in the form of Tribal vs. Non- tribal and Tribal vs. Tribal, discussed as under.

The Conflict for Preferential Rights Based on Ethnic Origin Conflicts in Assam, especially those on ethnic lines are primarily due to the demand for preferential rights based on ethnic origin. Many of the communities in the state have been conflicting for their respective preferential treatment by the GoI. Such communities have shown the character of ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE... 385 chauvinism towards other (minority)community. For instance, the Assam Government introduced the official language bill in June 1960 trying to make Assamese the sole official language of the state. Then on June 12, 1972, the academic council of the University took a decision that the medium of instruction at all colleges under it would be Assamese, and English would continue simultaneously for the next ten years. Further, on February 28, 1986, Board of Secondary Education, Assam (SEBA) issued a circular regarding the educational curriculum. It said that non-Assamese students from class V onwards would have to learn Assamese as a third language in place of Hindi till class VIII and from class VIII onwards Assamese would be a mandatory subject. Such policies have been outrightly rejected by other communities in the state such as the Bodos. The fall out of this development was the demand by Bodos for their respective ethnic preferences. Sloganeering as ‘divide Assam 50-50’, the Bodos started to demand a separate, independent ‘Bodoland - a homeland for the ethnic Bodos’. Further, the clause 6 of the Assam Accord1promises specific provisions for protecting the cultural identity of the ‘Assamese people’. The Bodos disapproved the Clause ‘as they fear the clause might give legitimacy to the imposition of Assamese language and culture’ (Singh 2010: 3). Similar instances could be observed among other ethnic groups such as Adivasis, KarbisandDimasas.

The Conflict for Creating ‘Homeland’ Many of the communities in Assam have been indulged in violent activities seen in terms of their armed struggle for the creation of separate ‘homeland’. The concept of homeland here depicts the demands – for the creation of separate statehood, for autonomy as well as for secession from the Indian union. This form of conflict is seen as Tribal vs. the State where there is a tribal group that is resorting to armed struggle against the Indian State to meet its political objectives. In Assam, there exist several communities that have organized themselves and are currently engaged in attaining their respective political objectives through armed struggle. The armed ethnic militias could be observed in the case of communities such as ethnic Assamese, Bodos, Karbis, Dimasas, Adivasis and Rajbongshis. On many occasions, the territory which one community claims as its ‘homeland’ overlap with the territory claimed by the other community. This shows the complexity of accommodating the varying demands of the ethnic communities.

The Tribal vs. Non-tribal and the Tribal vs.Tribal Conflict Another characteristic of ethnic conflict in Assam is the existence of a conflict between one tribal population against another tribal population, e.g. ethnic conflict between Karbis and the Diamsas in the of Assam. The other form of conflict is between the tribe and the non-tribal population, such as the conflict between the Bodos and the Muslim population 386 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) in the Bodo inhabiting areas of Assam.At times, it is also observed that there is conflict within the same tribal population. However, such conflict is seen as a result of the clash of interest or due to the differences in political objectives. The latter form of conflict is viewed as ‘internecine’ conflict which is considered to be mutually destructive for a particular ethnic community.

Origin of Ethnic Conflict in Assam: Outlining the Causal Factors The causal factors for the emergence and existence of ethnic conflict in Assam are many. H. N. (2004: 70) identifies the factors such as the perceived discrimination and injustice, a desire for self-expression, better economic development and the aspirations of local politicians to be responsible for the rise of sub-national and ethnic conflict in Assam. Whereas Singh (2010) relates the conflicts in Assam to the issues of immigration, competition over the control of natural resources as well as the subsequent polarization of its society and polity. This paper,however, locates the various causal factors under the following three major subsections:

Identity Politics and Politicization of Ethnicity Every ethnic community has certain distinct traits or characteristics in terms of cultural practices, language and dialects. This creates a sense of belongingness towards that particular ethnic community, which in turn results in ethnic distinctiveness. The formation of ethnic identity, according to Paul Brass, involves three processes. Brass observes these processes as – (a) ‘within the ethnic group itself for control over its material and symbolic resources’, (b) ‘between ethnic groups as a competition for rights, privileges, and available resources’, and (c)‘between the state and the groups that dominate it, on the one hand, and the populations that inhabit its territory on the other’ (Brass 1991: 247). In Assam, many of the conflicting ethnic communities are facing a crisis situation regarding the protection and preservation of their respective identity. In fact, in today’s Assam, the trend of multiculturalism has been replaced by varied monoculturalism. Such a crisis has emerged out of an ‘insecurity factor’ that one ethnic group faces against another. Thus, identity becomes crucial for any ethnic group. In this regard, Baruah (2004) argues that identity is directly related to the emergence of the educated elite in the concerned community. He goes on to explain that when any particular group comes into exercising power in terms of political, social over other such groups, there is a tendency of playing a role of hegemony and ruling nature (ibid).The chauvinistic nature of the majoritarian group generates a discriminatory feeling among many smaller groups in spite of having a common social set up. The smaller groups desire for a self-expression for its respective identity demands for its interests which results in a conflict situation with the dominant group. As Garg (2007) points out that the intolerance and imperviousness lead to the growth of a feeling of discrimination ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE... 387 and alienation on the part of the smaller group whereby the dominant group possesses a tendency to brand all group aspirations and demands as anti- national or secessionist without, going into their merits or demerits. Arguably, the smaller ethnic groups especially the tribes of Assam are believed to have experienced crisis about their culture and identity. With the exception of a few political leaders and a very small elite section; most of the tribals have perpetually experienced not only an identity crisis in Assam but also economic exploitation and social, cultural and political oppression (Hussain 1992). From such an identity crisis, emerges the ethnic assertion. Generally speaking, ethnic assertions result when a particular ethnic group/community makes attempts to safeguard its identity, culture and language. For instance, argues that ‘claims to ethno-nationalism of the Bodos can be interpreted as closely intertwined with issues of institutional and social exclusion based on language politics’ (Saikia 2011: 60). When such identity crisis or ethnic assertions come in the interplay of the political sphere, it results in the identity politics. In Assam, the political consciousness about the ethnic identity has caused by in the loss of assimilations which further created a tendency of separatism among many of the ethnic communities in the state. The rise of the tensions could be seen based on the identity politics. The politics of identity and ethnicity is believed to be socially constructed phenomena whereby the articulation is done depending on the vested interests of the community.Hill and Wilson (2003) defines the term ‘identity politics’ as the articulation, construction, invention or commodification of culture and identity, that are perceived to be traditional, modern, radical, local, regional, religious, gender, class, and ethnic etc. to achieve political ends. Politicization as such is not a negative term as it promotes group consciousness, awareness about rights and entitlements. Rather, it implies that the ethnic, cultural, linguistic aspects that are crucial to ethnic identity and diversity have a political interference. It is this interference when made inadvertently or out of any political motivations makes the crisis situation worse. Assam is currently experiencing identity crisis among many of its communities based on sub-nationalistic sentiments. Arguably, the ethnic conflict in Assam among many other causes incorporates to a great extent the politicization or political orientation that has gone wrong. In this regard, Garg (2007) observes that politicisation ‘takes place at two levels- on one level, politicisation of people’s cultural, linguistic and most importantly ethnic sentiments resulting in ethnic conflicts and at another level, politicisation by the decision makers as part of their effort to find a solution to the conflict’. 388 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018)

Immigration and the Demographic Pressure Assam has witnessed immigration that dates back to the British colonial era when the colonialistsintroduced many indentured labourers from across the then(mainland) India. The colonial power also encouraged many immigrants to settle in the state for the administrative purposes. Although this aspect did not seem to be a problem in the initial period, however, due to the expansion of Assamese middle class there was competition, both in the context of cultural subordination and for the bureaucratic jobs leading to the tendency of better relations with the immigrants. The caused a major influx of immigrants in Assam which was further accelerated after the liberation of Bangladesh in the 1971. During the secession of East Pakistan from Pakistan in 1971 where India is believed to liberate Bangladesh generated a large influx of refugees from Bangladesh. The immigration from Bangladesh did not limit to Assam only, other parts of the NER also had the influx of migrants from Bangladesh. But in Assam, the illegal migration from Bangladesh became very routine activity because of the porous border that Assam shares. It has been argued that the increasing influx of Bangladeshi immigrants in the state is due to a number of interrelated factors: economic, environmental, religious and political. Hence, there exists both pull and push factors for migration of population from Bangladesh in the NER. Immigration in Assam has been an emotive issue and over a period of time, it has caused various social unrests many of which have been violent. The immigration, especially the illegali imigration affected the state of Assam and its indigenous people in various aspects. The major impact was on the demography of the state. During 1971-91, the Muslim population grew nearly twice as much as the Hindu (Madhab 1999: 320). The governor of Assam in the year 1998 assessed the growth rate in Assam with Hindu population at 41.89 percent and that of the Muslim population at 77.42 percent from 1971 to 1991 (Das 2007: 9). Millions of Bangladeshis have moved from to India in the past 30 years. The Indian Government figure is 15 million (Hazarika 2004: 777). However, today the population statistics in Assam becomes a much- contested issue with varying organizations, newspaper reports and studies fixing their numbers anywhere between 10 and 15 million or even more (Sharma 2012: 297). The impact of immigration on the demography of Assam remains a highly controversial issue and has led to a popular movement called as the ’anti-foreigner agitation’ or the Assam Agitation that lasted for six years (1978 – 1985). The movement demanded the detection of all illegal immigrants and their deportation, including deletion from the voters’ list. Besides the demographic pressure, immigration in Assam is believed to have (1) created pressures on land, (2) Caused unemployment to the Assamese people claiming themselves as native to the region, (3) decreased the native Assamese percentage vis-à-vis the immigrants both in consecutive censuses ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE... 389 and electoral rolls and as a result (4) fomented social tensions that often have ignited ethnic and communal riots (Das 2007: 9).

Geographic Isolation and the Feeling of Alienation Historically tracing, in pre-colonial Assam, there were many ethnic groups such as the Ahoms, Bodos and Kacharis which used to live amidst cooperation and unity. Many ethnic communities having in spite of their ethnic distinctiveness, they together used to represent the sovereignty of Assam. Be it at the time of war or peace, there existed a harmony among many races (Karna 2008).However, such ethnic cohesiveness started to deteriorate soon after the British Annexation of the state. Many of the British policies such as the ‘line system’, ‘excluded and partially excluded area system’ are seen as exploitative and exclusive rather than the general welfare of the people (Guha 1977: 2). Such policies were devised to strengthen the British imperialism and restricted the interaction between the hill people and the plains.The subsequent transfer of the state to Indian Union further created isolation among its population due to the fact that the entire northeast region became landlocked. Also, the policy of the GoI towards the region per sewas motivated by the security imperatives rather than the developmental imperatives. This further caused a sense of neglect and a tendency of separatism among the ethnic communities.

Analyzing the State Responses to Ethnic Conflict To address the deep-rooted issue of ethnic conflict and to meet the aspirations of the various ethnic communities, the GoI has come up with certain specific measures. The paper locates such measures in four major headings - the creation of new states on the basis of ethnicity, granting of autonomous district councils for the tribal population, developmental measure as the panacea to conflict; and the currently debated issue of NRC updation.

Creation of Newer States on the Basis of Ethnicity Historically speaking, India’s NERwas represented by Assam, Tripura and Manipur. The present-day Arunachal Pradesh was denoted as North East Frontier Agency (NEFA). Among the three, Manipur and Tripura used to be the princely states, where as Assam represented the rest of the Northeast. Soon after independence of India, with the beginning of the process of nation-building, the Indian state witnessed sub-national challenges to pan-Indianism from the NER. Assam being a multi-ethnic and multi-linguistic state, witnessed several ethnic crises in the form of insurgencies for secessionism and separate statehood. The GoI as a solution to such crises, adopted the policy of creation of separate state based on ethnicity and ethnic sentiments. Soon, the states such as Mizoram, Meghalaya, Nagalandwerecarved out of Assam to suppress the various ethnic demands. The state of Nagaland was created in the year 1963 followed by 390 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018)

Meghalaya in 1972 and Mizoram in 1987. However, such a measure has invited newer troubles for the GoI as demands for separate statehood from other ethnic communities in the region started to emerge. Scholars like Baruah (1999) argues that the GoI’s such piecemeal approach to the ethnic problems in the Northeast had further created a tendency of separatism in the multi-ethnic frame of Assam. The recurring sub-nationalist challenge in the state shows that the GoI has failed in resolving the ethnic crises.

Granting of the Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) Granting of autonomy and statehood in the Northeast India has been one of the most significant structural changes in the administration. The concept of ADCs has been introduced in by the GoI to ascertain the representative structures at the local level to the tribal population of the region.The Sixth Schedule enshrined under the Article 244 of the Indian constitution grants local autonomy towards governance and rights for natural resources. The arrangement is meant to protect and privilege the local residents over and above the outsiders in matters of land and resources. Under this arrangement, there are three ADCs that have been constituted in Assam (see table 3). These ADCs are Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council (KAAC),DimaHasao District Autonomous Council (DHDAC) and the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC). Apart from the autonomous councils mandated in the Sixth Schedule, six other statutory autonomous councils were constituted in Assam after prolonged agitations by other smaller ethnic communities. These non-Sixth Schedule Autonomous Councils are the Rabha Hasong Autonomous Council, the Mising Autonomous Council, the Deori Autonomous Council, the Sonowal Kachari Autonomous Council and the Thengal Kachari Autonomous Council (Singha 2016: 498). These institutional arrangements are meant to address ethnic movements in Assam and can be seen in terms of legislative Acts for the various plain tribe and backward class population. Such arrangements are monitored by the Department of Welfare of Plain Tribes and Backward Classes under . Likewise, there exist institutions for various non-tribal, ethnic communities in Assam as well. These are constituted on the basis of ethnic identity, its protection and development. It is argued by many scholars that the creation of territorial/ autonomous councils may generate further tensions given the complex mosaic structure of population characteristics in Assam. In Assam, such councils have been created as a‘knee-jerk response’ to the rising conflicts in the state.In this sense, the territorial council on the ground of ethnicity is an unending process. It is further believed that any policy that seeks to protect the interests of ethnic communities will lead to a proliferation of such identities and would further divide the society because it sends the signal that ethnic identity is a useful political platform (Mahanta 2008: 99). Today, this fragmentation seems ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE... 391 a difficult task to control in the state.For instance, following the ethnic insurgency movement by the Bodos, the GoI signed an accord with the conflicting Bodo groups and formed the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) in 2003. The signing of the accord was seen as a success story to many as it could end the conflict with the disbandment of the Bodo Liberation Tigers Force (BLTF) – the conflicting groups. The success of this accord was largely due to its proper implementation and the co-operation engendered between the Bodo and non-Bodo communities. The council was enacted to provide special facilities to 25 percent of the Bodos at the cost of 75 percent non-Bodoswithin the proposed BTC area. However, even here we can see problems for the longer success of similar accords. The said accord gave birth to further ethnic problems in subsequent periods as this arrangement was challenged by other ethnic communities in the state such as Rabhas, Tiwas, and Mishings. In 1995, the Government established Autonomous Councils for these three communities as a pre-emptive measure to ward off future conflicts (Verghese 2004: 68). The formation of these accords bear out Rajagopalan’s observation that:

‘one of the great fears generated by demands for autonomy is that they snowball; a state cannot grant greater autonomy to one segment of its citizenry without coming under pressure to do so with others’ (Rajagopalan 2008: 20). Similarly, Singh observes that creation of these councils ‘does not guarantee the resolution of tribal problems, rather it has only aggravated their posturing for more autonomy’ (Singh 2010: 4). Thus, it can be argued that the accords have always tended to overlook the collective interest and well-being of the communities per se.

Updating of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) The updating of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) has attracted much of the media attention since past few years. The Union government had agreed to update the NRC in Assam in accordance with the , 1985. As per the said Accord, those living in Assam failing to prove their citizenship or family lineage prior to the midnight of March 24, 1971, would be considered as illegal nationals and have to be deported to their country of origin. For the first time, the updating of NRC as a pilot project was started in 2010. However, it was protested by the All Assam Minority Students Union (AAMSU) which turned to be violent and police had to open fire, causing casualty of four protesters (South Asia Terrorism Portal 2018). Following the violence during the protest, the project was aborted. The updating exercise resumed in March 2013 and in October 2014, the Supreme Court ordered that work on the NRC to be completed by January 31, 2016, but the NRC authority missed the deadline and the apex court is now directly monitoring the exercise. It is argued that the ongoing NRC updation will produce a large number of illegal Bangladeshi nationals. Nonetheless, the deportation of this junk of population can be considered as next to impossible given the fact that India 392 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018) and Bangladesh does not have a treaty regarding the deportation of the illegal immigrants. The state government on many occasions has asked the Central Government for the same. However, the issue has never been featured in bilateral meetings between the two countries. Besides, the Bangladesh Government never accepts that its nationals have entered the Indian territory illegally. For instance, in October 2017, the information minister of Bangladesh, HasanulHaqInu conveyed that in the past 30 years, there has not been any migration from Bangladesh to the neighbouring state of Assam (Bhattacharya 2017). Further, it is also true to mention that in today’s world, deportation has to be followed by the prescribed international protocol and is not a unilateral matter. Also, there remain other technical issues attached to the deportation process. In this context, Baruah (2018), can be quoted who observes that:

‘to take back one’s own nationals may be an obligation under customary international law, but in practice, it is not an easy matter. The costs and benefits for a country deporting an unauthorised migrant and the country readmitting the person are asymmetric. In crude financial terms, if the country of origin gains from remittances from expatriates, it has no interest in cooperating with the destination country in their deportation. But more importantly, signing a readmission agreement with an economically more powerful country is unlikely to be popular domestically. Almost all these cost-benefit calculations would apply if India and Bangladesh were to enter into a discussion of a bilateral readmission agreement’. Despite the current media/public discourse covers the completion of NRC proceedings and the deportation of illegal immigration, the possible fate of the said population has not attracted much of the media attention. Many scholars observe that the NRC updation may create a section of the population that is ‘stateless’, similar to the case of the Rohingya population in Myanmar (See Bhaumik 2018; Baruah 2018). There is a high possibility that this section of the population may act as fodder for the radical islamist groups, thereby inviting security apprehension for the Indian State. In this regard, Bhattacharya (2018) observes that the NRC proceedings have already spurred radical islamist activity in the areas inhabited by the illegal migrants in Assam. Such observations cannot be ruled out considering the changing security environment in the South Asia.

Developmental Measures Development is a multi dimensional concept and as such implies various meanings. However, the developmental approach/measure here implies GoI’s efforts in alleviating the economic backwardness and improving the living conditions of the population of Assam. In fact, development has been considered by many as the ultimate panacea to all sorts of internal conflicts in Assam. This could be traced from the decade of the 1990s,when the GoI liberalized its economy and framed the Look East Policy2 in its pursuit for economic growth and development.With the setting up of a development paradigm, Assam as a border ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE... 393 state has been put at the forefront of India’s developmentalist track (Sharma 2017). The initiation of the development discourse can be witnessed from the various government projects and related policy initiatives. Various connectivity and infrastructure development projects have been taken up by the GoI to connect the state with neighbouring countries for smooth transaction of economic trade and commerce. Under regional and sub-regional groupings such as BCIM3 and BIMSTEC4, the GoI has taken up several connectivity projects, including the hydroelectric projects. The said projects are said to improve the economic condition of the northeastern states, generate employment opportunities and resolve internal conflicts (Mahanta 2012: 21). However, all such measures are relatively new and yet to produce the envisaged outcomes.

Conclusion The paper has probed the issue of ethnic conflict in Assam. Among many other causal factors, ethnic conflict in Assam revolves around certain core issues that act as the prominent driving forces such as immigration, ethnic assertivenessandidentity politics. As a response to the ethnic conflicts in the state, the GoI hasfolloweda mix of various policies based on the spirit of accommodation. Such policies could be observed in the form of creation of statehood and granting of ADCs. However, the policies have not been adequate as they lack inclusiveness which is an indispensable part of any composite social structure.Beside these, the recent strategies include the updation of NRC, devised especially to address the long persisting issue of immigration and the developmental aspects.The latter is a recent phenomenon and the GoI has not gone to the development discourse in the state at its full scale yet. On the aspect of NRC updation in the state, it is highly implausible that this would contribute to resolving the long-lasting issue of immigration and ethnic problems and may rather create newer social tensions.

Table 1 Distribution of population by scheduled languages in Assam (Census, 2011)

Mother Languages Total Population Percentage of Population

Assamese 15095797 48.37 Bengali 9024324 28.91 Hindi 2101435 6.73 Bodo 1416125 4.53 Nepali 596210 1.91 Santali 213139 0.68 Oriya 218552 0.70 Manipuri 168133 0.54 Others 2371861 7.60 All Total (ASSAM) 31205576 100.0

Source: Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, Government of India, Ministry of Home Affairs (2011) 394 THE EASTERN ANTHROPOLOGIST 71: 3 & 4 (2018)

Table 2 Scheduled Tribes Population of Assam (Census, 2011)

Name of the Scheduled Tribe Total Population

Bodo 13,61,735 Miri 6,80,424 Karbi 4,30,452 Rabha 2,96,189 Kachari Sonowal 2,53,344 Lalung 1,82,663 Dimasa 19,702 Deori 43,750 Others 616112 All Scheduled Tribes 38,84,371 Population of Assam 31205576

Source: Statistical Profile of Scheduled Tribes in India (2013) Ministry of Tribal Affairs, statistics division, Government of India

Table 3 Institutional Arrangement for Ethnic Minorities in Assam

Sl. No. Nature of Autonomy Status

1 Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council Sixth Schedule 2 DimaHasao District Autonomous Council —do— 3 Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) —do—

Source: Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region, Government of India

NOTES 1. The said Accord has been framed in response to the Assam agitation (1979-1985) that aimed at preservation of Assamese identity and deportation of ‘foreigners’ – meaning illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. 2. The said policy was devised in 1991 to establish economic relations with the neighbouring countries in the East. In 2015, LEP was renamed as an Act East Policy with an objective of establishing pragmatic relations with the neighbours in terms of economy, culture and development in the Northeastern states. 3. BCIM represents a forum among the four countries – Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar. The said forum is for regional cooperation/sub-regional organisation of Asian nations that is aimed at greater integration of investment and trade among the four countries.

4. BIMSTEC represents the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation. It is a regional organization comprising seven Member States lie in the littoral and adjacent areas of the Bay of Bengal constituting a contiguous regional unity. For details see ‘About BIMSTEC’, URL: https://bimstec.org/?page_id=189 ETHNIC CONFLICT IN ASSAM: ISSUES, CAUSES AND STATE... 395

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