list’ contains the most dangerous threats to the existence of the USA and Western world. The former Soviet Union had the Ashton B. Carter, William J. Perry capability to destroy Western values and (1999). Preventive Defense: A Western order, but such an enemy to the New Security Strategy for West no longer exists. The major part of US America. defense planning is now directed towards maintaining the capability to wage two Washington: Brookings Institution major theater wars. Such regional contin- Press. pp. 243. gencies might endanger American interests ISBN 0-8157-1308-8 and security, but would not question the existence of the United States. Therefore, wars of this type can be categorized in belonging to the ’B-list’ of threats. Public The United States of America is found- interest seems to be oriented mostly ing its national security and military strate- towards the activities that deal with the ’C- gies on three groups of activities, called list’ of threats, like those in Bosnia- preparing, shaping and responding. Herzegovina or Kosovo. However, the ’A- Responding capability refers to current list’ may not remain clear forever. One of readiness of the armed forces to engage the most important goals of the American and successfully annihilate open threats to security system is to keep the ’A-list’ clear national security. That readiness was as long as possible. Dr Perry and Dr Carter assessed during the nineties according to argue that this is the essential element of the military capability in successfully waging the preventive defense strategy, which they and winning two almost simultaneous major theoretically developed at Harvard and theater wars, like the one in Korea and in Stanford universities and practically The Gulf. The preparing aspect of the strat- applied during their terms in the US gov- egy refers to modernization, restructuring ernment. and continuous adaptations of the national Questions such as How might the security system, in order to maintain its high post-cold war era end? How can the readiness and effectiveness against possible United States prolong this period of future challenges. The development, acqui- peace and influence? How can we sition and exploitation cycle for major ensure that if it must end, it ends grace - weapon systems lasts for twenty to thirty or fully, without cataclysm? and What is more years. That is only one of the many the character of the era that will follow reasons why today’s decisions have far- it? define the fundamental long-term reaching consequences for the capabilities strategic challenges of the post-cold war of the armed forces in the next decades. era. The authors have identified five chal- Environment shaping, sometimes called lenges of that type, which might evolve into luck management, is also a way to prepare the ’A-list’ of threats. They defined these for the future. It consists of active engage- dangers as follows: ment in world affairs to prevent the devel- - Russia might descend into chaos, iso- opment of new major threats to American lation, and aggression as Germany did and international security. after World War I; With the fall of the Berlin Wall the only threat from the ’A-list’ disappeared. The ’A- - Russia and the other Soviet successor 215 Book Reviews A.B. Carter, W.J. Perry states might lose control of the nuclear requires fostering military-to-military coop- legacy of the former Soviet Union; eration, promotion of the Partnership for - China could grow hostile rather than Peace Program, careful NATO enlarge- becoming cooperatively engaged in ment, officer education, and appropriate the international system; economic assistance. In the case of pre- venting nuclear technology proliferation - Weapons of mass destruction will from the former USSR, the expert and eco- proliferate and present a direct military nomic assistance offered through the threat to the United States; and Nunn-Lugar program provided for denu- - “Catastrophic terrorism” of unprece- clearization of the Ukraine, Belarus and dented scope and intensity might occur Kazakhstan. Intercontinental ballistic mis- on US territory. siles are dismounted, nuclear material is If the US responds to these dangers in centrally stored, and employment pro- the right manner, it will be possible to real- grams for nuclear scientists are launched. ize George C. Marshall’s vision of the An important element of these efforts is world not of threats to be deterred, but of a arms control negotiations, which resulted world “united in peace, freedom, and in START treaties. These negotiations prosperity.” This is where the sixth key should be continued. threat to American security lies. That threat American relations with China are not lies in ignoring the previously identified five sufficiently developed. Under the preven- potential dangers because of temporarily tive defense agenda, direct military cooper- advantageous power relations in the world. ation with China should be initiated, and Each chapter in the book is dedicated China should be more actively involved in to one of the six security challenges. The the search for solutions to global security chapters start with vivid and lively memo- issues. Preventive defense against weapons ries of Mr Perry at an event during his term of mass destruction should rely not only on as the Secretary of Defense, which is rele- international anti-proliferation treaties, vant to the topic. The main part of each inspections and sanctions for those who do chapter consists of the problem analysis, not obey prescribed norms of behavior. investigation of possible preventive strate- Active and passive defense measures must gies, description of already taken steps, be developed, and unstable regions should and recommendations for future action. be stabilized to decrease the incentive for These discussions are case studies of pre- proliferation and acquisition of nuclear, ventive defense mechanisms. To be suc- chemical or biological weapons. cessful, preventive defense must combine Regarding the prevention of cata- all the instruments of foreign policy: politi- strophic terrorism, the intelligence collec- cal, economic and military. The exact type tion system should be restructured, new of actions and means used in a particular analytical capabilities established, and new situation will depend on the circumstances, and more effective methods for tracking but because of the character of activities and prevention of that dangerous threat and capabilities of the American armed invented. Finally, preventive defense forces, preventive defense falls primarily applied to the American armed forces is into the military domain. embodied in the preparing activities. The In the case of Russian and Central important role in that area is technological European stabilization, preventive defense modernization coupled with appropriate

216 NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FUTURE 1(1) 2000. doctrine improvements and force restruc- of NATO. In their view, that would help to turing (which together forms the revolution avoid additional complications in relations in military affairs ). Equally important are with Russia, while at the same time provide the changes in management of defense some of the advantages that eastern assets (so called revolution in business European countries expect from gaining affairs), and sustainment of personnel NATO membership. quality, training and motivation. However, a more profound lesson of The book deserves careful reading, the book may be in the method that the because the problems described do not authors use to contemplate strategic prob- only influence United States security, but lems of national security. Elements of this the stability of the whole international com- approach are: the classification of threats; munity as well. The book will have signifi- focus on those threats that might cause the cant impact because of the high-quality most serious consequences; the assess- analysis provided and because of personal ment of shaping options and means; ana- influence of its authors. Dr Perry and Dr lytical thinking; integration of all elements Carter today jointly lead a research project of national power; and long-term planning. at Harvard and Stanford universities on Such an approach is applicable to improve preventive defense. Apart from being dis- the international and national security of tinguished professors, they share significant many countries in different positions, and experience in public service, industry and not only of a global power such as the academia. It should be mentioned that United States. William Perry served as the US Secretary of Defense from 1994 to 1997, and that Dr Prof. dr. sc. Krešimir Æosiæ Carter acted as Assistant Secretary for mr. sc. Draen Penzar Defense Policy in the same term. It was the Institute for Defense Studies, time when the first Quadrennial Defense Research and Development Review was prepared, which defined pre- Ministry of Defense, ventive actions aimed at shaping security Republic of Croatia environment as one of the three pillars of Bijenièka 46, 10000 Zagreb, Croatia national security strategy. e-mail: dpenzar @public.srce.hr The book is also thought provoking for readers from a small country such as the Republic of Croatia. The book shows how a global power like the United States views its own and global security in the coming decades. Due to the power and influence of the United States in the international community, its positions often define the frame for political activities to other play- ers. In that sense, the authors’ observations on NATO enlargement and the role of the Partnership for Peace are especially inter- esting. The authors pledge for the increased role of the PfP, which is too mar- ginalized, and for the slower enlargement

217 Book Reviews A.B. Carter, W.J. Perry ply a ruse or a constitutional sham aimed at reducing the power of the centre. He then proceeds to critique the proposals for Robert M. Hayden (1999). a new constitutional arrangement and ter- Blueprints for a House Divided: ritorial delimitation for the Republic of The Constitutional Logic of the Bosnia and Herzegovina under the aus- Y ugoslav Conflicts . pices of the international peace confer- ence. Hayden lucidly but one-sidedly Ann Arbor: The University of examines the sequence from the European Michigan Press. pp. 298, Community’s proposals for cantons, the ISBN 0-472-11066-7. Vance and Owen proposals for provinces, the Owen and Stoltenberg proposals for republics, and finally the Washington Robert M. Hayden’s Blueprints for a agreements and the Dayton accords that House Divided: The Constitutional Logic established entities and provisions for spe- of the Y ugoslav Conflicts sets out to cial parallel relations. Hayden’s discussion analyse the logic of the collapse of the for- contains no distinction between the aggres- mer Yugoslav federation and the causes of sor and the victim, or any critique of the the ensuing war(s). Hayden identifies two Serbian imperative to use force to impose sources of disintegration. Firstly, he sug- their will and a political solution in Croatia gests that the federation collapsed because or Bosnia and Herzegovina. of the triumph of central European nation- The underlying basis of Hayden’s thesis alism and concepts such as the nation- is the belief that crosscutting ties made state, pursued primarily by the Slovenes Yugoslavia a viable political community, and Croats. Secondly, Hayden maintains exemplified mainly by interethnic-mar- that the disintegration of Yugoslavia fol- riages. Although Hayden dismisses the lowed a firm logic of constitutional propos- claim that the nations that constituted for- als based on exclusionist, nationalist claims mer Yugoslavia were afflicted with inherent that undermined the authority of the feder- incompatibilities that ultimately led to the ation and produced structures of instability. disintegration of the federation, he does According to Hayden, the collapse of the suggest the following: former Yugoslavia and the structures of the What did prove to be incompatible resulting conflicts can all be explained as were republics based on the principle the logical consequence of the adoption of of the sovereignty of the majority ethnic certain constitutional concepts. “nation” (narod), formulations of the The logic of disintegration according to essence of the state entered into the Hayden followed the pattern of constitu- constitutional systems of these tional proposals by Slovenia and Croatia, republics beginning in 1989.” (p. 3) initially in the form of amendments to the 1974 Constitution of the Socialist Hayden believes that a system of con- Federative Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), stitutional nationalism, underpinning con- and then through the proposals for the stitutional amendments and proposals both transformation of Yugoslavia as a confed- at the level of the republic and the federa- eration or alliance of sovereign states. The tion, institutionalised a division between former he believes led to the deconstitution those who are of the sovereign nation, eth- of the federation, while the latter was sim- nically defined, and those who are not.

218 NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FUTURE 1(1) 2000. Under such circumstances, the latter may the mechanisms adopted by Croatia to hold citizenship but cannot aspire to equal- provide for local autonomy and human ity. Constitutional nationalism is defined as rights for all its minorities under the aus- a concept or process by which constitution- pices of the Constitutional law on national al and legal structures privilege the mem- minorities. Indeed, the entire negotiating bers of one (ethnic) nation over those of any process after the adoption of the Vance other resident in a particular state (p. 68). A plan and the UN protected areas, the state or republic, which adopts constitution- UNCRO mandate and the implementation al nationalism, envisions a state in which of the UNTAES temporary authority is left basic sovereignty resides with a particular out. Croatia’s position was that the nation (narod), the members of, which are Serbian minority could not secede from the ones who can decide fundamental Croatia, and that they could aspire to questions of state form and identity. Of greater political representation according course, under Hayden’s analyses, the to the 1991 census both at the national Slovenes and Croats are guilty of institu- and local levels. To exhaust the omissions, tionalising constitutional nationalisms that Hayden does not examine the process that ultimately led to the disintegration of the led to the Zagreb 4 (Z4) agreement, which federation and produced systems of in effect created a state within a state. inequality and discrimination of minorities. Croatia only took this proposal as a basis Hayden uses Croatia as a case study to for discussion, but it clearly was unwork- demonstrate how the Serbian minority was able. It did, however, demonstrate the alienated and discriminated in the new extent to which the Serbs (in the occupied Constitution (1990) and by the new demo- areas) would go to rejecting peaceful inte- cratic government. Indeed, the Croatian gration and the level of autonomy that they government may be accused of not doing would accept. enough, but the question is what could it After reading Hayden’s analyses, one is have done to avoid the Serbian rebellion left with the impression that the Western and Yugoslav army intervention? Too many republics, namely Slovenia and Croatia, by Serbian leaders have stated that they did pursuing their objectives in transforming not want to live in an independent Croatian the federation into a modern, confedera- state, and that the symbolism of Croatia tion or alliance of sovereign states, set off was not a factor, but an excuse. Indeed, an unstoppable process of disintegration. Jovan Raškoviæ had complained after the The book suffers from historical myopia, democratic elections that politics and socie- because there is no discussion of the histo- ty in Croatia were “Croatocentric.” This ry of Yugoslavia’s battle to define itself absurd proposition could not be understood internally. There were protracted debates except by the need to repress any manifes- about whether the first Yugoslavia would be tation of Croatian identity and national defined as a republic or a kingdom, or awareness that had been marginalized or whether it would be the State or Kingdom criminalized under the previous regime as of the Serbs, Slovenes and Croats, or just anti-state activity or hostile propaganda. of Yugoslavia. And then the debates over Indeed, Hayden does not discuss the efforts the banovina, decentralisation and cen- of Croatia to bring the Serbian minority into tralisation/unitarism, and the Croatian parliamentary and local representation. banovina. Hayden also fails to discuss the And there is a huge gap in understanding ZAVNOH and AVNOJ principles that con-

219 Book Reviews R. M. Hayden solidated the federal basis of post-war itary, incursions into Yugoslavia’s monetary Yugoslavia. While his initial purpose may system for exclusively Serbian purposes, not be to write a history of constitutionalism unilateral abolition of the autonomy of in former Yugoslavia, eliding over these Vojvodina and Kosovo, and failing to important debates and formulations seri- accept the Croatian delegate in the SFRY ously distorts the picture of a snap-shot of Presidency according to the principle of 1989 and beyond. At that point, and under rotation, amongst others). Indeed, there is the successive constitutions after the Second little or no discussion of the Memorandum World War, the republics were defined of the Serbian Academy of Science and under the republican and federal constitu- Arts, a document that is widely viewed as tions as states whose borders were unable the blueprint for the destruction of to be changed without the ratification of the Yugoslavia. Parliaments of the republics. When Hayden discusses the constitu- Hayden also neglects the complex tional proposals for the reorganisation of negotiations between Croatia and Slovenia Yugoslavia, one is left wondering why the over the formulation of the joint confedera- proposal for a modern federation submit- tion proposal. And he also neglects to dis- ted by Serbia and Montenegro is omitted. cuss the exhausting negotiations between This proposal is interesting for many rea- the republican leaderships that worked sons, especially because it outlines Serbia’s towards articulating the extent to which they position on a new Yugoslavia. For consti- disagreed over the future of Yugoslavia. tutional lawyers, it is interesting that Indeed, the Presidency of the SFRY mandat- Croatia and Slovenia proposed not ’seces- ed the republics to present their visions of a sion’, but disassociation and association as new relationship, and special working mechanisms for negotiating a confedera- groups were established to examine pro- tion of sovereign states. The Serbian pro- posals for resolving the constitutional and posal, however, explicitly defines the political crisis that emerged after the col- republics as states which exercise some of lapse of communism. their sovereign rights in the Federal It is interesting to note that Hayden Republic of Yugoslavia and are independ- spends too much time defending his schol- ent in discharging the rights and duties arship and perspective. Indeed, three years established in their constitutions and in in Belgrade does not equip one with any organising state government of their territo- special understanding of the crisis, particu- ries. Under article 10 of the Serbian pro- larly not of the perspective as seen by posal, every “republic has the right, on the Slovenes, Croats, Muslims qua Bosniacs, grounds of the will expressed by the citizens Macedonians or the Kosovo Albanians. in a referendum, to decide to secede from And most fundamentally, Hayden does not the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.” The ask the basic question about the axis of ten- proposal also spells out the mechanisms sions and competing visions. Why are all, for secession, which is an odd provision as and now including the Montenegrins, the the official representatives of Serbia claim nations aspiring to their own political auton- that they tried to save Yugoslavia from the omy or independence from Serbia? By ’separatist’ Slovenes and Croats. omitting to discuss the Serbian perspective Interesting enough, a special working and role in the disintegration of the federa- group of experts formed by the Presidency tion (for example the influence over the mil- of the SFRY at the end of February 1991,

220 NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FUTURE 1(1) 2000. prepared a draft document on the constitu- These provisions for secession were tional crisis, as well as a draft constitutional clearly drawn up for Croatia with a view to and legal procedure for secession from parts of the republic seceding to remain in Yugoslavia. The latter document spelled the federation. The big question was the out that the right of nations to self-determi- future status of the Republic of Bosnia and nation is one of the universal rules of mod- Herzegovina, which could also withdraw ern law that is also enshrined in the while parts of its population and territory Yugoslav Constitution. However, the draft join the Yugoslav federation. Ironically, the noted that the Constitution does not specify Bosnian Muslims and Serbs in July 1991 the rule or operational procedure for imple- proposed the resolution of the crisis based menting the right of nations to secede from on an “historical agreement.” The Muslims the SFRY. The draft suggested amendments proposed to the Serbs—without informing to the Yugoslav Constitution, which includ- or including the Croats—that they are ed, inter alia, the following provisions: “interested in a democratic solution to the The right of initiative for secession is status and rights of the Serbian nation in vested in the Parliaments of the Croatia, and that we support their efforts Republics. for autonomy, as we support autonomy for The decision on an initiative will go to a the Muslim/Bosniac nation in Sandak. To referendum by all the citizens of the the extent that the Serbian nation express- republic. es, and realises it legitimately, a desire not to live within the framework of a Croatian The referendum is valid if over half the state, and expresses a desire for the Knin total electorate has opted in its favour. Krajina to join Bosnia and Herzegovina, we In the republics inhabited by members shall then raise the issue of enjoining both of several Yugoslav nations the neces- Sandaks with Bosnia and Herzegovina.” sary majority is likewise determined for The most interesting aspects of each Yugoslav nation in particular. If Hayden’s examination is the role of essen- one of the Yugoslav nations declares tially European concepts of the nation-state itself against, all settlements where this and the role of the international communi- nation is in the majority, and which bor- ty in “imposing” from outside values, ideas der on the other part of Yugoslav terri- and concepts that are foreign to the tory and may therefore constitute a “locals.” However, Hayden does not deal compact territory, remain within the with these issues with any depth or con- structure of the SFRY. vincingly. Had he tried to grapple with If the result of the referendum is nega- these issues rather than place the blame tive, the same issue may be brought up with the Slovenes, Croats and Muslims in again only after the expiry of a period of wanting to reorganise a failed state struc- five years. ture according to modern European demo- Under this procedure, the Federal cratic standards and processes, scholars of Executive Council would draw up a balance international relations and constitutional of division of jointly created assets and law would be better served in understand- properties of the federation, as well as draw ing the logics of disintegration of the for- up proposals for territorial delineation and mer Yugoslav federation. determine the frontiers of the future states Marijan Gubiæ, Zagreb, Croatia and other questions of importance to the determination of the act of secession. 221 Book Reviews R. M. Hayden and manifestations as the institution of a modern democratic state. Second, his harsh criticism, which arises in part from his Daniel Patrick Moynihan (1998). general view on freedom and democracy Secrecy: The American as well as from the dubiousness of the rela- Experience. tionship between secrecy and freedom, has one concrete practical dimension; namely, Introduction by Richard Gid the expensive American bureaucratised Powers. secrecy system and the intelligence-security New Haven & London: Yale Leviathan which rests on it have not, University Press. 262 pages, according to Moynihan, fulfilled their only Bibliography, Index. $22.50 purpose in the second half of the twentieth ISBN: 0-300-07756-4. century: correctly assessing the degree of threat to American national security from its main Cold War enemy, the USSR. Secrecy is for losers. For people Continual intelligence overestimates of who do not know how important the Soviet strength and then being caught information really is. - unprepared by its dissolution are the cardi- Daniel P. Moynihan nal sins which lie in the most distorted aspect of the ”Culture of Secrecy”; in other In his book Secrecy, US Senator D.P. words, the withholding of information for Moynihan sharply criticises the American reasons of scientific pretensions; that is to government’s secrecy. Drawing on the his- say, closed intelligence analyses and tory of this institution’s development, assessments which did not allow for expert Moynihan attacks its legal framework and dialogue and criticism. Moynihan, who is its function within the American political not only a politician but also a social sci- system, viewing it as one of the key char- entist, shows us how contradictory secrecy acteristics of the governing methods of the is to the essence of scientific discourse. executive. His work is a plea for abandon- Moynihan’s likeable style of describing ing the current situation, which he calls the various episodes from America’s most ”Culture of Secrecy”, and for the establish- recent history helps to illustrate his basic ment and acceptance of the alternative, arguments. The making of the modern ”Culture of Openness”. American secrecy system during WW I; the However, Moynihan does not entirely extent of Soviet espionage before, during discard the need for a certain degree of and after WW II; ominous complementari- secrecy in a state’s affairs and claims his ty of the concepts of secrecy, conspiracy intention is not to abolish secrecy, which is and loyalty, and the expansion of the secre- indeed “sometimes legitimate and neces- cy system with the onset of the nuclear age; sary”. Why then does Moynihan so force- the Pentagon Papers; the Iran-Contra affair fully attack and destructively criticize the are just a few of the elaborated themes. institution of secrecy? One of the most fascinating and, from the First, Moynihan does not attack the perspective of the American reception of concept of secrecy as such, which would be Moynihan’s work, the most controversial in the least impractical. However, he does parts of the book, is the author’s presenta- attack secrecy in its bureaucratised form tion of the current decline in the quality of

222 NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FUTURE 1(1) 2000. strategic analysis regarding the Soviet threat is thus confident in the intelligence value of to American national security. Moynihan open sources. believes that George F. Kennan’s article, He is of course practical and hence “The Sources of Soviet Conduct”, which does not rely solely on invisible historical was published in Foreign Affairs in July powers, but on the legislative activity of a 1947, is the best insight of its kind or, rather, democratic state as well: the manner in “the most prescient position paper in the which one must restrain a “Culture of history of modern American diplomacy.” Secrecy” and allow for the development of Moynihan also covers various classified a “Culture of Openness” is a law that assessments inaccessible to expert criticism would clearly define and limit the area of and discussions, assessments which have secrecy. for decades served as a basis for political To be sure, we must allow for the pos- decision-making, and which vastly exagger- sibility that there exist authors, mostly ated the power of the USSR, until the final American, who would successfully oppose debacle: being caught unprepared by the some of Moynihan’s arguments and show, breakdown of the Soviet empire. on the basis of thorough analysis of intelli- Moynihan simultaneously follows two gence assessments, that their history is not processes, illustrating them with numerous entirely comprised of dramatic failures. examples - on the one hand the process of However, a critical approach to establishing and developing an American Moynihan’s work, as well as to his lack of secrecy system, and on the other hand, the modesty (he presents his former scepticism parallel battle of the public and the parlia- in regard to the long-term survival of com- ment to restrain this institution; that is, to munist totalitarianism as one of the rare define the level of regulation which would bright spots in the darkness of delusions serve to effectively resist an enemy, but about Soviet strength and invincibility) do which at the same time would not be used not lessen the value of Moynihan’s other against one’s own citizens and their liber- arguments, his support for a ”Culture of ties, whether it be in the form of bureau- Openness” and his strong, morally and cratic inertia or political misuse. intellectually principled stands in the In places where Moynihan the social defence of democracy and civil liberties. scientist argues for demolishing the Moynihan’s text is preceded by an “Culture of Secrecy” and developing a excellent introduction by Richard Gid “Culture of Openness”, Moynihan the Powers, in which he sketches Moynihan’s politician demands the establishment of a political portrait and interprets the meaning new, more stable model of decision-making of his efforts in light of critical consideration in the area of national security. The old of the Cold War’s tangle of facts and illu- model, grounded on secrecy, with its legacy sions wrapped in a veil of secrecy, and the of intelligence failures and ill-conceived epochal clash of the two superpowers over political moves, must yield to a new way of the shortage of valid information-based addressing the national security issue; that hysterias - the right wing ideology of anti- is, shifting the emphasis from secrecy to communism and the left ideology of anti- analysis. Because he has confidence in the anti-communism, as one of the main char- beneficial effects of the “Information Age” acteristics of modern American history. in which we live, the civilizational founda- However, even though he looks at tion of a “Culture of Openness”, Moynihan secrecy from the perspective of an

223 Book Reviews D. P. Moynihan “American experience”, Moynihan’s work is of exceptional value for the non-American readers too, especially those in the Central Eastern European “transitional laboratory”. Compilation of Papers and Namely, while the American reader finds Studies (1997). Geopolitical this book predominantly, although not Reality of the Serb Nation . solely, polemical and politically provoca- tive, for this other group of potential read- Belgrade: Institute for Geopolitical ers the book is first of all didactic, since this Studies. pp. 606. is the area where there are deep structural ISBN 86-82985-02-0. changes being undertaken in all aspects of social life, and thus the reconsideration of the concept of national security and the “Geopolitical Reality of the Serb reorganising of systems and mechanisms Nation” is a compilation of essays and for its protection are underway. For all that, studies presented at the Round Table dis- in areas where a fundamental breakdown cussions entitled “The Serb Nation in the of the old totalitarian system and a rejec- New Geopolitical Environment” held in tion of its methods in the area of national Petrovaradin in January 1997, organized security are occurring (that is, in the best by the Institute for Geopolitical Studies. It case scenario), some of the already existing contains 66 contributions written and/or models from the West are being accepted presented by Serb philosophers, econo- as an alternative, and the very fact that they mists, sociologists, experts in political sci- are western models necessarily assumes ences, geography, demography, law, theol- the democratic legitimation of these mod- ogy, ethics, and professional military per- els and methods. Moynihan’s work implic- sonnel from FRY and Republika Srpska, itly reminds us of the important historical and other academic institutions. Even lesson that when “human affairs” are in though three years have passed since this question, there are no ready-made and symposium was held, the views expressed self-explanatory solutions; that when it is by Serb political and academics draw not once achieved, democracy is not a self- only on the spirit of that time but also show maintaining “natural state” but rather the habitual thinking of the Serb political needs continual nurturing, and, finally that elite. any measure of freedom, regardless of the These works have been divided into the form it might take, should always be fought following four chapters: The influence of for. Therefore Moynihan’s concern for great powers on the position of the Serb American democracy is a concern for nation; Positioning the Serb nation in rela- democracy in general. tion to their direct geopolitical surround- ings; Assessments relating to the influence Stribor Kikerec, Zagreb, Croatia of domestic factors on the overall Serb position; Serb responses to their geopoliti- cal challenges. In his introduction Radovan Radinoviæ touches on the central thesis of these works - the view that Serbia is in its currently unfavourable position as a direct result of

224 NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FUTURE 1(1) 2000. America’s desire to dominate Europe and post-Dayton era as “an American multieth- the Balkans. Radinoviæ describes another nic fixation” (p.29). Smilja Avranov geopolitical theory that the newly united describes the United States, France and Germany in its attempt to counteract the Great Britain as new enemies of the Serb Turkish expansion towards Europe and the nation emerging from the newly strength- Balkans, is itself trying to expand its influ- ened ties between the United States and the ence towards the Middle East. The authors Vatican. The United States and the Vatican, are united in viewing Russia as the only Serb according to Avranov, are together deci- ally, but all agree that in its present form is sively anti-communists coupled with the too weak to resist Western powers. Vatican’s anti-Orthodox stand. Radinoviæ views the states surrounding Mihail Markoviæ describes the current Serbia, namely Albania, Croatia, and global situation after the fall of the USSR as Bosnia and Herzegovina, as being anti-Serb the “New World Order” (NWO), which has orientated. For the majority of authors, the allowed the Americans to dominate, shape break up of the former Yugoslavia has the world and exploit the world’s resources. resulted in the loss of “Serb ethnic territory”, In establishing the NWO the United States and has thus reopened the Serb nationalist have attempted to create smaller states question. Furthermore, they conclude that incapable of fending off political domina- the only answer to this question is the cre- tion and economic exploitation. Drago ation of a Serb national country. The disin- Kalajiæ holds that Serb territory will eventu- tegration of the former Yugoslavia for these ally play the key role in determing the suc- authors does not represent the final step in cess of the NWO, in other words, the rul- the Balkanisation process, contending that ing of the “Third American Imperial” (p. geopolitical tailoring is still ongoing. 63). Text contributors criticise the South According to the authors the process has European Cooperation Initiative (SECI) as not been completed due to the varying an attempt by the United States to separate geopolitical concepts in the international South Eastern Europe and bring it closer to community regarding the division of the the demographically larger Turkey and the Balkans. In addition, they note that each Islamic world (pp. 68-69). Markoviæ also change in relations between these powers maintains that the United States is empha- places the Balkans deeper into their “whirl- sising a “Hegemony” period due to their wind of contradicting interests” (Smilja “painful losses in Vietnam as a leading Avranov p. 49). world military power making them ill pre- The authors also allege that the great pared to handle even the smallest loss of powers, in their view had by the United human life and thus, if the problem is not States, are endeavouring to minimalize the settled by bombing they retreat in front of a geopolitical importance of Serbia. decisive resistance,” (p. 57). Radinoviæ states that America is the main Ratibor Grujiæ maintains that the obstacle in establishing a Serb state and “most painful point in Serb history is the realizing their national interests. He lists the resistance by the great powers towards Dayton agreement, Croatia’s military oper- united Serbs and their desire to form a unit- ation “Storm” and western support of ed Serb state” (p. 72). Marko Markoviæ “Kosovo Albanian separatist ambitions” as claims that the aim of the NWO is to arguments supporting this view. Radinoviæ destroy Yugoslavia, Russia and other defines Bosnia and Herzegovina in this Orthodox countries and Orthodoxy as a

225 Book Reviews Geopolitical Reality .. whole. This NWO would not allow “Pan-Turkism” while Albania would supply European countries their independence the second stepping stone, partly because because “American domination does not of their historical ties to Turkey and partly only mean death to a country’s independ- due to the several million Turks of Albanian ence but death to its rights and democra- descent. cy,” (p. 86). Following the destabilisation of Yugoslavia’s neighboring countries are Russia, Markoviæ predicts that the next habitually seen as threats to the Serb state. stage involves the spread of “Pan-Islamism” Miloš Kneeviæ states that the Serb nation to the rest of Europe. Rajko Gnjato believes has the historical fate of suffering “stress- that Russia is not only disoriented and lack- generating geography”. Kneeviæ further ing the power to stop the execution of claims that the Federal Republic of NWO politics, but is also too weak to Yugoslavia (FRY) has been forced into the secure it’s own interest within the NWO. only remaining portion of the Serb ethnic According to Dragoljub R. ivojinoviæ, area located in the eastern part of the for- the Vatican is high on the list of Serb rivals, mer Yugoslavia. The geopolitical insecurity who have been striving to regain their of Serb territory lies, amongst other factors, dominant religious, political and social in the their neighbor’s varied ultranational- power in Europe since the fall of the USSR. ist goals of revision, territorial demands When discussing international rela- and spiritual retaliation. These countries tions, the authors often stress the inferiority are viewed as Austro-Hungarian and of the European countries in respect to the Turkish political proxies. United States. Marko Markoviæ deems that Miloš Kneeviæ states that the Serb Europe no longer exists but is rather a question has not been addressed and that group of nations under American control. the division of former Yugoslav territory into Slobodan Samardiæ emphasises that the secessionist new states has not been com- European Union through bad arbitration pleted. (Unlike the Badinteur Commission has disqualified itself as a competent ele- report which concluded that dissolution of ment in the Yugoslavia crisis. Contrary to former Yugoslavia as succession, the Europe’s strategy, the “American military- author claims that it is secession.) Kneeviæ political strategy is comprised of a mixture believes the emergence of smaller Balkan of ideological multiculturalism and real states is in the face of the two century old politics fuelling the (Yugoslav) crisis at low Serb geopolitical goal of reclaiming con- intensity.” Thus the United States holds trol of the “Serb ethnic area” (SEA). The state-territorial and international minority SEA is wider, as constantly described in disputes in regions such as Bosnia and their papers, than the currently held territo- Herzegovina, Sandak, Kosmet and west- ries of Serbia and Montenegro. “Thus ern Macedonia as “principally unresolv- today’s confused situation is not in accor- able”. dance with the traditional Serb territories Turkey’s influence in the Balkans has of FRY and Republika Srpska, and in this also significably destabilised Serbia. form geopolitically unnatural and in the Miloljub Jevtiæ describes “Pan-Turkism” as long term unviable,” (p. 211). Kneeviæ the concept of a Greater Turkey, where states that the Serb area has been reduced Turkey with the support of the United States, by Croatia (the so called Krajina) by enters the Balkans, destabilizes first Serbia 17,000 km2 and by 10,000 km2 in western and then Europe. In this case Kosovo Bosnia (p. 211). Kneeviæ states that the would serve as the primary foothold for SEA is incomplete because the Serb nation 226 NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FUTURE 1(1) 2000. lacks political integrity and strength. state incapable of sustaining itself inde- The authors see Croatia in an incon- pendently. In order to retain it’s own state, venient geopolitical position with character- Macedonia would have to enter into a istics of “being exposed and attractive for favorable alliance or succumb to the pro- take-overs” (p. 231). In short they view tection of a stronger state. Milovan Croatia as being unjustly interested in con- Radakoviæ claims that Albania and trolling the Danube right bank. They go on Macedonia are prospective for the to term the Croatia’s Danube Region (which strongest American military bases in was peacefully integrated in 1996-1997 Europe. From these bases the United States after the signing of the basic agreement in would have the capability of provoking low which the UNTAES aided) as the Srijem- intensity conflicts if they assess that politi- Baranja region and treat it as a temporary cal, economic and military integration is neighbour. Drago M. Njegovan stresses the not heading in a favourable direction, or if importance of the Danube right bank for the a united Europe starts to jeopardise FRY, referring to it as part of the “Serb American interests (p. 350). Danube Region”. According to Njegovan, The authors allege that Bosnia and the “Serb Danube Region” is wider by Herzegovina does not have a foundation including the Danube bank in both Croatia outside of Yugoslavia. According to and Romania (p. 334). The Serbs figured Radinoviæ, Bosnia is the “Balkan black that in the event of Yugoslavia’s break up hole” (p. 226) whose solution lies in a new the Croatian Danube region would be military conflict and not a peaceful agree- included in Serbia, however this plan is tem- ment where the Serbs would have to porarily unachievable. “The alternative defend minimal national and state inter- would be to retain the status quo, which in ests. Bosnian-Muslims are seen as tempo- the right circumstance would allow for the rary neighbors while Republika Srpska is aforementioned plan.” The authors con- seen as an apparent neighbor (p. 195). clude that Serb weakness and powerless- FRY-Republika Srpska relations are termed ness has resulted in Croatia’s superiority in as an issue of domestic nature rather than the South Slav area. foreign affairs. This question must be Albania is defined as an “undesirable answered in such a way as to “name and Balkan infant”, a “Balkan geopolitical neu- confirm it as a complete national and state rotic”, and most expressively as the “Balkan unity. The same nation resides in the FRY Banana Republic”. The new Serb geopoliti- and Republika Srpska in this continuous cal enemy has emerged as a result of the Serb territory” (p. 226). From the Serb separatist movement by the “unloyal standpoint, according to Rajko Gnjata, Albanian minority” living on Serb territory. Republika Srpska is the only bright out- An additional problem is the fact that come from the disintegration of Yugoslavia. “Serbia was unable to create a state pro- Problems in relations with neighbour- gram that would adapt and include the ing states lie primarily in defining the Serb Kosovar Albanians in the Serb national ethnic area (SEA). Jovan Iliæ claims that the state” (p. 215). The problem according to SEA is constituted by the following border the authors is not in international relations limits: Draè-Struga-Prilep-Veleška Klisura- but rather highlighting the “Albanian” terror- Osogovske mountains to the south the istic, criminal, mafia and political activities. existing Bulgaria-Serbian border (Stara Macedonia is seen as a markedly weak Planina)-Ðerdap; Èerne gorge-Mureš near

227 Book Reviews Geopolitical Reality .. Arada - Baja - Meèek - Drava at Barèa - Serbs in Croatia, Macedonia and Bosnia west Bilogora; Èazma - Sava upstream and Herzegovina “have to try to survive” from Sisak - Vukomerièke Gorice - until the FRY regains its strength to the umberaèka Gora (Gornjaci) - Gornja point where they can influence the Serb Kupa - Gorski Kotar - Rijeka - Adriatic Sea. people in those areas. However, until then, According to the authors, the SEA encom- it is important to work on the return of passed over half of Bosnia and refugees, “without whom all talks of Serb Herzegovina and a fourth of Croatia at the land and demands for it’s future are point- beginning of the 90s. During the war they less” (p. 139-140). “lost” approximately 12,000 km2 in The most worrisome issues for the Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and author’s are Serbia’s domestic problems. a grand total of 25,000 km2 after the rein- Popoviæ specifies the 700,000 refugees in tegration of the Croatian Danube region. Serbia over the Drina and the additional Radinoviæ goes on to describe the SEA as problem of 200,000 military draftees who including Serbia, Montenegro, Republika fled to the West, as further worsening the Srpska (before NATO bombing around 70 geopolitical position of the FRY. Milena percent of Bosnia and Herzegovina) and Spasovski claims that Serbia’s natural the Republika Srpska Krajina, with the Srem growth is almost all attributed to Muslim - Baranja region (the entire area in the residents (Muslim, Albanians, Gypsies, and Republic of Croatia controlled by the JNA Turks). The Serbs who have settled between and rebel Serbs during 1991-1995). “In 1991 - 1995 have only a short-term influ- the forthcoming period, the Serbian military ence and in the long run they would not elite and the entire Serb nation will have to significantly improve the currently negative invest an enormos amount of effort to demographic development trends. regain this lost area and resettle it with Miloš Kneeviæ states that FRY is lack- Serbs,” (p. 411). ing in political, ideological, national, party Serbs do not have the strength, state and geopolitical consensus regarding desire, nor the external geopolitical condi- important issues for their future. The Serb tions to return the “lost Serb kingdom” to its political pseudoelite, instead of represent- entirety in the near future. “Regardless of ing Serb integrity, represent “A Serb based this, no one is allowed, not even the ruling Yugoslav integrity” (p.197). Dragoljub Serb elite, to permanently re-enunciate Kojèiæ suppresses that the most important their right to that area and to view this loss goal is to strengthen their Serb national as definite,” (p. 286). The Serb nation must sovereignty and consequently establish a continue to regard this area as an inalien- Serb national state (p. 271). eljko able historical right, and this stand must Poznanoviæ stresses the importance of the also be pursued by Serb diplomacy in their Serb Orthodox Church as a vital internal- international political and diplomatic integral Serb leader. Poznanoviæ maintains strategies. that their religious belief cannot be sepa- Samardiæ views the uniting of the FRY rated from the national, and thus the Serb and Republika Srpska as a kind of national nation receives “Godly dimensions through goal unimplementable today, but which the national auto cephalic church” (p. 305- must be projected as a strategic national 306). Petar Stojiæ holds Kosovo and interest (p. 130). Ðorðe B. Popoviæ thinks Sandak as priceless to the FRY and that that Serbia, to change its position, must they must be maintained at all costs, even wait for a change in international relations. if that means war. He suggests that they are 228 NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FUTURE 1(1) 2000. threatening war in light of the direct ties The authors hope that Russia will between the ever increasing aggressive remain/become a military ally of the FRY Islam and “Albanian” terrorism. and secure a guarantee for their smallest The FRY when speaking of Kosovo and strategic interests (p. 497). “Alliance with Sandak must not allow itself to succumb to Russia is a necessary requisite for avoiding the demands of the international communi- a most unfavorable military situation of a ty because that would mark the end of its multinational military NATO or WEU inter- national and state politics. Kosta Èavoški vention” (p. 497). Without this kind of sees the role of the international communi- alliance the FRY would be lost in such a ty in Kosovo as supporting Albanians in military conflict, having to deal with a large their aim of achieving political autonomy number of casualties, material losses and and separation from the FRY, and not as destruction (p. 497). In 1999, FRY leaders protecting human rights. The Serb political obviously did not heed this warning. corpus is deeply divided and shattered Branislav Ðorðeviæ summarizes that the according to Andrej Miletiæ (p. 371). Serb state is surrounded by hostile coun- Radovan Radinoviæ sees their goal of tries, of which the Repulic of Croatia would defining the SEA as the greatest challenge always play the role of mediator in a war of confronting Serbs. Their aim is to create a great powers against the FRY. However, unique area of Serb land and then stabilis- Albania is viewed as the next Serb oppo- ing social development, demographic revi- nent. Serb countries outside of the FRY talisation and spiritual renewal. It also must serve the role of vital subsystems for improved integral security system whose the defence of the FRY and vice versa. new doctrine includes the capability of The Yugoslav Army (JA) must be capa- offensive responses against all aggressors, ble of starting and concluding a war, and and even against multinational powers with also be prepared for war activities in neigh- the support of a strong ally. Radinoviæ feels boring territories who are conducting that the first step is to clear up the question armed aggression on the FRY (p. 496). The of the SEA borders and the Serb state. The military doctrine should allocate means for mentioned area has external pressures that devastating attacks to all vital facilities of “refer to it in different terms, but the area neighboring countries if the Serb nation is has to be seen as a unique ethnic area, with threatened. The JA must be prepared to mutual territorial connections, and entirety attack all vital facilities of the aggressor with clear aspirations that would one day be and facilities of neighboring countries included in the unique Serb state” (p. 488). involved. The FRY must have a suitable ally Radinoviæ asserts that minorities in this state derived from perhaps the Balkan Alliance, would not have the right to claim their own Partnership for Peace or the Alliance of national state nor political autonomy. Orthodox countries in Eastern Europe (p. Forcefully taken and abducted, Serb territo- 571). ry must be viewed as a temporary loss and Most of this compilation is persuaded thus Serbs must continue to base their dominated by theories of American con- hopes on their historical rights and demand spiracy sparsed with German and Vatican the return of these areas from the interna- activities directed against the Serb people. tional community when the moment Their feelings of endangerment are height- becomes visible for favorable Serb strategic ened by Russia’s weakness. The authors moves. maintain that the Serb people are victims

229 Book Reviews Geopolitical Reality .. due to their geopolitical, transit and reli- gious uniqueness, which subjects them to the bullying of great powers. Almost all of their neighbors are now controlling at least Blaskovich J. Anatomy of Deceit. some section of the SEA, while the nation- An American Physician s First- al minority in FRY is attempting to divide hand Encounter with the the remaining areas and annex them to Realities of the W ar in Croatia. their base states. The Serb political elite is obviously still dealing with the after conse- New York: Dunhill Publishing, Co., quences of the disintegration of the former 1997. pp. 247, hard cover. Yugoslavia and the fact that this state has Price: US$24. shrunk in size. However, their aspirations of ISBN 0-935016-24-4. constructing a united Serbia using a some- what smaller area of the former Yugoslavia During the last couple of years, several still exists. Regardless of their embitterment books on the war in former Yugoslavia towards a number of member countries of were published in the United States. the international community, the Serbs feel However, all those books offered only one- that it is important to obtain support from sided descriptions of the war. Blaskovich’s the world’s central power because it is the book is the first one to present the other only “just solution to the Serb national side of the story. question” (p. 430). Even though the actual- Dr Jerry Blaskovich was born in ization of a new Serb state uniting the SEA Chicago, Illinois. In 1960, he started study- territory (returning parts of Croatia, Bosnia ing medicine at the Zagreb University and Herzegovina, Macedonia and School of Medicine. He specialized derma- Albania, etc.) is not possible right now in tology in the United States where he also their new geopolitical state, this idea must got his master’s degree, but in a complete- still remain the key geopolitical aim of the ly different field – the history of Islamic art. Serb political elite and therefore their Until 1994, he lectured on dermatology at efforts must be directed towards this objec- the University of Southern California. He is tive. a veteran of the Korean War and the field of his special interest is chemical warfare. Josip Esterajher, Zagreb, Croatia Since the beginning of the conflict in former Yugoslavia, he visited combat zones sever- al times, evaluating the medical services, visiting the refugee camps, and talking to the victims of rape. He wrote numerous let- ters and articles on the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, which were pub- lished in American journals and newspa- pers, and he held many lectures. On the basis of his own experience, he wrote a book “Anatomy of Deceit – An American Physician’s First Hand Encounter with the Realities of the War in Croatia”, published in the United States in July 1997.

230 NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FUTURE 1(1) 2000. “Anatomy of Deceit” is divided in four- The third chapter, “The Road to Voæin”, teen chapters, and the Croatian edition has describes Tito’s Yugoslavia with special a special preface written by Prof. Andrija focus on the late 1980s and the beginning Hebrang, MD, PhD, Minister of Health dur- of 1990s. Blaskovich criticizes the blind- ing the war. It is written for an American ness of the international community, and reader – short, straightforward, “CNN-look- especially the Bush administration which, a-like”. However, the Croatian reader will believing in the survival of Yugoslavia, find it interesting, too. It shows how facts reacted mildly on the conflict in Slovenia about the war in Croatia can be stated in a and the foundation of the Serbian simple and well-documented way, and dis- Autonomous District in Croatia. One part closes some, previously unpublished, facts of this chapter is dedicated to the siege of about the work of international community. Dubrovnik in October 1991, when the In the introductory chapter, “My Rude media started asking questions on the Awakening: December 15, 1991,” motivation of the Serbian military activities. Blaskovich remembers his first “war-time” The following two chapters, “What visit to the homeland of his parents Happened in Voæin” and “Post Mortems of (although the first few paragraphs are too Slaughter: The Autopsies,” deal with the dramatic). Blaskovich was invited by Foreign best forensically documented crime perpe- Press Bureu to evaluate the work of medical trated on the territory of former Yugoslavia. services and to investigate the rumors about On December 13, 1991, the members of the use of chemical weapons. He reviews “Beli Orlovi,” Serbian para-military troops, the news on the situation on the territory of destroyed the eight centuries old church of former Yugoslavia those days, as well as the Our Lady in Voæin and massacred the civil- situation in Zagreb – the first air raids, ians. The post-mortal remains (I choose not sniper fire, bombing of the Banski dvori to use the word “body”) of 58 victims were (Office of the President). found, while the remains of many others, At the beginning of the following chap- including children, were missing. ter, “Legend-Induced Paranoia of the Serbs Blaskovich’s description of autopsies and the Hits and Myths of the Croats,” begins with the statement that “even the Blaskovich criticizes the lack of well- toughest pathologist is on his knees when designed media promotion of Croatia. he deals with burned victims.” The sum- Croatia’s politicians wasted a lot of energy maries of the forensic reports are given. retelling the Croatian history to the foreign- Tomislav Martinkoviæ, Katica Martinkoviæ, ers “from the seventh century”, instead of Marija Šimiæ, Ivan Šimiæ, Marija and Franjo answering the simple question: “What can Matanèiæ, and Stojan Nenadoviæ (a Serb!) we do?” or “What would you like us to do?” were horrendously tortured before they Since the book was written for the American were burned alive. The only comfort is the audience, Blaskovich summarizes historical fact that the tragedy in Voæin was the first facts, crucial for the understanding of events massacre noticed by the media, after four in former Yugoslavia, as well as the devel- dozen previous slaughters were ignored. opment of the idea of “Greater Serbia” In chapter 6, “The Devastation of from Garašanin’s “Naèertanije”, through Osijek and the Smoldering Ashes of murder in Parliament, up to the SANU Vukovar,” Blaskovich remembers his visit to Memorandum (“the Serbian equivalent of West Slavonia. He witnessed the fight for Mein Kempf”). Osijek, and the heroic work of the staff in

231 Book Reviews J. Blaskovich the Osijek General Hospital. Four fifths of resentatives of the United States Congress. the hospital as ruined and the staff was In the eighth chapter, Blaskovich tries moved to the cellar. However, they man- to answer the question from his introduc- aged to maintain the rate of secondary tion: “Who committed a greater crime – wound infections below 1.7%*. Perhaps the the one who actually did it or the one who most tragical fact is that the Yugoslav ignored it?” Trying to expose different lies People’s Army severely devastated the hos- published in foreign press, Blaskovich visit- pital during the seize of fire (sic!) in ed many medical institutions in Croatia. He September 1991, bombarding from the describes his experience in working with neighboring base. refugees and displaced persons. The cru- Blaskovich reconstructs the siege of cial part of the chapter is the testimony of Vukovar, the turning point of the war, on the Fadila, a woman from Brèko, about the basis of his conversations with eyewitness- destruction of that Bosnian city and the es. He describes the work in the basement massacre of civilians in Brèko carried out of the Vukovar General Hospital. I would by the Serbian troops. like to point out two, almost unbelievable, “The Infant Democracy’s First Steps” is acts of enemy troops: artillery attacks to the the title of chapter 9. Here, Blaskovich central sterilization facility (guided by the deals with the confusion of the Croatian “insiders”), and the attacks on the vehicles press in 1990 and 1991, and with the work which were taking away the dead to the of the Foreign Press Bureau – “the only cemetery! Part of the chapter describes bright spot” in Croatia those days. forensic work on the identification of the Although the Foreign Press Bureau con- corpses of the wounded who were taken to tributed significantly in fighting prejudices the concentration camps after the fall of against Croatia that were present in the Vukovar. Many of them didn’t survive the media, it became the victim of the conflict torture. of interests of Croatia’s officials. After that, Chapter 7, “The Media Deception,” Blaskovich describes the work of Croatian deals with the role of the media in the war associations in the United States whose dif- in Croatia. We can learn that the authors of ferences eventually led to the loss of both numerous articles on the war in the resources and energy in the fight for domi- Balkans, published between 1990 and nation. 1995, were “in love” both with former Chapter 10, “Physicians, Leaders by Yugoslavia and everything it represented. Default”, deals with physicians and their Press agencies used those articles as a role in the war in Croatia and Bosnia and basis for a number of their reports pub- Herzegovina. It is very unusual that in such lished in the early 1990s. In addition, a short period several physicians made it to Blaskovich describes the excellent work of the top of Croatia’s politics. For example: Serbian propaganda including hiring many Zdenko Škrabalo, Branimir Jakšiæ, Ivica independent public-relations companies. Kostoviæ, Andrija Hebrang, Mate Graniæ, For example, General Lewis MacKenzie, Goran Dodig, Juraj Njavro, Ivica Kraèun, the highest ranking United Nations officer Franjo Golem … It is unbelievable coinci- on the territory of former Yugoslavia, was dence that, at the same time, some leaders donated USD 150,000 by SerbNet, the in other parts of Yugoslavia were physicians official Serbian lobby association in the too: Milan Paniæ, Milan Babiæ, Radovan United States, during his talks with the rep- Karadiæ … Moreover, Lord David Owen is

232 NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FUTURE 1(1) 2000. a physician himself. But, one must agree trict “Krajina,” and the importance of the with Blaskovich that Owen and Karadiæ failure of the siege of Bihaæ as well as must have been absent when it was time to Croatia’s involvement in the war in Bosnia take the Hippocratic oath. and Herzegovina. In introductory para- Chapter 11, “Conflicts of Interest”, graphs, he reviews the history of Bosnia contains some facts not so known in and Herzegovina, “the small Yugoslavia.” Croatia. Lawrence Eagleburger, former He deals with the blindness of the Bosnian United States Minister of Foreign Affairs, state politics and its total unpreparedness was very intimate with Yugoslav financial for the conflict. Although he is not trying to circles. Lord Peter Carrington became man- minimize the sufferings of Muslims during ager and representative of “Kissinger and the war, he explains why the Croats are the Associates,” which transferred hundreds of main loosers in the war in Bosnia and millions of American investments in Herzegovina. He also analyzes the reasons Yugoslavia. However, neither of them Muslims turned against the Croats. At the thought that their financial interests would end of the chapter, all the sufferings of the interfere with their ability to make objective people of Bosnia are summarized in poem judgments about former Yugoslavia. by Enes Kiševiæ, “Hava’s Plea”. Blaskovich explains the basis of the embar- In the final, fourteenth chapter, go on the import of weapons to Croatia “Dayton: Peace for Our Time?” Blaskovich and characterizes it as one of the most per- describes the Dayton Peace Agreement. He vert political decisions during the war in characterizes the Agreement as a requiem Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. He for Bosnia and Herzegovina, and defines also describes the economic sanctions Serbs as the only winners. He accuses the against Yugoslavia imposed by the United international community and the West for Nations, as well as Russia breaking the horrors committed on the territory of former sanctions and shameless role of Russian Yugoslavia. peace keeping forces in Croatia. One of Although it is written for the American their most profitable actions was smuggling audience, I can recommend “Anatomy of oil. The United Nations ignored the smug- Deceit” to the readers from Croatia and gling, afraid that the Russians might with- neighboring countries. It is simple, but draw from the forces. While talking about interesting. Blaskovich dissects the way pol- the United Nations, Blaskovich describes itics and media can manipulate the infor- the slaughter of Muslims in Gorade, the mation. He discloses all the hypocrisy of center of the UN security zone. He cites the the international community which didn’t article from the Los Angeles Times, describ- stop the war, although it was able to, ing how the UN gave the Serbs UN uni- because it was partly seduced by the forms and vehicles. Disguised as UN sol- ancient myths about the Serbian military diers, the Serbs caught Muslims hiding in glory and partly corrupted with Serbian the woods after they fled from Srebrenica. money. All those refugees were executed! Ivan Krešimir Lukiæ In the 12th chapter, “Croatia’s Growing Croatian Medical Journal Pains,” Blaskovich analyzes the failure of the * Janoš K, Lovriæ Z. War Surgery in Osijek UNPROFOR mandate in Croatia and the During the 1991/92 War in Croatia. Z–4 Plan. He analyzes events in 1995, the Croatian Medical Journal 1995; military actions “Flash” and “Storm”, which 36(2):104-107. brought down the Serbian autonomous dis- 233 Book Reviews J. Blaskovich “being in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which incorporates wider Croatian-Serbian rela- tions,” and the other being in Kosovo, Report of the International which is “directly related to Serbia, Albania Commission on the Balkans and Macedonia… and potentially incorpo- (1996). Unfinished Peace. rates Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey.” The Report also gives 57 recommen- Washington: Carnegie Endowment dations relating to the conduct of the for International Peace. pp. 222. above mentioned countries with respect to ISBN 0-8700-3118-X the activity of the UN, NATO members, the US, various bodies of the European Union /Croatian edition: and international non-government organi- Izvješće Međunarodne komisije zations. The declared wish of the authors of za Balkan (1997). Zagreb: the Report is for their recommendations to Hrvatski helsinški odbor za ljudska be completely realized, bringing lasting prava i Pravni centar FOD BiH. pp. peace and prosperity to the Balkans. 205. Two hundred pages of text are struc- ISBN 953-96343-5-0/ tured in a number of sections. The Report contains an introduction by Lea Tindemans, the President of the International Commission for the Balkans, a summary “Unfinished Peace” is the title of a the Report, an introduction and four chap- study, or rather a Report, published by the ters entitled, “Balkan Troubles,” “War and International Commission for the Balkans, the Reactions of the United Nations”, “The which comprises of a group of eminent situation in the Countries, Trends and authors. The Report was issued in the Recommendations,” and “The Region – Croatian language in 1997 in Zagreb by Conclusions and Recommendations.” the Croatian Helsinki Committee for Annexed to the Report are easy-to-survey Human Rights FOD B-H. The original maps, a supplement about the study mis- Report was published by the Carnegie sion and encounters by the International Endowment for International Peace, 1996, Commission for the Balkans, and the epi- Washington. logue by Ivo Banac contained in the The Report claims to be an analysis of Croatian edition. the situation and suggests its own kind of The first chapter, metaphorically titled integral strategy for the international com- “Balkan Troubles,” considers the causes of munity toward the area which it calls the the recent war, or rather a review of the his- “Balkans”, which incorporates Croatia, torical development of the state of affairs in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, the countries of the former Yugoslavia Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria, Greece which led to war. As for the historical review and Turkey. However, Montenegro and of the events in the Balkans up until the Romania are hardly mentioned in the Second World War given in that chapter, Report. Some countries mentioned in the we cannot help but feel that the Report is Report are discussed in elaborate detail as subject to prejudices similar to those that opposed to others because those countries we come across in literature such as “Grey represent the two epicentres of conflict in Falcon and White Lamb” by Rebecca West. the Balkans. The first is considered as As for the analysis of the causes for the 234 NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FUTURE 1(1) 2000. recent war in Croatia and Bosnia and is decreased. Particularly unrealistic and Herzegovina given in the same chapter, the biased is the part of the Report about the Report does not consider the relevant for- operations that liberated the occupied eign factors for its outbreak, and all the regions of the Republic of Croatia, which more categorically states that “the causes of the Report describes as “attacks on this war were not outside of the Balkans, Krajina” that was followed by “a campaign rather inside of it.” The main culprits for the of ethnic cleansing” (p. 41). Most space war, according to the Report, were old and statistics in this chapter of the Report is “inherited hatreds”, which due to changing dedicated to the military conflict in Bosnia international surroundings, given the disin- and Herzegovina. As a whole, given the tegration of communist systems, brought way in which the Report presents the course about crude nationalism. The Report rejects of the war, it is hard not to think that this the thesis about a “conflict of civilizations,” part of the Report more intensely blames and accepts that nationalist politicians skil- the Croats for the fighting in Bosnia and fully used, rather abused, the Church and Herzegovina, while it marginalizes the con- religious symbols for their own aims. tribution of the Croatian Army in liberating According to this, the Serbs and Croats Bihaæ and parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina were ascribed to as being nationalistic from the Serbian aggressors, which were politicians, whilst the Moslems “despite all the preconditions for the Dayton Accords. their shortcomings and mistakes, came the The description of the international closest to defending European principles of community’s efforts is reasonably objective, tolerance and open societies from those and at times even overtly critical of Western who, in the name of Christian Europe, countries. The events in Slovenia that pre- endeavoured to exterminate them,” (p. 22). ceded the aggression in Croatia are lucid- The authors of the Report do not mention ly assessed as being the intentions of the nor attempt to explain the phenomena that Serbian politicians in allowing the inde- during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina pendence of Slovenia, in relation to the the Moslems fled in the hundreds of thou- nature of the 1991 Brioni Declaration as a sands to those “who endeavored to exter- means for gaining time for the deployment minate them,” i.e., Croatia, which unselfish- of the Yugoslav Army in Croatia and Bosnia ly sheltered them. We believe that the failure and Herzegovina, i.e. preparing for an to mention this is not accidental as it ques- aggressive war and the European tions Croatia’s tolerance and openness. Community’s failure to recognize the The second chapter, entitled “The War nature of the problems. An objective but and the Reactions of the International brief depiction is given of the endeavours Community,” analyses the course of the war of the United Nations between 1992 and in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina 1994 in Croatia, i.e. during the period of and the endeavours of the international the so-called Vance Plan (the UN Secretary community to end it. It is telling that the General’s envoy, former US State Secretary, aggression in Croatia is depicted very Cyrus Vance), rather the origins of the Z-4 briefly and bleakly, without mention of the plan (the draft agreement on Knin, south- destruction (apart from Vukovar and ern Baranja and western Srijem) which the Dubrovnik), while the number of killed (only Serbian side rejected. 2,000 dead in Vukovar is mentioned) and The war and participation of the inter- exiled (only 247,000 is mentioned) Croats national community in Bosnia and

235 Book Reviews Unfinished Peace Herzegovina is discussed much more wide- The third chapter, “The Situation in the ly and is given much more importance, Countries, Trends and Recommendations”, which is best evidenced in the statement, together with the fourth chapter, “The “the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina pro- Region Conclusions and Recommen- voked the most serious crisis in trans- dations”, are the most important and most Atlantic relations since the Suez crisis…” (p. pretentious parts to the Report. These 55). With geographical maps, all initiatives chapters, along with an analysis of the sit- were reviewed, from the Vance-Owen plan uation and detailed explanations, give 57 from January 1993, the Owen-Stoltenberg explicit recommendations concerning the plan from July 1993, the Contact Group function of the UN, NATO, the US, and var- plan from July 1994, to the Dayton Accord ious bodies of the European Union, inter- from November of 1995. Nevertheless, the national non-government organizations entire chapter leaves the perception of a and the countries in the “region” them- greater contribution by NATO compared to selves. All the recommendations in the the inefficiency of the EU, rather the EC. Report can be organized in a number of Significant criticism is given of western groups; security, reconstruction and devel- countries in not recognizing the aggres- opment, democracy (civil society and sion, the indecisiveness and use of force media), inter-ethnic relations and conduct and generally for inaction in preventing the toward minorities, and regional coopera- conflict. Criticism for belated action in light tion. The recommendations in the third of defending safe areas is clear but chapter are directed individually toward the remains fairly unclear in light of the state- countries in the region, while the recom- ment given in the Report; “no attention was mendations in the fourth chapter are main- directed toward constructive ideas for ly directed toward the region as a whole. It transforming Yugoslavia from a communist is interesting that, judging by the number federation to a democratic one…” (p. 56) and content of the recommendations given and even the hypothesis that Croatia was in the third chapter, the Report considers recognized prematurely as “recognition Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic excluded from play the important lever with of Croatia as being the most problematic which Croatia could have been restrained countries. in its conduct toward the Serbs in Krajina” Ten recommendations directly concern (p. 60). Does this mean that the authors of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In stating that in the Report consider that Yugoslavia could the Dayton solution “there exists a hidden have been, with more determined partici- contradiction” as it “accepts the ethnic divi- pation from the West, safeguarded from sion of Bosnia and Herzegovina which was disintegration? achieved with the help of military force” It is particularly worth highlighting the and at the same time wishes to “protect lack of recognising the decisive role of the and reintegrate the pre-war multiethnic Croatian Army operation in 1995 in Bosnia” (p. 78), the Report also reveals the achieving the Dayton Accord. This most meaning of some recommendations as likely stems from not knowing the principle being a means for supplementing, rather facts, for how can one explain formulations redefining, Dayton. The final aim of the such as “the successful offensive of Bosnian recommendations is the entire reconstruc- and Croatian forces in Western Slavonia” tion of multiethnic Bosnia, i.e. avoiding the (p. 73). possibility of separating the three sides in

236 NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FUTURE 1(1) 2000. Bosnia and Herzegovina into three separate Balkans and not Islamic countries. states. With this end in mind, the Report rec- Macedonia must increase the propor- ommends the military presence of the inter- tion of Albanians in its government, decen- national community, supporting joint institu- tralize, and retain UNPREDEP so as to tions, i.e. non-government organizations, decrease the tensions around the university complying to the obligations of the tribunal in Tetovo. in The Hague, freedom of the media, the As for Montenegro, Bulgaria, Greece economic reconstruction of the country, and Turkey, there are no particular recom- strengthening the civil aspect of the West’s mendations. Romania is not at all men- presence, achieving the right of refugees for tioned. return, etc. It can be concluded that in its review of Five recommendations relate to the the situation in individual countries in the Republic of Croatia. Following a very critical region, i.e. before drafting the recommen- exposition on Croatia, broad assessments dations, the Commission acted with bias and inaccurate consternations, the Report and impartially. How else can the consider- concludes how “much more stringent meas- ably more critical stance toward some ures must be applied to this country” (p. countries in comparison to others be 106). The recommendations suggest that explained, that is passing over in silence the US Government demand(s) of the the evident violations of human rights per- Republic of Croatia an improvement in its petrated by some and magnified in others. relations toward minorities, the return of Why is it that for some countries, where refugee Serbs, the complete freedom of the even laymen can perceive great problems, media, decentralization and regionalism, no recommendations are given at all? and dissolving Herceg-Bosna along with The 28th recommendation given in the “taking a share of the economic recovery of fourth chapter is dedicated to the region as Bosnia and Herzegovina.” a whole. It relates to the problems of Serbia is termed as the “most important regional cooperation, economic coopera- state in South-eastern Europe” and is given tion, reconstruction and development, surprisingly little recommendation. The democracy in relation to civil society and Report suggests the implementation of the the media, multi-ethnic relations and con- Dayton Accords, extraditing war criminals, duct toward minorities, and security, i.e. the accepting the draft agreement on succes- control of armaments. All imply the impor- sion, freedom of the media, and devising tance of creating a regional framework for the western strategy for recognizing a new resolving potentially dangerous issues and Yugoslavia and its inclusion in international controversies, i.e. the need to strengthen institutions. the role of non-government organizations Four recommendations are dedicated in the region. to Kosovo. They encompass the return of Concerning the abovementioned rec- autonomy, abstaining from independence ommendations, from today’s perspective, and a start to negotiations, and the return of four years after the first Report was issued, normal civil life through the work of non- importance is drawn to the fact that never- government organizations. theless the conduct of the international Three recommendations pertain to community toward the countries encom- Albania: pro-western orientation, the build- passed in the Report coincide in some ele- ing of infrastructure and joining with the ments with the recommendations given in

237 Book Reviews Unfinished Peace this Report. Realized in particular are rec- shaped by a commission that accepts the ommendations concerning the reinforce- “thin civilizational layer” as inherent in ment of “civil society,” that is the role of every man in every country in the world, non-government organizations. This indi- even (as was shown by the events during cates that the recommendations of the the two world wars) in the developed West. Commission are taken seriously. We won’t In any case, the individual moves dwell on the question why this is so. What made by the international community after are the consequences of the moves taken 1996, intentional or accidental, coincide under those recommendations provokes with the recommendations in the Report. At another question. the same time, some important moves by It is particularly important to emphasize the international community, such as the the relatively mild judgements and small bombing of Serbia because of the events in demands made upon the Serbs in compar- Kosovo, are not at all predicted nor sug- ison to the very sharp judgment of Croatia. gested in the Report. In this light it would be very revealing, in a Generally viewed, the Report is super- separate study, to compare the first Report ficial where the Republic of Croatia is con- of the International Commission for the cerned. For example, the Report correctly Balkans of the Carnegie Foundation from concludes that “leading international pow- 1914 with the events that transpired later in ers, up until the summer of 1995, were not the “Balkan” region in the context of the prepared to convincingly threaten force so First and Second World Wars. The authors as to enforce a solution”, that is that they themselves in the introduction to this Report were late. However, the aforementioned is recognize the fact that the views of the first written in the context of the killings in and second Commissions are similar. Srebrenica, whilst it does not mention the The first Report from 1914 and this one recent war crimes during the aggression published in 1996 are equally concerned against Croatia. Already in this approach and have the justified conclusion (and their to the problem, it is evident that Croatia is lack of will) of the urgency for the timely considered within a welter of Balkan events engagement of Europe and the US in and whose politics primarily bring about resolving problems in the Balkans. the consequences in the Balkans, in com- Unfortunately, those who share consid- parison to Slovenia (which is altogether not eration of the civilizational superiority, mentioned in the Report). Croatia is not rather intellectual arrogance, prevent an considered as a country that has powerful objective, empathetic perception of the roots and powerful contacts in the Central problems in the countries of the region. European region. Croatia is not perceived What to say about the first Report which as a bridge between Europe and the states that the “civilization layer is very thin Balkans, rather only as an integral part of and that the liberation of the beast in man the Balkans. This sort of consideration is always possible when force turns patriot- about Croatia does not give the true pic- ism into crime and heroism into savagery,” ture and does not find a useful solution, not but that they were prophetic, not only in the only for Croatia, but also for the entire relations in the Balkans but in the relations Balkans and the Central European region. of all participating countries of the First and In considering the reasons as to what Second World Wars. The objective percep- prompted the establishment of this study, by tion of the Balkan issues can only be all means assuming the commendable

238 NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FUTURE 1(1) 2000. desire to assist the region, the thesis on the pability of the countries in the region to possible influence of fighting in the region solve their mutual problems on their own, and the events in other countries in Eastern that is the belief that they cannot solve Europe and the former USSR mentioned in those problems without various forms, the introductory summary of the Report itself including military, of western intervention. must also be taken into consideration: “The The Report even directly suggests the “unin- worsening multi-ethnic relations and the terrupted and consistent military arrange- ever worsening situation for national ment of NATO” up until the establishment minorities in the Balkans would have nega- of the “Balkan Partnership for Peace asso- tive consequences in other parts of Eastern ciation.” This stance is expressed at the very Europe and the former Soviet Union, where beginning of the Report, already in the sec- demography does not coincide with politi- ond paragraph of the summarised review cal borders. Moreover, the fate of the in the introduction. Namely, the statement Muslims – their political integration or isola- that, “this Commission believes that, if we tion – could become an acid test of rela- pretend that we do not see the problems in tions between Europe and the Islamic the Balkans, it will be shown that it will be world.” Not disputing the justification of this the equally successful recipe for a catastro- argument, it is nonetheless difficult, four phe at the end to the twentieth century as it years after the end to the serious fighting in was at its start. Foreign sponsors and even the region and writing of this Report, to note the factors which forcefully impose peace a more serious link between the events in will have to remain in that region for a long Bosnia and Herzegovina and current events time,” clearly shows that the Commission in Chechnya. does not wish to recognise that the main In any case, most likely the important cause of the problems in the region even reason for writing the Report lies also in the prior to the outbreak of World War One concern for possible implications of the was not only the historical inheritance of events in Bosnia and Herzegovina with an the peoples in the region, rather the important NATO member – Turkey. The “Balkan ethnic conflicts,” but that that to a Report itself states that the “Bosnian issue large extent was the interests of factors out- has become the powerful weapon in the side the region, primarily the Ottoman and hands of Turkish Islamists who at present Austrian empires and up until the present have the position of presidency in the gov- day, which obstructs free individualization ernment and, who have achieved success and development of the countries in the upon success on the domestic political region. stage, which is without precedence in The Report foresees that almost all the Turkish contemporary history” (cit. summary conflicts in the region were quickly initiat- XXVI). ed, primarily at the times of confrontation Numerous incorrect citations in the of the great powers in this region. In that Report are most likely the fruit of a number context it is completely correct to state that of previously shaped strong stances, so this region is an eternal battleground for strong that they have become the prejudg- the interests of the great powers, and when ment and limit the scope, and inhibit the these battles come ablaze they remind us freedom and innovation, of the recommen- of Samuel P. Huntington’s “conflict of civi- dations themselves. lizations”. As opposed to that, the Report The first is the strong beliefs in the inca- relativises the aforementioned by stating

239 Book Reviews Unfinished Peace that “renewed nationalistic conflicts reflect tells us otherwise; the bloodiest conflicts the ambitions of the great powers to rein- originated directly from the downfall of old state their sphere of influence in the or the formation of new – either forcefully Balkans,” merely as an “attitude in which or artificially created – ’integration’ entities many in the Balkans believe.” At the same in this region (Ottoman Empire, Austro- time the theory that “the issue deals with a Hungary, both Yugoslav states). resurgence of ancient hatred and a resur- Nonetheless, in regards to regional gence of repressed nations” is given as an cooperation the Commission recommends, “interpretation that is widespread in the but also doubts, in the “possibility of main- West.” taining an international conference on Subsequently the authors of the Report security in the Balkans, and even an ambi- synthesize the aforementioned by stating, tious conferences that would have the aim “there is some truth to all of this and of creating a south-Balkan confederation,” nobody should underestimate the impor- (p. 140). The Commission recommends tance of history in the Balkans. However, the formation of “free trade zones” as the main reasons for this war were that the being the most realistic and economically sparks of aggressive nationalism were most useful solution, which would in the stirred by those political leaders of the end become a part of CEFTA. Yugoslav federation who, in their desire to It is even more uncertain of how they realize their own nationalistic aims, plan on implementing one of the key pro- appealed to ancient hatreds and who posals in the Report in regards to creating intentionally set in motion their own propa- “a Partnership for Peace Balkan associa- ganda machinery…” (cit. summary p. XVI). tion” and its “linking to the broader struc- The second prejudice emanates from tures of NATO,” (recommendation No. 53, the first, which is the belief in equal guilt for p. 170). the fighting in the region. One would have Instead of the conclusion, let’s return to to be truly blind not to be able to differen- the beginning, the title; “Report of the tiate between the aggressor (Serbia) and Commission for the Balkans.” the victims (Croatia, Bosnia and When we state “Report” we ask – for Herzegovina), or not be able to recognize whom? Normally, for those who paid. In which of the countries of the former this case, among others, the Carnegie Yugoslavia had the necessary means for Foundation and the Open Society Institute. aggression (armament) at the beginning of Neither is a government organization or the nineties and the aspiration for domina- institute, which opens a series of interesting tion over others (the ideology of Greater questions on the mutual relations of the Serbia). There is no differentiation between mentioned non-government organizations the negative aggressive nationalism that and the governments of specific countries, was based on a desire to conquer and and even the possible influences of these dominate over others, and nationalism as organizations on the governments them- a defensive reaction to protect one’s own selves. existence from the aggression of the other. When we state “commission” we ask – The third prejudice is the belief that the what kind? This one is comprised of synthesis, rather various forms of linking undoubtedly eminent experts, intellectuals and integration as opposed to the sover- and politicians (Leo Tindemans - President, eignty of states in the region, automatically Lloyd Cutler, Bronislaw Geremek, John contributes to solving the problem. History Roper, Theo Sommer, Simone Veil, David 240 NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FUTURE 1(1) 2000. Anderson). Our questions in an atmosphere of support for multiculturalism, equality and objectivity are: why is it that not one of the seven members of the Commission on the Balkans does not originate from the Balkans, and why is it that only one of the Commission’s 21 advisors originates from the countries of the former Yugoslavia? When we state “Balkans” we ask – what is it and where is it? This Report does not even attempt to differentiate between where Asia begins and where the Balkans ends, but it does suggest that Europe ends and the Balkans begins at the Slovenian- Croatian border. This is an assertion with which numerous Croats would not agree, and which could evoke antagonism toward the Report, regardless of the value of the work of the Commission and the usefulness of individual recommendations, notwith- standing a certain intellectual arrogance within the Commission.

Predrag Haramija, Zagreb, Croatia

241 Book Reviews Unfinished Peace