Quick viewing(Text Mode)

Why a Public Anthropology? Notes and References

Why a Public Anthropology? Notes and References

WHY A PUBLIC ? NOTES AND REFERENCES

While the placement of notes and references online is still relatively rare, they are quite easy to examine in a PDF online format. Readers should use find (or control F) with a fragment of the quote to discover the cited reference. In a number of cases, I have added additional material so advanced readers, if they wish, can explore the issue in greater depth. Find can also be used to track down relevant citations, explore a topic of interest, or locate a particular section (e.g. Chapter 2 or 3.4).

May I make a request? Since this Notes and References section contains over 1,300 references, it is likely that, despite my best efforts, there are still incomplete references and errors. I would appreciate readers pointing them out to me, especially since I can, in most cases, readily correct them. Thank you. Readers can email me at [email protected].

Quotes from Jim Yong Kim: On Leadership , Washington Post (April 1, 2010, listed as March 31, 2010) http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp- dyn/content/video/2010/03/31/VI2010033100606.html?hpid=smartliving

CHAPTER 1

1.1

Bronislaw Malinowski, a prominent early twentieth century anthropologist, famously stated his goal in anthropology was "to grasp the native's point of view, his relation to life, to realize his vision of his world" (1961 [1922]:25) To do this, he lived as a participant-observer for roughly two years – between 1915-1918 – among the Trobriand Islanders of Papua (in the South Pacific). Quoting him (1961[1922]:7-8):

There is all the difference between a sporadic plunging into the company of natives, and being really in contact with them. What does this latter mean? . . . It means that his life in the village, which at first is a strange, sometimes unpleasant, sometimes intensely interesting adventure soon adopts quite a natural course very much in harmony with his surroundings. Soon after I had

established myself in [the village of] Omarakana (Trobriand Islands), I began to take part, in a way, in the village life, to look forward to the important or festive events, to take personal interest in the gossip and the developments of the small village occurrences; to wake up every morning to a day, presenting itself to me more or less as it does to the native. . . .

I ceased to be a disturbing element in the tribal life . . . altering it by my very approach, as always happens with a new-comer to every [such] . . . community. In fact, as they knew that I would thrust my nose into everything, even where a well-mannered native would not dream of intruding, they finished by regarding me as part and parcel of their life, a necessary evil or nuisance, mitigated by donations of tobacco. . . . Whatever happened was within easy reach, and there was no possibility of its escaping my notice. . . . really important quarrels and rifts within the community, cases of illness, attempted cures and deaths, magical rites . . . all these I had not to pursue, fearful of missing them, but they took place under my very eyes, at my own doorstep, so to speak.

It clarifies, to quote again, a sense of "what goes on in such places . . . what manner of [people] are these?” (Geertz 1973:16).

In relation to contextual analysis, Alfred Kroeber writes that insisted "that phenomena can properly be dealt with only in their adhering context" (Kroeber 1943:6)

Examples from Making :

As Molingi was trying to make a particular string figure (waiwai), Nimeti, her husband, jokingly criticized her efforts. When she failed to do it right the first time and had to try over again, he turned to me and stated she did not know how to make such things. Here was the proof; she could not do a string figure. Molingi appeared to ignore his comments. She seemed absorbed in trying to work out where she had gone wrong in making the figure. Again Nimeti criticized her efforts. Finally Molingi turned to him and stated that he was getting senile. (Both of them are in their seventies.) Didn’t Nimeti recognize, she rhetorically asked, that she was an expert on traditional matters? As a result of Molingi’s comment, Nimeti picked up a string and started making a figure himself. Molingi scoffed at his efforts, My daughter, Amelia, came by and asked Nimeti what he was doing. He proudly showed her his figure. Molingi criticized Nimeti’s string figure as something any child could do. Finally Molingi finished her figure and showed it to me. She pointedly noted that Nimeti did not know how to make one like hers. Nimeti laughed at the implied challenge and began work on a different string figure. Here was another one, he commented, that Molingi did not know (Borofsky 1987:78)

One day, after gathering some poles in Loto's public reserve for building the roof of my cook house, I stopped at a pule guard house to rest and talk with two of the

guards. They were both women, one in her late thirties and the other in her late twenties. One thing led to another and we started discussing whether it was the legendary figure Waletiale or Malangaatiale who possessed an enlarged penis. Both of them asserted that it was Malangaatiale. They admitted uncertainty as to exactly who Waletiale was, but basically felt that he was another character entirely. I, on the other hand, asserted that Waletiale possessed the enlarged penis and that the legend of Malangaatiale concerned a man struck by lightning. We discussed our differences of opinion for a while without coming to any agreement. Then the younger of the two women asked me how I knew my version of the two legends was correct. I replied that this was what several old people, especially Petelo and Molingi, had told me. As I listened to them, they again discussed the whole issue between themselves. What I had said did not really seem right to them, but then they themselves, they admitted, were not that sure of either legend. Finally, they decided that I might indeed be right. Unlike them, I had discussed the issue with Petelo and Molingi, both recognized experts on Pukapukan legends (Borofsky 1987:111)

The first involves British anthropologist S. F. Nadel's study of four African regarding the dynamics of witchcraft (Nadel 1952).

In the second example, used historical material to compare responses to colonization in Meso-America and Central Java (Wolf 1957).

NOTE: The comparative method exemplified by Nadel and Wolf is less used than it once was. Nader and Holy comment: “The sheer number of comparative articles and books published in that period are reminders that energetic debates about the intellectual place of comparison are missing from today's anthropological agendas” (Nader 1994:85).

Holy (1987:8, 13), in a book entitled Comparative Anthropology, observes "these days, a great proportion of empirical research is distinctly non-comparative" and "comparisons aimed specifically at generating cross-culturally valid generalizations seem to be conspicuous by their absence" (Holy 1987:8, 13).

1.2

One might cite a number of examples of anthropologists serving the broader common good: Nancy Scheper-Hughes disclosing how the international buying and selling of kidneys operates (see e.g. Organs Watch, http://www.threemonkeysonline.com/als/_organ_trafficking_interview_nancy_schepp er-Hughes.html, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nancy_Scheper-Hughes) Carolyn Nordstrom (2004, 2007) illuminating the illegal networks that perpetuate conflicts; Alex Hinton’s (2004) explaining the killing fields of Cambodia; or Harri Englund (2006) describing why many rights NGO’s (non-governmental organizations) are often less effective in the field than they might be in the field.

Regarding Franz Boas:

“As Nazism swept across Germany, he graced the cover of Time Magazine in May 1936. The article referred to Boas’s The Mind of Primitive Man as “the Magna Carta of self-respect” for non-Western peoples” (Baker 2004:42).

Based on years of study, Boas emphasized that “physiological, mental and social functions are highly variable, being dependent upon external conditions so that an intimate relation between race and does not seem plausible” (Boas 1938:145).

Many of Boas’ writings in , Nation, and Dial are collected in (Boas 1945).

“He was the catalyst behind a 1938 ‘Scientists’ Manifesto’ opposing a connection between race and intelligence signed by 1284 scientists from 167 universities” (Baker 2004:43).

NOTE: Boas was also involved with the NAACP, and wrote the lead article for its journal second issue. (Lewis 2001:455). He publicly challenged ’s president and trustees when they sought to fire a faculty member for opposing American entry into World War I (Lewis 2001:457).

Regarding :

There were tributes at her death in 1978 not only from the President of the United States, Jimmy Carter, but the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Kurt Waldheim (Whitman 1978).

In 1979 she was posthumously awarded the United States’ highest civilian honor, the Presidential Medal of Freedom (Ciano 2001).

Mead “brought the serious work of anthropology into the public consciousness . . . A deeply committed activist, Mead often testified on social issues before the United States Congress and other government agencies” (History, American Museum of Natural).

Her intellectual output was staggering. She wrote 44 books and more than a thousand articles. She was a monthly columnist for the popular magazine Redbook from 1961 until 1978. She reputedly gave up to 110 lectures a year (Mace 1999).

Regarding :

Paul Farmer was interviewed on CBS’s Sixty Minutes (Sixty 2008).

The New York Times reports, “if any one person can be given credit for transforming the medical establishment’s thinking about health care for the destitute, it is Paul Farmer” (Cohen 2003). Working through Partners in Health, he and others have been

able to lower the price of drugs for the sick in Third World countries as well as change the World Health Organization’s guidelines for treating the poor. The New York Times article continues, “Dr. Farmer and his partners in health have shown that a small group of committed individuals . . . can change the world.”

Quoting from the 2008 Director’s Statement on the Partners in Health Website (Dahl 2008): “we build on the strengths of the communities by working within public health systems and serving where there are gaps, and . . . we invest directly in the communities we serve by training and employing a cadre of local community health workers to accompany our patients and their families through their care.”

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 1.2 may wish to peruse: Arnst 2006; Boas 1912; Daubenmier 2008; Economist 2003; Farmer 2004; Hyatt 1990; Kidder 2004; Lewis 2001; Lowie 1944; Mills 2008; Time 2005, Williams 1991.

1.3

Let me present four quotations from Furner’s book so that she herself can explain what transpired.

(1) Establishing scientific authority [in the 1870s and 1880s] was . . . difficult for . . . [amateur social scientists] because many of them were publicly connected with controversial political positions. No matter how hard preacademic social scientists tried to change their image . . . anyone who resented their findings . . . could easily cast doubt on their objectivity by hurling the reliable epithet, “reformer (Furner 1975:3-4).

(2) By the end of the 1890s professional status and security competed with ideological . . . considerations as values [for social scientists] . . . . Direct appeal to the public . . . was retained as a theoretical right but . . . [social scientists] were expected to channel most of their reform efforts through government agencies or private organizations where scholars could serve inconspicuously as technical experts, after the political decisions had been made, rather than as reformers with a new vision of . . . . Rarely did academic [social scientists] . . . deal publicly with the controversial normative questions that had preoccupied the emerging profession[s] in the 1880s (Furner 1975:259).

(3) Objectivity . . . [became] part of . . . [an] emerging professional identity, but . . . [university] leaders defined it in a special way. It restricted open public advocacy of the sort that allied . . . [social scientists] with reforms which threatened the status quo (Furner 1975:290-291).

(4) The tension between advocacy and objectivity which characterized the professionalization process altered the mission of social science. Only rarely [as the twentieth century proceeded] did professional social scientists do what no

one else was better qualified to do: bring expert skill and knowledge to bear on cosmic questions pertaining to the society as a whole. Instead, studies and findings tended to be internal, recommendations hedged with qualifiers, analyses couched in jargon that was unintelligible to the average citizen. A fundamental conservatism developed in the academic social science professionals . . . The academic professionals, having retreated to the security of technical expertise, left to journalists and politicians the original mission – the comprehensive assessment of industrial society – that had fostered the professionalization of social sciences [in the first place] (Furner 1975:324).

Regarding the trial of Richard Ely (Furner 1975:147-58). Ely, as Furner remarks, “was more active than anyone else [in economics] in taking his findings directly to the people and advocating specific reforms” (Furner 1975:147).

Marcia Angell, the former editor of the New England Journal of Medicine, writes “the idea that breast augmentation caused connective tissue disease has a superficial plausibility… Several good epidemiological studies have failed to show an association between implants and a host of connective tissue diseases, symptoms, and abnormal test results”(1996:104, 195-196).

For material relating to cold fusion, refer to: Economist 2009b; Lewenstein and Baur 1991; Wikipedia n.d.c).

Regarding and Oscar Lewis, refer to: Lewis 1951; Lewis 1960; Redfield 1930; Redfield 1956.

Regarding Linus Paul, see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Linus_Pauling.

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 1.3 may wish to peruse: Anonymous 1919; Bannister 1976; Bender 1993; Bousquet 2002; Brock 1994; Brown 1954; Calhoun 1976; Content 1976; Critser 2003; Dykstra 1976; Economist 2008d; Economist 2008l; Floridi 2001; Furner 1999; Gerber 1991; Grafton 1997; Grafton 2007; Haskell 1977; Haskell 1998; Jordanova 2000; Kaplan 1974; Katz 2002; Kuklick 1976; Marshall 1989; McFeely 2001; McMurty 2001; Mills 2008; Noble 1978; Oleson and Voss 1979; Ross 1976; Ross 1978; Ross 1991; Scull 1990; Silva and Slaughter 1984; Silver 1979; Simpson 1999; Smith 1994; Veblen 1918; Veysey 1975; Watkins 1976; Westbrook 1992; Westbrook 1994; Williams and Ceci 2007. 1.4

The famous Clifford Geertz observed in 1985: "One of the advantages of anthropology as a scholarly enterprise is that no one, including its practitioners, quite knows exactly what it is.” People who watch baboons copulate, people who rewrite myths in algebraic formulas, people who dig up Pleistocene skeletons, people who work out decimal point correlations between toilet training practices and theories of disease, people who decode Maya hieroglyphics, and people who classify systems into typologies in which our own comes out as "Eskimo", all call themselves anthropologists.”

An important result of this breadth, he continued, "is a permanent identity crisis" (Geertz 1985:623).

"The result of anthropology's eclecticism is that the field continues to astound by its diverse and colorful activity" (Wolf 1980:20).

“ once said about anthropology -- that it's an intellectual poaching license” (Geertz 1983:21).

“Nondisciplinary intellectuals have difficulty reproducing themselves because the American open market for public intellectuals is incapable of supporting more than a tiny handful of nonacademic writers and has no organized means of reproduction and exchange beyond some tenuous referral networks. Academia is, to all intents and purposes, the only practical recourse for American intellectuals. And being an academic means willy-nilly, being a member of a discipline, there have indeed been great interdisciplinary geniuses, even within academia; is an obvious example. But they have no obvious mode of reproduction. They simply arise, revolutionize two or three disciplines and leave magical memories behind” (Abbott 2001:130).

“ is designed not only for scientists, but even more for those concerned with putting plans into operation, administrators, psychiatrists, social workers, and all those who are as part of their responsibility have to take action in problems of human relations” (Applied 1941:2).

== On Defining Who Is and Is Not an Anthropologist:

One cannot use membership in the American Anthropological Association – the world’s largest professional association of anthropologists – to determine who is and is not an anthropologist. The association’s guide to anthropology departments indicates that only about 40 percent of the individuals teaching in American anthropology departments belong to the Association. That means that if we use American Anthropological Association membership as a measure of who is (and is not) an anthropologist, we have to exclude over half those teaching anthropology in academic departments in the United States.

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 1.4 may wish to peruse: Barnett 1940; Boettke 2002; Bulmer 2001; Chaney 1993; Collins 2002; Commission 1996; Eriksen 1992; Glenn 2002; Glenn 2008a; Lamont 2009; Mann 1993; Mills 2008; Petrie 2007; Pieters and Baumgartner 2002; Rensburger 1996; Sica 2001; Smith 1993; Taylor 1993; Wallerstein 2001; Wikipedia n.d.a. 1.5

You see reference to Boas as the “father of American anthropology” in textbooks, in various disciplinary journals, book advertisements, even in Wikipedia. For example, see: Cole 1995; helpme.com n.d.; Holloway 1997; Hyatt 1990; Paredes 2006;

Schneider n.d; Williams 1991; Wikipedia n.d.e.An obituary for Franz Boas makes this point: Boas “found anthropology a of wild guesses and a happy hunting ground for the romantic lover of primitive things; he left it a discipline in which theories could tested and in which he had delimited possibilities from impossibilities” (Lowie 1947:311). NOTE: Lowie indicates Boas would have disagreed with the above statement -- Boas appreciated earlier contributors to the discipline.

The nineteenth century had a number of prominent anthropologists that were not trained in university settings; they were mostly self-taught. These included important theorists such as Lewis Henry Morgan; significant ethnographers such as James Mooney, Frank Hamilton Cushing (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frank_Hamilton_Cushing) and Henry Rowe Schoolcraft (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_Schoolcraft). Lewis Henry Morgan, a lawyer turned anthropologist, has been described as one of “the most important social scientists in nineteenth–century America” (Fenton in Morgan1962:viii). Lewis Henry Morgan’s League of the Iroquois, (Morgan 1962) was a precedent–setting , as was James Mooney’s The Ghost-Dance Religion and Wounded Knee (Mooney 1965 [1896]). Morgan’s book was first published in 1851 under the title League of the Ho-de-no-sau-nee, Iroquois. Mooney’s was originally published in 1896 as Part 2 of the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of to the Secretary of the Smithsonian , 1892-93. Washington: Government Printing Office. Ewers refers to Morgan as the “Father of American anthropology” (Ewers 1960:703).

John Wesley Powell helped establish the premier anthropological research unit of the nineteenth century in the United States, the Bureau of American Ethnology (housed in the Smithsonian Institution) – see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Wesley_Powell and Worster 2001.

Alfred Kroeber, the foremost anthropologist of the post-World War II period, divided anthropology into race, language, culture, psychology, and prehistory (Kroeber 1948).

Ralph Linton wrote, “the two great divisions of anthropology . . . are known as physical anthropology and ” (Linton 1945:5). Cultural anthropology he divided into archeology, ethnology, and . After noting that linguistics was “the most isolated and self-contained” of anthropology’s “subsciences” he dropped further discussion of it (Linton 1945:7).

Carol and Melvin Ember and Peter Peregrine write in the twelfth edition of Anthropology (Ember, et al. 2007:3): “defining anthropology as the study of human beings [as Kroeber did] would appear to incorporate a whole catalog of disciplines: sociology, psychology, political science, economics, history, human biology, and perhaps even the humanistic disciplines of philosophy and literature.” Seeking to describe what makes anthropology distinct, they suggest: “Anthropology is concerned explicitly and directly with all the varieties of people throughout the world, not just those close at hand or within a limited area. It is also interested in people of all periods.” They divide anthropology into two broad classifications: biological (or physical) anthropology and cultural anthropology. Cultural anthropology is further

divided into , linguistics, and ethnology. “Cross-cutting” these four fields is a fifth field, applied anthropology.

Linda Colley, “The inhabitants of Wales, of Scotland, and of England were separated from each other . . . [by] different folklores, different sports, different costumes, different building styles, different agricultural practices, different weights and measures, and different cuisines” (Colley 1992:13-14).

Erika Bourguignon states: “Before Boas and for Boas himself, the essence and primary task of American Anthropology was the study of American Indians . . . How can questions of the origins and the true nature of Native Americans be answered?” she asks. “By the study of the physical types of the people, their archaeological remains, their languages, and their customs - the four fields of anthropology” (Bourguignon 1996:7).

As George Stocking observed, “any movement in ethnology [or sociocultural anthropology] away from historical reconstruction could not help but have implications for the unity of anthropology” (Stocking 1976:24).

The anthropologist Eric Wolf expresses this myth in an often cited introduction to the field: “In contrast to the anthropological traditions of other countries, anthropology in the United States always prided itself upon its role as the unified and unifying study of several subdisciplines. In combining the pursuits of human biology, linguistics, prehistory, and ethnology, American anthropology put a premium on intellectual synthesis, upon the tracing out of connections where others saw only divergence” (Wolf 1974:x).

However, if we examine the 3,252 articles published in the American Anthropologist, the discipline’s flagship journal, from 1899 to 1998, perhaps only 308 substantially draw on more than one anthropological subfield in the analysis of their data. That is to say, over a hundred-year period, only perhaps 9.5 percent of the articles published in the American Anthropologist bring the discipline’s subfields together in any significant way. Most of the articles focus on narrow subjects and use the perspectives and tools of only one subfield. The 3,252 articles are narrowly framed and narrowly presented, with relatively little synthesis across subfields—just like today. Up until the 1970s, the total number of collaborative subfield articles decade by decade in the American Anthropologist was always lower than the 9.5 percent figure cited. Only eight times in the last hundred years has the number of collaborative articles—across subfields—reached at least 20 percent of the total articles published in the journal— in 1974, 1975, 1979, 1980, 1981, 1984, 1986, and 1989. Early anthropologists often published articles in more than one subfield. But the critical point is that they rarely brought the subfields together in the same article, using different sub- 22 field perspectives to provide a broader synthesis. In terms of the American Anthropologist from 1899 to 1998, collaboration across the subfields was a distinctly minority affair (Borofsky 2002).

The contrast between what presently is and what could be in cultural anthropology is not simply a tale (to borrow from Shakespeare) full of sound and fury, signifying little. Serious issues are involved. Paraphrasing Shakespeare: Macbeth, Act 5, Scene 5.

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 1.5 may wish to peruse: Economist 2005c; Leerssen 2007; Powell 1888; Rogge 1976. 1.6

The Hippocratic dictum "As to disease make a habit of two things—to help, or at least, to do no harm" (Epidemics 1. 11).

The famous French anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss observes, "It is an historical fact that anthropology was born and developed in the shadow of colonialism." He then adds, “However, contrary to the colonial enterprise, anthropologists have sought to protect beliefs and ways of life that were forgetting at an increasing rate” (Levi-Strauss 1994:425).

Talal Asad states, "It is not a matter of dispute that emerged as a distinctive discipline at the beginning of the colonial era, that it became a flourishing academic profession towards its close, or that throughout this period its efforts were devoted to a description and analysis – carried out by Europeans, for a European audience – of non-European societies dominated by European power" (1973:14-15). Anthropology is, he continues, "rooted in an unequal power encounter . . . that gives the West access to cultural and historical information about the societies it has progressively dominated" (16-17).

The anthropologist James Clifford observes that while colonial domination framed most anthropological accounts of times past, anthropologists "adopted a range of liberal positions within it. Seldom 'colonists' in any direct instrumental sense, ethnographers accepted certain constraints while, in varying degrees, questioning them" (1983:142).

The 1998 Anthropological Association statement on ethics asserts that “anthropological researchers must do everything in their power to ensure that their research does not harm the safety, dignity, or privacy of the people with whom they work, conduct research, or perform other professional activities” American Anthropological Association 1998:III, A.2).

The back cover of the 1987 paperback edition of Turnbull's book explains: "In The Mountain People, Colin M. Turnbull . . . describes the dehumanization of the Ik, African tribesmen who in less than three generations have deteriorated from being once-prosperous hunters to scattered bands of hostile, starving people whose only goal is individual survival. . . . Drought and starvation have made them a strange, heartless people, . . . their days occupied with constant competition and the search for food."

How does one respond to a situation such as this? The philosopher Kwame Anthony Appiah (2000:58) ponders why "the former general secretary of Racial Unity [i.e., Colin Turnbull] had done so little to intervene? Why had he not handed over more of his own rations? Taken more children to the clinic in his Land Rover? Gone to the government authorities and told them that they needed to allow the Ik back into their hunting grounds or give them more food?"

As Turnbull himself explains, he took a group-dictated letter to government authorities at Moroto regarding the Ik's plight. "I delivered the letter and a report of my own, without much conviction that either would carry any weight" (1987:109). And when they apparently did not, he went off to the capital, Kampala, to stock up with fresh supplies for himself. That was it: no insistence, no pleading, no seeking to bring pressure on local authorities with letters to those higher up in the government, no public exposé with the hope of helping the Ik (see also Grinker 2000:166). What Turnbull did in his book, instead, is offer a general reflection on the state of humanity: "Most of us are unlikely to admit readily that we can sink as low as the Ik, but many of us do, and with far less cause. . . . Although the experience was far from pleasant, and involved both physical and mental suffering, I am grateful for it. In spite of it all . . . the Ik teach us that our much vaunted human values are not inherent in humanity at all, but are associated only with a particular form of survival called society, and that all, even society itself, are luxuries that can be dispensed with" (1987:12, 294; see also Grinker 2000:156, 163). 1.7

"The fact that the Yanomamö live in a state of chronic warfare," writes, "is reflected in their mythology, values, settlement pattern, political behavior and marriage practices" (1968:3). He continues: "Although their technology is primitive, it permits them to exploit their jungle habitat sufficiently well to provide them with the wherewithal of physical comfort. The nature of their economy – agriculture – with the fact that they have chronic warfare, results in a distinctive settlement pattern and system of alliances that permits groups of people to exploit a given area over a relatively long period of time. . . . The Yanomamö explain the nature of man's ferocity . . . in myth and legend" (1968:52-53).

The French anthropologist Jacques Lizot, in Tales of the , writes: "I would like my book to help revise the exaggerated representation that has been given of Yanomami . The Yanomami are warriors; they can be brutal and cruel, but they can also be delicate, sensitive, and loving. Violence is only sporadic; it never dominates social life for any length of time, and long peaceful moments can separate two explosions. When one is acquainted with the societies of the North American plains or the societies of the Chaco in South America, one cannot say that Yanomami culture is organized around warfare as Chagnon does" (1985:xiv-xv).

On one side of these issues is Bruce Albert, an anthropologist who has spent decades working with the Yanomami:

Nobody maintains that the Yanomami do not practice warfare or that Yanomami individuals are not occasionally violent (true for most societies, including the United States). . . . But many people do maintain that it is unethical and politically damaging to reduce the richness of Yanomami society and culture to the stereotypical image of "the barbaric violence [that] Chagnon documented" [in the words of a 1995 Time magazine article]. . . . It requires only a minimal ethical sensibility and political awareness to understand that such long-term pejorative labeling and its apparent scientific authority can be (and have been) used by anti-Indian agitators to rationalize and encourage violations of Yanomami rights – nobody ever said such labeling caused them. . . . We need to ask why Napoleon Chagnon never publicly came out [in Brazil] to condemn the use of his work by sensationalist journalists and unscrupulous politicians, or to support the international movement in defense of Yanomami survival (in Borofsky 2005:81).

On the other side is Ray Hames, a student of Napoleon Chagnon who has also worked with the Yanomami:

No matter what precautions ethnographers take to qualify or even sanitize their ethnographic accounts of indigenous populations, ethnographic accounts can always be used against them. At the same time, I would emphasize that such accounts are insignificant explanations of why governments and other powerful interests seek to destroy indigenous peoples. . . . [The] that government officials are swayed by ethnographic reports rests on a number of assumptions that I believe are faulty. It . . . assumes that generals and others not only read scientific reports on indigenous peoples but such that such reports affect their decision- making processes. By implication it means that if the Yanomamö were described as peaceful, then military and economic interests would be inhibited from taking indigenous land because they could not rationalize control, partitioning, or seizure of Yanomamö land. . . . What is completely ignored by those who criticize Chagnon's alleged lack of interest in what the press has to say about the Yanomamö is the way in which he has utilized the press to portray the plight of the Yanomamö. . . . Given the enormous readership of his ethnography, my best guess is that his writings have done more to reach the educated public about the serious problems faced by the Yanomamö than those by any other individual or organization (Borofsky 2005:81-82). 1.8

For information on CCPY (Comissão Pró Yanomami) and HAY (Hutukara Assocíação Yanomamí), please refer to: http://www.proyanomami.org.br/

Ray Hames: “For a year before Neel's arrival [Neel was the researcher who organized the collection of blood samples] and during the collection phase he [Chagnon] told the Yanomamö [or Yanomami] in all the villages to be sampled that Neel's team wanted to examine their blood in order to determine whether there were

things that indicated whether or not they had certain kinds of diseases, especially shawara (epidemic diseases) and that this knowledge would help treat them more effectively if they became ill” (Borofsky 2005:77).

Bruce Albert: "To this day, I still do not see how his [Neel's] blood sampling or research significantly helped the Yanomami in treating their epidemic diseases, as they were promised if they agreed to let their blood be drawn (a promise that, in their eyes, was reinforced by the delivery of trade goods). The Venezuelan and Brazilian Yanomami have kept on dying in the same way for three decades after Neel's project" (Borofsky 2005: 88).

The Yanomami clearly want their relatives’ blood samples back. Davi Kopenawa, a prominent Yanomami activist, asserts the Yanomami provided the blood samples because they were told that the findings would help not only the researchers but also the Yanomami. He states: "We want to know the findings. What did they find in the blood – information regarding disease?" The Yanomami José Seripino makes the same point: "I was only ten years old. I thought 'Okay. This will help us.' But what happened? We haven't seen the outcome'." The Yanomami Julio Wichato observes, "The problem is that they studied it [the blood] and didn't send us the results. If they help us it's different. . . . It's important that they send the results." The Yanomami Ivanildo Wawanawetery asserts that the researcher "created fear . . . when he [a particular Yanomami] didn't give up his blood, the guy was going to get sick, right? If he didn't give blood the guy was going to get sick, he was going to die. Those who were donating blood would live" (see Borofsky 2005:63-65, the quotes used are from interviews, see 2005:343-344).

Kopenawa notes, “The American didn’t help to explain . . . ‘Look, this blood is going to stay many years.’ He didn’t say that. . . . The Yanomami were thinking that he would take the blood and then read it and then throw it away. That’s what the Yanomami thought. That’s why they gave the blood. . . . They thought it was to see some disease, malaria, tuberculosis, flu, or some other disease.”

Davi Kopenawa comments, “My mother gave blood. Now my mother is dead. Her blood is over there [in the United States]. Whatever is of the dead must be destroyed. Our custom is that when the Yanomami die, we destroy everything. To keep it, in a freezer, is not a good thing.” Toto Yanomami states that the doctors “collected these things: blood, urine [inaudible], saliva, and feces. I want it to come back to the Yanomami. . . . I want all of it returned. . . . Blood is important in shamanism. . . . All the blood of the Yanomami belongs to [the deity] Omami. . . . Those people have died! . . . Yanomami never take blood to keep. Yanomami don’t . . . take blood to study and later keep [it] in the refrigerator. . . . The doctors have already examined this blood [for forty years]; they’ve already researched this blood. Doctors already took from this blood that which is good—for their children, for the future. . . . So we want to take all of this Yanomami blood that’s left over.” (in Borofsky 2005:63-65).

For a copy of the letters by Dr. Joseph Fraumeni, Director of the Division of Cancer Epidemiology and at the National Cancer Institute and by Dr. Rodney Erickson, Provost of Pennsylvania State University, please refer to: http://www.publicanthropology.org/WaPA/NCI-Fraumeni-06Feb13.pdf and http://www.publicanthropology.org/WaPA/PennState-Erickson-06Feb27.pdf

We might add that a teacher at Binghamton University quietly allowed a graduate student to unfreeze some of the blood samples for certain research. Again, there were no complications (see http://www.publicanthropology.org/WaPA/Broadrose- 10Aug.pdf ).

As various Yanomami made clear (you can see them say this on YouTube at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7608Vu-D_9U),they planned to ceremonially pour the blood samples into the river.

Certain details still need to be finalized. The Brazilian authorities still have to indicate how they want the blood samples shipped back to the Yanomami. But the return of the samples has been formally announced in the media. The journal Science has reported “Researchers to Return Blood Samples to the Yanomamö” (4 June 2010) – see Couzin-Frankel 2010. The British newspaper The Independent entitled a recent article on the subject “The tribe that won its blood back” (May 25, 2010) – see Adams 2010. And the Brazilian newspaper Folha de S. Paulo notes “The Yanomami leader Davi Kopenawa said he was ‘very pleased’ with the news that more than 2,000 blood samples from his people, who since 1967 lie in research centers in the United States, shall be returned to the tribe” (12 May, 2010) – see Da Redação 2010.

. CHAPTER 2 2.1

In a New York Times Bestseller, The End of Poverty, the well-known scholar-activist Jeffrey Sachs challenges us to end third-world poverty in “our time.” Sachs suggests the goal is possible given the resources at our command: “The wealth of the rich world, the power of today’s vast storehouses of knowledge, and the declining fraction of the world that needs help to escape from poverty all make the end of poverty a realistic possibility by the year 2025" (Sachs 2005:3). Ending global poverty, Sachs writes, “will require concerted actions by the rich countries as well as the poor . . . The poor countries must take ending poverty seriously, and will have to devote a greater share of their national resources to cutting poverty rather than to war, corruption, and political infighting. The rich countries will need to move beyond the platitudes of helping the poor, and follow through on their repeated promises to deliver more help. All this is possible. Indeed, it is much more likely than it seems” (2005:266). He calls for “networks of mutual accountability . . . [to] run alongside the networks of financing” (Sachs 2005:243).

Sachs notes that the types of interventions he is suggesting have a proven track record. He names “The Green Revolution in Asia,” “The Eradication of Smallpox,”

“The Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization,” “The Campaign against Malaria,” “The Control of African River Blindness,” “The Eradication of Polio,” “The Spread of Family Planning,” “Export Processing Zones in East Asia,” and “The Mobile Phone Revolution in Bangladesh” (Sachs 2005:259-265).

The solution is in hand, he writes. It just needs to be applied on a broad, regional scale. Poverty ends when:

foreign help, in the form of official development assistance (ODA), helps to jump- start the process of capital accumulation, economic growth, and rising household incomes. The foreign aid feeds into three channels. A little bit goes directly to households, mainly for humanitarian emergencies such as food aid in the midst of a drought. Much more goes directly to the budget to finance public investments, and some is also directed to private businesses (for example, farmers) through microfinance programs and other schemes in which external assistance directly finances private small businesses and farm improvements. If the foreign assistance is substantial enough, the capital stock rises sufficiently to lift households above subsistence. At that point, the poverty trap is broken . . . Growth becomes self-sustaining (Sachs 2005:246).

A number of reviews praise Sachs’s courage and commitment. “Sachs writes as passionately as he speaks,” a BusinessWeek reviewer notes. “The End of Poverty is superb when describing the dire circumstances of the 1 billion people subsisting on less than a dollar a day. It is hard not to share Sachs’ anger after reading his firsthand reporting on the miserly Western aid to African villages ravaged by AIDS, malaria, and hunger. At relatively little expense, Sachs insists, the West could provide medicines and fertilizers that could save millions of lives annually” (BusinessWeek 2005a).

William Easterly, in a Washington Post review states:

Sachs pays surprisingly little attention to the history of aid approaches and results. He seems unaware that his . . . plan is strikingly similar to the early ideas that inspired foreign aid in the 1950s and '60s. Just like Sachs, development planners then identified countries caught in a "poverty trap," did an assessment of how much they would need to make a "big push" out of poverty and into growth, and called upon foreign aid to fill the "financing gap" between countries' own resources and needs. . . . Spending $2.3 trillion (measured in today's dollars) in aid over the past five decades has left the most aid-intensive regions, like Africa, wallowing in continued stagnation; it's fair to say this approach has not been a great success” (Easterly 2005).

Daniel Drezner, in the New York Times review, states:

“Longtime experts in the field who read this book may feel a strong sense of déjà vu. They should. Much of Sachs's argument can be summed up in this passage from Walt W. Rostow's book The Stages of Economic Growth, written in 1960:

''The creation of the preconditions for takeoff was largely a matter of building social overhead capital -- railways, ports and roads -- and of finding an economic setting in which a shift from agriculture and trade to manufacture was profitable.'' Sachs neglects to mention the extent to which the Rostow model dominated discussions of development in the 1950's, 60's and 70's. But in that era, waste and corruption fattened up United Nations agencies and recipient governments while doing very little for the poor. . . . Sachs's sales pitch has been made in the past, and the results were meager” (Drezner 2005).

John Cassidy in the New Yorker observes:

Back in the nineteen-fifties and sixties, many economists were confident that newly independent African countries, such as Ghana, Kenya, and Uganda, would be able to escape poverty if only Western donors filled the “financing gap” between what they could afford and the resources they needed to invest in factories, roads, railways, and other forms of infrastructure. Once these nations developed modern industrial sectors, the thinking went, the rest of their economies would be pulled along. In a 1960 book, “The Stages of Economic Growth,” W. W. Rostow, an economic historian at M.I.T., popularized a version of this argument, saying that if underdeveloped nations doubled investment rates, they would soon “take off” into self-sustained growth. During the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations, in which Rostow served, America’s foreign-aid budget reached an all-time high of 0.6 per cent of G.D.P. [Gross Domestic Product], and during the seventies and eighties significant amounts of aid continued to flow to poor countries. . . . [But] as William Easterly, an economist formerly with the World Bank, has observed, many countries that received a significant amount of aid, such as Ghana, Zambia, Chad, and Zimbabwe, had economies that either failed to grow much or actually shrank. Meanwhile, a number of places that received very little foreign assistance, such as Singapore, Hong Kong, and Malaysia, expanded rapidly. Looking at the overall record, there appears to be no statistical correlation between aid and growth. (Cassidy 2005)

For additional reviews of Sach’s book, see: (Cooper 2005; Economist 2004b; Economist 2005f; Economist 2008k; Guardian 2005; Hamilton 2005; Wikipedia n.d.j).

Easterly also discusses the context in which granting agencies work. “As the awful examples in this chapter [Chapter 4] illustrate, the official aid agencies simply don’t know how to change bad governments into good governments with the apparatus of foreign aid. . . . To make matters worse, the aid agencies need the poor-country government, even a bad government, to fill the role of aid recipient to keep money flowing” (Easterly 2006:156). “Since aid agencies need to please the electorate in rich countries, the agencies often strive to produce side effects for rich countries at the same time they are transforming the rest . . . The United States requires recipients to spend the aid receipts on products from American companies for about three quarters of its aid. Other donor nations have similar restrictions” (Easterly 2006:192).

The Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen, reviewing Easterly’s book in the prominent journal Foreign Affairs, entitles his review “The Man Without a Plan (Sen 2006:March/April

2006, internet version). Virginia Postrel, reviewing the book for the New York Times, writes “Easterly is better at documenting the failures of planning than analyzing the successes of searching” (Postrel 2006:March 19, 2006, internet version).

2.2

Easterly emphasizes the importance of being searchers (in his terminology), “for aid agency staff . . . to listen to the poor [rather] than costing out a Big Plan.” He stresses the importance of paying attention “to the searchers with knowledge of local conditions . . . and [getting] feedback from the poor. . . [regarding] all the variable and complicated answers to how to make aid work” (2006:369). Easterly suggests that academics – anthropologists, for example, “could do public service by applying their techniques to evaluate the projects, programs, and approaches taken by aid agencies” (Easterly 2006:205).

Rather than belonging to the 21st century, their reality “is the fourteenth century: civil war, plague, ignorance” (Collier 2007:3). “Change is going to have to come from within the societies of the bottom billion, but our own policies could make these efforts more likely to succeed, and so more likely to be undertaken” (Collier 2007:12).

To ferret out the factors inhibiting development among the bottom billion, Collier compares what has gone amiss in various countries. He highlights four traps that these countries frequently fall into to varying degrees (2007:17-37).

(1) Having violent conflicts, usually in the form of civil wars but also in the form of coups. Collier calculates that the typical civil war costs a country roughly $64 billion. Given that two civil wars tend to start within the bottom-billion countries each year, he calculates the cost at over $100 billion per year for these conflicts. (2) Natural resource traps: the ability to export valuable natural resources (such as oil or diamonds). The royalties that accrue from these exports allow political leaders to ignore the demands of their countrymen. The leaders are freed from electoral accountability; they can establish systems of patronage that reinforce their power. Rather than spending the profits to develop their countries, they store this wealth in Swiss bank accounts. (3) Not having direct access to the sea and, as a result, not being able to ship goods overseas easily. In contrast to Switzerland, for example, which uses the infrastructure of Germany, Italy, and France to ship its goods overseas, Uganda must depend on a country with a less developed infrastructure, Kenya. (4) Poor, corrupt governance that prevents development from being successful. Collier notes that “the leaders of many of the poorest countries are themselves among the global super rich. They like things the way they are.” He writes unfortunately “many of the politicians and senior public officials in the countries of the bottom billion are villains” (2007:66-67).

In respect to the bottom billion, Collier observes: “Seventy-three percent . . . have been through civil war, 29 percent . . . are dominated by the politics of natural resource revenues, 30 percent are landlocked, resource-scarce, and in bad neighborhoods [i.e. with poor neighbors], and 76 percent have been through a prolonged period of bad governance ad poor economic policies” (2007:79).

Laurent Kabila, who overthrew the corrupt government of Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire in 1997, famously told a journalist that all you needed to overthrow an African government was “ten thousand dollars and a satellite phone” (Collier 2007:21).

Collier notes: “Without aid, cumulatively the countries of the bottom billion would have become much poorer than they are today. Aid has been a holding operation preventing things from falling apart” (2007:100).

“Resource revenues to the bottom billion are bigger than aid, and far more poorly used,” Collier notes. “If we could raise the effectiveness of [how these] resource revenues [are spent] . . . the impact would be enormous” (Collier 2007:140).

Collier suggests giving the poorest countries a trading edge: “Goods and services exported from the bottom billion to the rich world markets would pay lower tariffs than the same goods coming from Asia . . . Privileging the bottom billion again low-income Asia is not just or fair; a more accurate word might be ‘expedient’”( Collier 2007:167).

Nial Ferguson, in a New York Times review of The Bottom Billion, suggests, “Collier’s is a better book than either Sachs’s or Easterly’s for two reasons. First, its analysis of the causes of poverty is more convincing. Second, its remedies are more plausible” (Ferguson 2007:July 1, 2007, internet version).

Here is how four prominent publications refer to Collier’s The Bottom Billion: “Terrifically readable"--Time.com; "Set to become a classic. Crammed with statistical nuggets and common sense, his book should be compulsory reading" --; "Rich in both analysis and recommendations. . . . Read this book. You will learn much you do not know. It will also change the way you look at the tragedy of persistent poverty in a world of plenty" -- Financial Times; and "Insightful and influential."—Newsweek (from the Amazon.com editorial reviews of Collier’s book, last accessed 11/2/2010 [http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/product- description/0195373383/ref=dp_proddesc_0?ie=UTF8&n=283155&s=books]). For additional reviews of Collier’s book, see: Economist 2007b; Hadas, 2007; Wolf, 2007.

Quoting from a recent review in the Times Literary Supplement“: Because aid is politically accountable to Western electorates – which consume only the images and reports of its impact and not the real things – there are few incentives to make it work better” (Waal 2002:8).

Muhammad Yunus, the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize author, describes this phenomenon in Creating a World Without Poverty: “Many anti-poverty efforts are funded by well- intentioned people in the developed countries, either through NGOs, government grants, or international aid agencies. It’s sad to see much of this money being invested in ways that are wasteful. In many cases money that is supposed to help the poor ends up creating business for companies and organizations in the developed

world – training firms, suppliers of equipment and materials, consultants, advisers, and the like” (Yunus 2007:112-113).

Alex de Waals’s Famine Crimes: Politics and the Disaster Relief Industry in Africa (1997) phrases the problem in stronger terms. “Most humanitarian aid to Africa, while useful in keeping aid agencies afloat, is, for the victims of war and famine, either useless or counter-productive. Not only has aid repeatedly fueled violence, it has also distracted attention from the human rights violations that often underpin famines and, by taking on a welfare role, served to remove the responsibility for preventing famine from governments” -- see (Keen 1999:28).

== On The Difference Democratic Governance Can Make In Development:

Let me offer a comparative example of Collier’s point regarding corrupt governance. It reinforces Easterly’s assertion that “official aid agencies simply don’t know how to change bad governments into good governments.” Contrasting Zimbabwe (once a democracy but now more of an oligarchy) with Hawaii (once an oligarchy but now a democracy), we see that good governance more than foreign aid may make the key difference in development.

Once Zimbabwe possessed one of the strongest economies in Africa. Today its economy is in shambles. The Economist (Economist 2007a) indicates that inflation is running at over 1,700 percent, the highest in the world. “Once the regional bread-basket, Zimbabwe is again going to go hungry this year. The economy has shrunk by half since 1999, and unemployment is thought to be at least 80 percent. Many people survive thanks to the black market and money or food sent by the 3m[illion] or so Zimbabweans who have left the country.” “Zimbabwe is expected to produce between 500,000 and 750,000 tonnes of maize this year,” the Economist reported, “but Zimbabweans need 1.8 m tonnes to stave off hunger . . . half a million are thought to be in danger of starving. . . . Zimbabwe used to be an industrial powerhouse, second only to South Africa in the region. But the country is now undergoing an industrial revolution in reverse. With foreign currency scarce, factories are whimpering to a halt for want of fuel or imported spare parts. Zimbabwean manufacturing, which accounted for 27 percent GDP [Gross Domestic Product] in the early 1990s, is now only 13 percent of a much smaller economy” (Economist 2002). The World Health Organization indicates Zimbabweans now have the shortest life expectancy in the world – thirty-seven years for men, thirty-four for women. According to The Fund for Peace’s “Failed State Index, 2009”, Zimbabwe ranks second highest worldwide (behind Somalia) as a failed state – higher than the Sudan, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Afghanistan, or Haiti (Peace 2009).

In the Zimbabwean presidential election held in late March 2008, the opposition candidate Mr. Tsvangirai, according to exit polls, defeated the incumbent president Mr. Mugabe. (Mr. Mugabe has been Zimbabwe’s president since 1980.) After much delay, the Zimbabwean Election Commission confirmed that indeed Mr. Tsvangirai had won the election, but not by a large enough margin to avoid a run-off. In the run-off election, key members of the opposition party were beaten, kidnapped and murdered. Mr. Tsvangirai was detained by the police for several hours and eventually withdrew from running. It came as no surprise, given that he was now running unopposed, that Mr. Mugabe won the run-off election.

An investigative reporter for the Washington Post uncovered the story behind this story. Apparently, on the afternoon of March 30, Mugabe had “informed the leaders of the state security apparatus that . . . he had lost the presidential vote held the previous day. Then Mugabe told the gathering that he planned to give up power in a televised speech to the nation the next day . . . but Zimbabwe’s military chief, Gen. Constantine Chiwenga, responded that the choice was not Mugabe’s alone to make. According to two first-hand accounts at the meeting, Chiwenga told Mugabe his military would take control of the country to keep him in office or the president could contest a runoff election, directed in the field by senior army officers supervising a military-style campaign against the opposition . . . the notes and interviews [relating to the meeting] make clear that . . . [Mugabe’s] military supporters, who stood to lose wealth and influence if Mugabe bowed out, were not prepared to relinquish their authority simply because voters checked Tsvangirai’s name on the ballots” (Timberg 2008).

What can be done to correct the problem? Not much, aside from military intervention, which no one seems to be contemplating. A recent headline from The Economist reads: “Getting away with murder, to their shame, African leaders fail to act against Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe” (Economist 2008c). The article continues: “nobody that the election in Zimbabwe was fair. Yet [at a summit of the African Union] Africa’s leaders, for the most part, . . . remained shamefully silent ” (also see Economist 2008h).

The contrast with Hawaii is striking. Many may view Hawaii as a romantic, tropical paradise. In fact, up through the 1940s, it was an oligarchy ruled by a small number of Caucasian (or Haole) families who controlled the political and economic life of the islands. It was rule by the few for the few. Lawrence Fuchs in a classical work on Hawaii, Hawaii Pono, explains: “In Hawaii, the socially superior – the kamaaina [Hawaii-born] haole [or Caucasian] elite . . . governed. . . . No community of comparable size on the mainland [i.e., the continental United States] was controlled so completely by so few individuals for so long. Rarely were political, economic, and social controls simultaneously enforced as in Hawaii. Rarely were controls so personal, and rarely were they as immune from . . . counterforces. . . . For forty years, Hawaii’s oligarchy skillfully and meticulously spun its web of control over the Islands’ politics, labor, land, and economic without fundamental challenge” (Fuchs 1961:152)

The Japanese Americans – both Japanese-born (issei) and American-born (nisei) – were discriminated against. Brought over from Japan to work the plantations, they were the lowest group on the ethnic totem pole. There were proportionally fewer Japanese-American plantation foremen, for example, and

Japanese American foremen were paid lower wages. The plantation living conditions for Japanese-Americans were poor. Yet, up through the 1930s, there seemed few ways to escape from plantation labor. Fuchs writes: “The Japanese were generally scorned by others; and in Honolulu a concerted effort was made to destroy the Japanese language press and schools and the remnants of the Japanese labor movement” (Fuchs 1961:121). “In the early 1920s the oligarchy did everything that reasonably could be done to dishearten the Japanese. They were kept out of federal and territorial jobs. They were discouraged from opening homesteads” (1961:177).

By the 1970s all this had changed. Fifty-one percent of the state’s employees were now Japanese-Americans; for the Department of Education, the figures were 58 percent teachers, 57 percent in leadership positions. Fifty percent of the state’s legislators were Japanese American. Japanese Americans were doctors, lawyers, dentists, and engineers. The median income of families headed by Japanese Americans was now second only to those headed by Chinese Americans (Fuchs 1961:xiv-xv). (It was above Haole households.) Japanese Americans had the third-highest rate of home ownership in the state, 70 percent.

What had happened? What had happened is termed, in Hawaii, “the Democratic Revolution.” The Haole oligarchy had been a Republican affair. After World War II, returning Japanese American veterans, allied with liberal Haole Democratic politicians, were able to wrest control of the state legislature in 1954. In 1962, the first Democratic governor ever was elected. The first Japanese-American governor – in any state – was elected in 1974. During the 1920s, Japanese- Americans had constituted Hawaii’s largest but, with those born in Japan (issei) not allowed to vote, they possessed relatively little political clout. With the passage of the national McCarran-Walter Act in 1952, issei became naturalized citizens in large numbers. By the 1954 election, the year of the Democratic Revolution, Japanese-Americans constituted the largest electoral group in the islands.

But the change was not only political. The newly elected Democrats faced a basic problem. The old oligarchy was not about to give up (or even share) its wealth. And, given that the Democratic Revolution was not a real revolution, only an electoral one, the state legislature could not simply take the oligarchy’s wealth away, especially its control over land (around which all other wealth revolved). Laws had to be followed.

The Democrats “enlarged the pie” so there was more wealth to go around. The oligarchy did not have to give up its wealth; instead, the Democrats created more wealth. To quote from another classical work, George Cooper and Gawan Daws’s Land and Power in Hawaii (Cooper and Daws 1990:7-8):

The idea was that development would create new wealth for new groups of people. . . . The living standards of middle- and working-class people would rise. Thus rather than cut up the old pie of landed wealth in a different way, the idea was to make the pie grow rapidly and continually

by developing land intensively, so that everyone could have more without anyone having to give up anything of significance.

Central to this equation was that major participants in the development process would be leading Democrats, plus their allies among the Islands’ rising class of local-Asian businessmen.

Within as little as three years after winning control of the Legislature major land deals were being struck between Democratic developers/investors and Republican landowners. . . . though the landed rich had been the avowed enemies of the Democrats for decades, now, almost overnight, Democrats became their partners in mutually profitable land deals.

The contrast between Zimbabwe and Hawaii is clear. One involved a downward spiral of destruction, the other the upward spiral of development. Zimbabwe was given large amounts of foreign aid that were used, in part, to prop up the government. Hawaii generated new wealth from within through the electoral process.

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 2.1 and 2.2 may wish to peruse: Bolton 2007; Calderisi 2006; Cooper 2005; Cowen 2007; Economist 2000; Economist 2005a; Economist 2005b; Economist 2005d; Economist 2006a; Economist 2007b; Economist 2007c; Economist 2008b; Economist 2008i; Economist 2008j; Engardio 2006; Hansch n.d.; Harayda 1997; Kotkin 2007; Kristof 2006; Kristof 2007a; Kristof 2007b; Maren 1997; Postrel 2006; Riddell 2007; Rieff 1997; Rieff 2002; Secour 2002; Thomas 2006; Vaux 2001; Wikipedia n.d.d.

2.3

The Economist describes what occurred after communist North Vietnam won the war in 1975 and took control of the country:

In the 1980s Ho Chi Minh's successors . . . damaged the war-ravaged economy . . . by attempting to introduce real communism, collectivizing land ownership, and repressing private business. This caused the country to slide to the brink of famine. The collapse soon afterwards of its cold-war sponsor, the Soviet Union, added to the country's deep isolation and cut off the flow of rubles that had kept its economy going. Neighboring countries were inundated with desperate Vietnamese “boat people.”

Since then the country has been transformed by almost two decades of rapid but equitable growth, in which Vietnam has flung open its doors to the outside world and liberalized its economy. Over the past decade annual growth has averaged 7.5 percent. . . . An agricultural miracle has turned a

country of 85m once barely able to feed itself into one of the world's main providers of farm produce. Vietnam has also become a big exporter of clothes, shoes, and furniture, soon to be joined by microchips when Intel opens its $1 billion factory outside Ho Chi Minh City. Imports of machinery are soaring. Exports plus imports equal 160 percent of GDP, making the economy one of the world's most open. . . .

Vietnam's Communists conceded economic defeat 22 years ago, in the depths of a crisis, and brought in market-based reforms called doi moi (renewal), similar to those Deng Xiaoping had introduced in China a few years earlier. As in China, it took time for the effects to show up, but over the past few years economic liberalization has been fostering rapid, poverty- reducing growth. The World Bank's representative in Vietnam, Ajay Chhibber, calls Vietnam a “poster child” of the benefits of market-oriented reforms. Not only does it comply with the catechism of the “Washington Consensus” — free enterprise, free trade, sensible state finances, and so on — but it also ticks all the boxes for the Millennium Development Goals, the UN's anti-poverty blueprint. . . . Vietnam has become the darling of foreign investors and multinationals (Economist 2008g) – see also (Economist 2008a; Economist 2008e; Templer 1999).

To quote Stanley Karnow’s Vietnam: A History, the companion book to the 1983 PBS series on the war: “Presidents from Harry S. Truman through Richard M. Nixon had justified America’s commitment to [South] Vietnam as part of its policy to ‘contain’ global Communism. They advanced the ‘domino theory,’ submitting that defeat in Southeast Asia would topple the other nations of the region – and even, as Lyndon Johnson warned, menace ‘the beaches of Waikiki’” (Karnow 1983:30). It was based on the perception that the allies, rather than appeasing Hitler in Munich in 1938 (as Neville Chamberlain, the British Prime Minister, did), should have drawn a line in the sand against Hitler and thereby averted World War II. (The perception, still common today, ignores two important facts: (1) it is unclear Chamberlain knew what he was doing since he came ill-prepared for his meeting with Hitler, not even bringing his own interpreter or record-keeper, and (2) the dynamics driving Hitler’s belligerency probably made war inevitable no matter what the allies did.)

The American struggle with Communism was actually more subtle and complicated than falling dominoes. To quote ’s -winning , the secretaries of state under U.S. Presidents Truman and Eisenhower

were not naive enough to think they could export democracy to every nation on earth. . . . If American statesman saw a choice . . . they favored a democratic state or a reformist-minded dictatorship. Their high strategy was

to organize the entire non-Communist world into a network of countries allied with or dependent on the United States. They wanted a tranquil array of nations protected by American military power, recognizing American leadership in international affairs, and integrated into an economic order where the dollar was the main currency of exchange and American business was preeminent. The United States didn’t seek colonies as such . . . Americans were convinced that their imperial system did not victimize foreign peoples. ‘Enlightened self-interest’ was the sole national egotism to which Americans would admit (1988:131).

Here is how the only anthropologist who has written a book on the period, Neil Jamieson, phrases it in Understanding Vietnam: “over two and a half million Americans went to Vietnam, and over 55,000 . . . died there . . . Yet our understanding of this tragic episode remains superficial and, I believe, in many respects simply wrong. We have failed to understand our experience [in Vietnam] because, then and now, we have ignored the perspectives of the people most deeply concerned with the war in which we became involved: The Vietnamese . . . The images of Vietnam about which the controversy swirled in the United States arose from our own culture, not from Vietnamese realities or perceptions” (1993:ix).

In his acclaimed 1972 book The Best and the Brightest, David Halberstam asks how so many intellectually astute individuals in the upper levels of the Kennedy and Johnson administrations could have gotten things so wrong. The short answer, he suggested, was that they were arrogant: “An administration which flaunted its intellectual superiority and superior academic credentials made the most critical of decisions with virtually no input from anyone who had any expertise on the recent history of that part of the world, and it in no way factored in the entire experience of the French Indochina War” (1992:xv).

Sheehan describes John Paul Vann, a decorated war hero, as someone who “knew nothing of the Vietnamese and their culture and history. He did not consider this ignorance any more of an impediment to effective action than his lack of knowledge of counter-guerrilla warfare. . . Vann was sure that he would be able to see what motivated the Vietnamese officers with whom he would be working and persuade them to do what was in their best interest and in the interest of the United States” (Sheehan 1988:42).

As David Halberstam writes in The Making of a Quagmire (Halberstam 1964), “it was “a classic example of seeing the world the way we wanted to, instead of the way it was” (1964:339).

The anthropologist Neil Jamieson records that when the North finally achieved unification in 1975, South Vietnam’s communist leaders were pushed aside. The politburo in Hanoi took complete control over the south, shutting out key South Vietnamese Communists. It has been suggested the massive losses suffered by the Viet Cong during the Tet offensive of 1968 – half of the Viet Cong’s forces were

destroyed – allowed the North Vietnamese to gain control over the communist movement in the south. After the Tet offensive, the war turned from being a fight among different groups of South Vietnamese espousing different political systems to a fight between northerners and southerners over control of the south. Truong Nhu Tang, a former minister of Justice in the South Vietnamese Communist National Liberation Front (N.L.F.) phrased it this way: “despite their collective efforts to defeat French and American colonialism, the North Vietnamese Communists became colonizers themselves” (Butterfield 1983:7).

Stanley Karnow writes that Ho Chi Minh in the 1940s and 1950s tried to “persuade the United States to underwrite his cause. . . . The United States might have plausibly encouraged Ho to emulate Marshal Tito, the Yugoslav Communist leader who was soon to defy Moscow” (1983:147).

David Halberstam writes in The Making of A Quagmire, “In Indochina, a colonial war turned the nationalism of a proud people against the West and into the hands of a very real enemy. That was the beginning of the downward cycle, for in those years when the Western nations were powerful they might have channeled this nationalism into a relatively neutral force” (1964:337). Butterfield agrees: “according to one school of thought, the Communists’ early capture of the nationalist issue made their eventual victory a foregone conclusion” (Butterfield 1983:4 - internet version).

Karnow writes, “Official U.S. communiqués and press reports . . . conveyed the idea that U.S. air strikes were devastating North Vietnam. . . . On my initial trip to the region, I expected to see it in ruins. Yet Hanoi, Haiphong and the nearby countryside were almost totally unscathed. I remembered General Curtis LeMay’s thunderous cry to ‘bomb them back into the Stone Age’ – but, scanning the north, I concluded that it had been in the Stone Age for decades” (1983:50).

Quoting Karnow again:

American strategists went astray by ascribing their own values to the communists. Westmoreland, for one, was sure that he knew the threshold of their endurance . . . Even after the war, he still seemed to have misunderstood the dimensions of their determination. “Any American commander who took the same vast losses as General Giap,” he said, “would have been sacked overnight.”

But Giap [the brilliant North Vietnamese general] was not an American confronted by a strange people in a faraway land. His troops and their civilian supporters, fighting on their own soil, were convinced that their protracted struggle would ultimately wear away the patience of their foes . . .

“We were not strong enough to drive a half million American troops out of Vietnam, but that wasn’t our aim,” Giap explained to me. “We sought to break the will of the American government to continue the conflict. Westmoreland was wrong to count on his superior firepower to grind us down. Our Soviet and

Chinese comrades also failed to grasp our approach when they asked how many divisions we had in relation to the Americans, how we would cope with their technology, their artillery, their air attacks. We were waging a people’s war [in the Vietnamese manner] . . . a total war in which every man, every woman, every unit, big or small, is sustained by a mobilized population. So America’s sophisticated weapons, electronic devices and the rest were to no avail. Despite its military power, America misgauged the limits of its power. In war there are two factors – human beings and weapons. Ultimately, though, human beings are the decisive factor.”

Ironically, many U.S. officers concurred . . . . The American army and its South Vietnamese allies,” wrote General Bruce Palmer after the war, “demonstrated a tendency to rely on superior firepower and technology rather than on professional skill and soldierly qualities . . . [The Viet Cong] had an extraordinary ability to recuperate,“ wrote Palmer, “absorbing casualties in numbers unthinkable to us, replacing people, retraining and reindoctrinating them, and then bouncing back” (Karnow 1983:20-21).

But as a Vietnamese colonel commented after the war, when this was pointed out to him, “That may be so, but it is also irrelevant” (Butterfield 1983:11 – internet version).

Writing about how Robert McNamara, the American Secretary of Defense, often seemed to have supporting statistics to emphasize that an American victory would soon be at hand, David Halberstam, in The Best and the Brightest, states: “McNamara had invented . . . [statistics], he dissembled even with the bureaucracy . . . It was part of his sense of service . . . it was all right to lie and dissemble for the right cause. It was part of service, loyalty to the President” (1969:581).

Rajiv Chandrasekaran, in Imperial Life in the Emerald City, presents an account of how the United States administered Iraq during the year after the invasion. A reviewer of Chandrasekaran’s book writes: “The C.P.A.’s recruitment policy would have shamed Tammany Hall. Loyalty to George W. Bush and the Republican Party was apparently the prime criterion for getting work in the C.P.A” (New York Times, December 17, 2006, “Boys in the Bubble”). For example, a man named John Agresto was recruited to rehabilitate Iraq’s university system (with 22 campuses and more than 375,000 students). “Agresto had no background in post-conflict reconstruction and no experience in the Middle East,” Chandrasekaran writes. “But Agresto was connected: . . . Vice President Dick Cheney’s wife had worked with him at the National Endowment for the Humanities” (2006:5). James K. Haveman, a former community-health director for a Michigan Republican governor, attempted to revitalize the Iraq health system – through a U.S.-inspired model involving private providers and copayments. All the while, Iraqi hospitals lacked essential medical equipment and were overwhelmed by the need to care for the wounded. A twenty- four-year old, Jay Hallen, with little knowledge of American stock markets and few if any courses in economics or finance, was put in charge of reopening the Baghdad

stock market. He set up a stock market modeled after the New York Stock Exchange; but it didn’t work as planned. When Chandrasekaran asked the Iraqi who took over the stock market after Hallen what would have happened if Hallen had not been assigned to the task, he replied: “We would have opened months earlier. [Hallen] had grand ideas but those ideas did not materialize” (2006:262). As a member of the Coalition Provisional Authority confided to Chandrasekaran: “If this place succeeds, . . . it will be in spite of what we did, not because of it” (2006:329).

2.4

Fox Butterfield, in a review article for the New York Times Magazine, notes that a “black hole” existed in the American academy in respect to Vietnam during the War. The New York Times conducted a survey in 1970 and found not a single scholar focusing on North Vietnam; fewer than 30 students were studying Vietnamese (Butterfield 1983).

Until quite recently, Vietnam has been a giant black hole in American academia. A survey by The New York Times in 1970 found that there was no scholar in the United States who devoted most of his or her time to studying North Vietnam; there was no American university with a tenured professorship in Vietnamese studies, and there were fewer than 30 students in the country studying the Vietnamese language. By comparison, there were three times that many studying Thai. According to the Social Science Research Council in New York, from 1951 to 1981 a total of 820 Americans applied to it for financial aid to work on Ph.D. dissertations in Southeast Asia. Of these, only 33 were for Vietnam, almost the same number as for Burma.

John K. Fairbank, professor emeritus of history at Harvard and the man generally recognized as the founder of modern Chinese studies in the United States, refers to this lack of expertise on Vietnam as an academic Pearl Harbor. One reason for this blind spot, he suggests, was that the French excluded American missionaries and businessmen from Vietnam, and Americans therefore did not have a personal stake in Vietnam.

However, by the time the United States became militarily involved, many academics considered the war so immoral that dispassionate analysis of the conflict became almost impossible. Only a handful of scholars actually went to Vietnam to do research there.

It has been suggested by William Rodarmor (personal communication) that the military, however, was indeed quite active in language training (see http://www.dliflc.edu/historyofdil.html ). As noted, the anthropologist Neil Jamieson did write a book about Vietnam. But it came out years after the war was over – too late to assist policy planners and the general public.

In The Best and the Brightest, Halberstam noted that key government experts on Asia had been pushed out of government service during the anti- Communist campaigns of the 1950s and were never replaced (1969:xviii).

Not having an on the ground understanding of what was working and what wasn’t meant that the United States spent billions of dollars trying to assist development in South Vietnam and, by and large, being ineffective. Here is an example from Stanley Karnow’s Vietnam:

As long as the United States was willing to foot the bill for any given program, the Vietnamese rarely rejected it.

The difficulty, however, was to measure results. Or, as a U.S. official in Saigon explained it to me . . . “Say, for instance, that we hand them a plan to distribute ten thousand radios to villages so that peasants can listen to Saigon propaganda broadcasts. They respond enthusiastically, and we deliver the radios. A few months later, when we inquire, they tell us what we want to hear: peasants are being converted to the government cause, and we’re winning the war. But what had really happened? Have all the radios reached the villages, or have half of them been sold on the black market? Are peasants listening to Saigon or to Hanoi? We don’t know. . . . We report progress to Washington because Washington demands progress” (Karnow 1983:362).

According to David Halberstam:

When Colonel William Crossen, one of the top intelligence officers, put it [the report] together he was appalled: the number of men that Hanoi could send down the trails without seriously damaging its defense at home was quite astonishing. . . . When Crossen came up with his final figure he could not believe it, so he checked it again, being even more conservative . . . and still he was staggered by what he found; the other side had an amazing capacity and capability of reinforcing. When he brought the study to Westmoreland’s staff and showed the figure to a general there . . . “Jesus” said the general, “if we tell this to the people in Washington we’ll be out of the war tomorrow. We’ll have to revise it downward.” So Crossen’s figures were duly scaled down considerably . . . the staff intuitively protecting the commander from things he didn’t want to see and didn’t want to hear, never coming up with information which might challenge what a commander wanted to do at a given moment” (Halberstam 1969:545).

John Nagl, in Learning to Eat Soup with a Knife, examines why the British army succeeded in fighting a communist insurgency in Malaysia, while the United States army failed in Vietnam. He observes, in explaining the difference, that “the British army was a learning institution and the American army was not” (Nagl 2002:xxii). He writes: “despite the efforts of a large number of officers on the ground who knew that the army’s conventional approach was ineffective – and was in fact counterproductive in many ways – the U.S. Army continued to rely on a conventional approach to defeating the insurgents through an attrition-based search and destroy strategy”

(2002:191). He writes: “local forces have inherent advantages over outsiders in a counterinsurgency campaign. They can gain intelligence through the public support that naturally adheres to a nation’s own armed forces. They don’t need to allocate translators to combat patrols. They understand . . . tribal loyalties and family relationships. . . . It is perhaps only a slight exaggeration to suggest that, on their own, foreign forces can’t defeat an insurgency; the best they can hope for is to create the conditions that will enable local forces to win it for them” (2002: xiv).

A look at the recently published Counterinsurgency Field Manual (United States and Corps 2007) makes that clear. If readers were ever in doubt as to the importance of anthropological understanding in military operations, they need only read the book’s chapter on intelligence: “What makes intelligence analysis for [counterinsurgency] so distinct and so challenging is the amount of sociocultural information that must be gathered and understood. . . . Truly grasping the operational environment requires commanders and staffs to devote at least as much effort to understanding the people they support as they do to understanding the enemy. All this information is essential to get at the root causes of the insurgency and to determine the best ways to combat it” (2007:135).

The Counterinsurgency Field Manual stresses a “unity of command” structure – “exercised by a single leader through a formal command . . . system” (2007:56).

In 1922, Walter Lippman suggested that given the complexity of the problems that afflicted America, the general public was incapable of coming to reasoned, effective solutions (Lippman 1922).

Lippman’s point must be placed within the context of changes occurring in America at that time. With the industrializing of the country in the late 19th century, as Robert Weibe notes in The Search for Order, came the breakup of small-town, self-contained communities and a search for new units of social cohesion, communication, and order (Wiebe 1967). Lippman suggested public opinion – given its diverse and divisive character at the time -- was not able to effectively address the nation’s problems. He leaned, instead, toward a special class of experts – a group of professionals – who could sort through and order the mass of data relevant to a problem, presenting it to others – decision-makers – in an unbiased, disinterested way. Lippman asserted that social scientists were arriving on the scene after important decisions were made and assessing why someone “did or did not decide wisely” The order, he suggested, should rather be “the disinterested expert first finds and formulates the facts for the man of action” (1922:236).

Dewey questioned Lippman’s dependence on experts to order knowledge for others. For Dewey, professional social scientists should educate the broader public – not just the decision makers – about social issues. Rather than deferring to experts and expert opinion, the public should be actively engaged in deciding public issues. Building democratic communities, Dewey asserted, entailed the active involvement of citizens. “The union of social science, access to facts, and the art of literary presentation,” Dewey wrote, “is not an easy thing to achieve. But its attainment seems to me the only genuine solution of the problem of an intelligent direction of social life” (Dewey 1983 [1922]:343). Building the new democratic communities of the 20th century, Dewey asserted, entailed the active involvement of citizens. Association was entwined with communication and vice-versa (Dewey 1927:158).

Cultural anthropologists should not be mere technicians, hired guns, or patrons of the powerful. Professionals, the prominent sociologist Eliot Freidson writes, should use their knowledge for the public good. They have “the duty to appraise what they do in light of . . . [the] larger good, a duty which licenses them to be more than passive servants of the state, of capital, of the firm, of the client . . . .[They should not be] mere technicians . . . [who] serve their patrons as . . . hired guns . . . [who] advise their patrons . . . but . . . don’t . . . violate their wishes” (Freidson 2001: 122, 217).

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 2.3 and 2.4, especially relating to the Vietnam War, may wish to peruse: Anonymous n.d.; Appy 2006; Atwood 2008; Bissell 2006; Brainard 2008d; Burk 2008; Church 2001; Clarke 2007; CNN.com 2007; Economist 2007d; Economist 2009a; Experience n.d.; Fall 1965; Francis 2008; Frankel 1995; Glenn 2007a; Glenn 2007d; Glenn 2008c; Goldfarb 2006; Gordon 2006; Herszenhorn 2008; Jamieson, et al. 1992; Klein 2007; Lindsey 2008; Marr 1994; Mass 2004; Massing 2007; McLeod 1994; Mitgang 1991; Mitgang 1993; Moyar 2006; N/A n.d.; Nagl 2008; Navasky 1972; Packer 2007; Pike 1983; Powers 1999; Ricks 2006; Schwenkel 2009; Scott 1994; Steel 1988; Thomas 2008; Ticker 2009; White 2008; Wikipedia n.d.b; Wikipedia n.d.h; Wikipedia n.d.i; Wright 2009.

Readers interested in further exploring this topic (and its broader implications for a functioning democracy) may wish to peruse: Aboulafia 1992; Alterman 1999; Barros 1970; Brandeis 1914; Champlin and Knoedler 2006; Cmiel 1993; Conklin 1992; Creighton 191; Damico 1978; Dewey 1916; Dewey, et al. 1998; Diggins 1993; Hocking 1929; Hook 1939; King 1917; Kloppenberg 1992; Moore 1916; Moore 1917; Myers and Myers 2001; Otto 1920; Pepper 1928; Rueschemeyer 1995; Smith 1929; Steiner 1992; Westbrook 1991; Westhoff 1995; Whipple 2005.

Readers interested in further exploring topics related to the Lippman-Dewey debate may wish to peruse: Aboulafia 1992; Alterman 1999; Barros 1970; Brandeis 1914; Champlin and Knoedler 2006; Cmiel 1993; Conklin 1992; Creighton 191; Damico 1978; Dewey 1916; Dewey, et al. 1998; Diggins 1993; Hocking 1929; Hook 1939; King 1917; Kloppenberg 1992; Moore 1916; Moore 1917; Myers and Myers 2001; Otto 1920; Pepper 1928; Rueschemeyer 1995; Smith 1929; Steiner 1992; Westbrook 1991; Westhoff 1995; Whipple 2005. 2.5

There is no doubt that a college degree affects one’s earning power. The U.S. Census Bureau News reported in 2005, a “college degree nearly doubles annual earnings” (Bergman 2005), A high school graduate, according to the Census Bureau, earns an average of $27,915 a year; a college graduate $51,206. In a forty-year career, a bachelor’s degree will improve one’s income by $931,640. (With an advanced degree it is $1,867,480.) For most of the population, a college degree is the key to upward mobility or, for those is in the higher income brackets, the key to remaining there.

Taking a century-long perspective, we can see that colleges, once the province of the exclusive few, have become more inclusive. In 1900, only 2 percent of the population went to college. In 2000, according to the U.S. Census Bureau, 15 percent of the population had earned bachelor degrees and 21 percent of the population had taken some college courses (but not completed a degree). If we limit ourselves to students of college-age, 36 percent have degrees. Sixty-three percent of high school graduates go immediately on to college (though, unfortunately, just over half earn a degree).

For several years now, college costs have risen faster than the rate of inflation. From 2003 through 2005, the cost of attending college rose 10 percent, 13 percent, and 7.1 percent respectively (with inflation averaging only a bit over 3 percent during this period) (Dillon 2005b). U.S. News and World Report indicates that tuition at a typical public university has risen almost tenfold in the last 30 years (Clark 2007a). Andrew Hacker reports in the New York Review of Books that Stanford and Harvard, despite their enormous endowments, charge almost three times as much in real (i.e. adjusted for inflation) dollars as they did a generation ago (Hacker 2007). From 1970 to 1990, the average tuition at private universities rose 470 percent compared with the consumer price index of 280 percent. In 1980, covering college tuition took 26 percent of the median American family’s income, in 2004, it took 56 percent (Lang 2006).

There is also the issue of attrition. “For decades, the college graduation rate has hovered around 50 percent” of those entering college, report the authors of Student Success In College (Kuh 2005b:7) In 2006, U.S. News and World Report stated, “Nationally, the average six-year graduation rate for all students is 57 percent” (Graves 2008).

The Chronicle of Higher Education reports that during the 1970's a Pell Grant – a non-repayable federal grant for students with lower incomes (defined today as a family income of no more than $40,000) – covered between 50-80 percent of a student’s direct costs at a public university. It presently covers about 30 percent. In the 1970's, 75 percent of federal aid involved non-repayable grants; 25 percent loans. Today it is roughly reversed: 63 percent in loans, and 37 percent in grants (Difelciciantonio 2008).

One might hope that, with their large endowments, the elite universities would take up the slack and fund large numbers of less affluent students. They do not. Andrew

Hacker reports that “even the richest institutions expect that at least half their students will pay full tab” (Hacker 2007:Section 4). At Yale, only 10 percent of the students qualify for Pell Grants; at Princeton, it’s only 8 percent.

BusinessWeek reports that university endowments grew by 17 percent in 2007, but colleges collectively decreased the amount of the money spent by 2 percent (Lavelle et al., 2008:13). Over the past five years, university endowments have grown by more than 10 percent on an annual basis. In the same period, spending from university endowments declined by roughly 10 percent annually. In other words, colleges are making more money through their endowments, but rather than spending it on helping needy students or defraying other expenses with that money, they are leaving it in their endowments to make a tidy tax-free profit (tax-free because they are “nonprofit” organizations).

Many elite and elite-aspiring institutions have moved away from providing financial aid on the basis of need. Financial aid is now frequently used to attract affluent students. George Winter (Winter 2004), quotes Sandy Baum who has analyzed recent data collected by the College Board: “It’s absolutely true that the biggest increase in institutional aid has been to the upper-income families.” Karin Fischer, in the Chronicle of Higher Education (Fischer 2006), notes that from 1995 to 2003, research-oriented universities increased the their own grant aid – as opposed to the federal government’s – in respect to students whose families made less than $20,000 by 29%. At the same time they increases grant aid to students with family incomes over $100,000 by 186%.

Andrew Delbanco in the New York Review of Books reports that one-third of American undergraduates work full-time jobs and that over half of American undergraduates attend college part-time (presumably because they are also working) (Delbanco 2005a). CNNMoney.com indicates that the average debt for graduating seniors is now just under $20,000 (Kelley 2005).

A special report in BusinessWeek entitled “Thirty and Broke” summarizes the problem:

Thirty years ago, when many of their parents attended school, it was entirely possible to get through college with modest family savings and steady work during the summers. Since the mid-1980s, though, tuition has been growing far faster than many families can afford. The price of public colleges, where about 80 percent of all students are enrolled, increased 28 percent in the past five years alone, far more than in any five-year period since 1975. At private colleges, the total cost increased 17 percent. Those figures, it should be noted, already take inflation into account. At the same time, outright grants have been shrinking as a proportion of total financial aid. "The costs of education are moving from the government to families, and in families from parents to kids," says Melanie E. Corrigan, associate director of national initiatives and analysis at the American Council on Education in Washington (BusinessWeek 2005b).

The Economist states, “America’s great universities are increasingly reinforcing rather than reducing these educational inequalities” (Economist 2004a). The result, is as Kati Haycock, director of the Education Trust, observes, “Overall, the nation's top public universities are getting ‘whiter and richer,’ even as high-school graduating classes grow more diverse” (Fischer 2006).

But did you know that as much as three-fourths of many universities’ payrolls consist of non-teaching personnel? As Andrew Hacker reports, “Statistics show that employees who aren’t teachers make up 71 percent of Stanford’s total payroll as do 73 percent at Columbia and 83 percent at Harvard. Many of these people do research. But even more are counselors, fund-raisers, groundskeepers, lawyers, security personnel, admissions officers, or coaches” (Hacker 2005), Cornell reports that its administrative staff has grown by 123 percent during the last 15 years (Lang 2006).

In Declining By Degrees, Julie Johnson Kidd quotes from a letter Amichai Kilchevsky wrote to the New York Times, October 22, 2004: “As a senior at Middlebury College, one of the nation's most expensive private colleges, I have seen the comprehensive fee increase nearly $10,000 in four years to reach its current level of $40,400. If the rise in tuition was correlated with a rise in academic vigor, most students would accept the additional cost. This, unfortunately, isn’t the case. Indeed, many colleges like Middlebury have used excess revenue to finance vast building projects, which, while aesthetically pleasing, do little to enhance the quality of a student's education” (Kidd 2005:201).

How are colleges able to keep it up? Sam Dillon in the New York Times, quoting Patrick Callan of the National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education, provides a succinct answer. "There's a belief that high cost equals high quality," Mr. Callan observes. "Underlying all this is that more kids are graduating from high school every year, most of them want to go to college, and so it’s a seller's market. Universities raise tuition because they can” (Dillon 2005b),. Schools charge, Andrew Hacker reports, “what the market will bear” (Hacker 2005)

== On Course Requirements In College:

Why do schools specify certain course requirements in order to graduate? The explanation generally offered is to draw students toward a breadth of understandings through a familiarity with a range of subject, before they settle in to a specialty or major. Actually, it is more complex than that. Derek Bok, the former president of Harvard writes in Our Underachieving Colleges that many introductory courses are not designed to excite students with the possibility for new insights regarding the world around them or the importance of democratic citizenship. Rather they are constructed to “build a foundation for students intending to major in the field and perhaps go on to obtain a Ph.D. Most of the readings impart large quantities of basic information, material essential for planning further work in the discipline but precisely the stuff that other students will soon forget” (Bok 2006:261). The professors involved, he notes, “will normally attend to the needs of their discipline with little regard to the other aims of a proper liberal education” (2006:47). Andrew Delbanco, in the New York Review of Book (Delbanco 2005a:52, 5) adds that introductory courses “in various academic disciplines . . . are conceived by the guilds in charge of them. Any larger sense of purpose seems absent.”

The same holds true in respect to the major. Why, Bok asks, are so many courses required in a major, especially “when the empirical evidence suggests that the typical concentration actually yields such limited cognitive gains” (2006:142)? Couldn’t the additional courses be used to help draw students toward broader, more socially valuable or personally meaningful matters? He writes, “originally students had to complete only a few courses in their chosen field of concentration. Over time, as faculties grew in size and disciplines acquired more and more subspecialties, requirements for the major expanded to occupy one-third or even one-half of all the classes students were required to take in order to graduate” (2006:136). One sees the importance of departments in shaping the curriculum: more faculty requires more courses, and more courses means more requirements, to ensure satisfactory enrollments in those courses.

Looking at how most introductory courses are taught, we see a related problem. Bok writes that despite most college faculties’ “overwhelming support for critical thinking as the primary goal of undergraduate education, most professors do not teach . . . [by] discussing problems in class, or using group work to promote active learning . . . [instead,] they spend almost the entire hour lecturing to a passive student audience. According to one survey of 1,800 instructors from a wide variety of institutions, between 73 and 83 percent of the faculty teach in this fashion . . . rarely [do] professors challenge students with questions calling for higher-order reasoning” (2006:120).

Why are the large, introductory lecture classes the staple of most universities? Murray Sperber, a professor emeritus at Indiana University, writes in Declining by Degrees: “When I have asked faculty in psychology, political science, and other departments this question, some respondents have frankly stated that these course are a positive for the department because the tuition revenue they generate helps to fund graduate students and research projects” (Hersh and Merrow 2005:137). The famous sociologist, David Riesman, observes: “Departments and whole institutions sought to become more distinguished by using the expansion of their student enrollments to recruit more faculty members than would have been necessary on the basis of earlier teaching loads and student/faculty ratios, thus allowing the build-up of graduate and research programs” (Riesman 1980:2). Making introductory courses not only required courses, but lecture courses, means that departments can gain high overall enrollments, allowing them to hire more faculty and offer more courses (that these new hires can then teach) without an enormous amount of work on a faculty member’s part once his or her lecture notes have been written. (Some faculty draw on one introductory text for their notes while using another in class, reducing their workload still further.)

What do students gain from the time and money spent on a college degree? The short answer is that we don’t know. Writes Richard Hersh in Declining by Degrees: “Until now, no one has been able to measure with any accuracy what students actually learn during their four years on a campus” (Hersh and Merrow 2005:230).

The most comprehensive analysis of the subject is a two volume set by Ernest Pascarella and Patrick Terenzini, both entitled How College Affects Students (Pascarella and Terenzini 1991; Pascarella and Terenzini 2005). (The first volume summarizes research up through the 1980's; the second volume covers more recent research.) Based on the analysis of literally thousands of studies, they conclude that as a result of college, “students learn to think in more abstract, critical, complex and reflective ways; there is a general liberalization of values and attitudes combined with an increase in cultural and artistic interests and activities; progress is made toward the development of personal identities and more positive self-concepts; and there is an expansion and extension of interpersonal horizons, intellectual interests, individual autonomy, and general psychological maturity and well-being” (Pascarella and Terenzini 2005:577).

It sounds impressive. But there are two problems. First, the studies focus on what students gain during their years at college. They do not compare what students gain at college with a control group of individuals who do not go to college (2005:578).

Second, while few doubt that significant intellectual and emotional changes occur in most students who attend college – especially when they live away from home – Pacarella and Terenzini write, “the gains made during the undergraduate years on various dimensions of academic learning and intellectual sophistication reflection only relative advantages of seniors over beginning students . . . college graduates as a group don’t always perform particularly well in terms of absolute standards of knowledge acquisition or cognitive functioning” (2005:573).

Derek Bok, the former president of Harvard, states the point more directly in Our Underachieving Colleges: “Most studies do show evidence of growth, but almost all the findings leave ample room for improvement. Even among the selective colleges that are ranked so highly . . . fewer than half of the recent graduates believe that college contributed ‘a great deal’ to their competence in analytic and writing skills . . . Surveys of student progress . . . including writing, numeracy, and foreign language proficiency, indicate that only a minority of undergraduates improve substantially while some actually regress” (Bok 2006:311). Elsewhere in his book, which is subtitled A Candid Look at How Much Students Learn and Why They Should be Learning More, Bok writes “many seniors graduate without being able to write well enough to satisfy their [future] employers. Many can’t reason clearly or perform competently in analyzing complex, nontechnical problems, even though faculties rank critical thinking as the primary goal of a college of a college education” (2006:8). The New York Times recently reported that in a College Board survey of 120 leading corporations, one-third of the employees at these corporations wrote poorly and, further, that these companies were spending billions of dollars on remedial training, including training for new employees straight out of college (Dillon 2008).

Cathy Small’s ethnography My Freshman Year: What a Professor Learned by Becoming a Student supplements the above studies in a critical way. (To disguise the school involved she wrote under the name Rebekah Nathan.) She writes, “while most students I interviewed readily admitted that they were in college to learn, they also made clear that classes, and work related to classes, were a minor part of what they were learning” (Small 2005:101). More than anything, she observed, students learn time-management skills – how to balance various demands. “Most seniors will agree that they’ve forgotten much of what they learned from classes, even from the semester before,” she writes. “Looking back on college, they will claim to have learned more about themselves, their abilities, and their relationships than about subject areas” (Small 2005:131). 2.6

Based on thousands of studies, Pascarella and Terenzini write: “Clearly, the 3,000- plus postsecondary institutions in the United States differ substantially in size, [and] complexity. . . . Yet, with some notable exceptions, the weight of evidence . . . casts considerable doubt on the premise that the substantial structural, resource, and qualitative differences among postsecondary institutions produce correspondingly large differences in net educational effects on students. Rather, the great majority of postsecondary institutions appear to have surprisingly similar net impacts on student growth” (Pascarella and Terenzini 2005:590).

Social critic Andrew Hacker makes the point this way: “I am . . . convinced that despite differences in endowment and faculty salaries, as good an education can be had at Coe College in Iowa, Whitman College in Washington, and Knox College in Illinois as at brand-name schools like Williams and Swarthmore” (Hacker 2005:54).

Most elite schools strenuously opposed the efforts made by former U.S. Secretary of Education Margaret Spellings to carry out just such accountability studies (see e.g. Basken 2008k).

Stacy Dale and Alan Krueger, using controlled samples (so as to avoid differences in intellectual ability), report that “students who attended more selective colleges do not earn more than other students who . . . attended less selective colleges” (Dale and Krueger 1999:30). A recent Wall Street Journal article reaching a different conclusion did not use controlled samples and, hence, was likely measuring other variables (Neenleman 2008). The two researchers indicate that “the payoff to attending an elite college appears to be greater for students from more disadvantaged backgrounds” (Dale and Krueger 1999:abstract).

Dale and Krueger’s analysis fits with other data. To cite Andrew Hacker’s article “They’d Much Rather Be Rich” in the New York Review of Books. referring to a consulting firm’s compendium of the educational backgrounds of the CEO’s of the nation’s 500 largest companies, he writes, “it turns out that only 13 of. . . [the CEO’s]

didn’t attend or finish college . . . .Another 8 are heirs to family enterprises . . . leaving 479 who had completed college and more or less ascended on their own. Altogether, 68 of the 479 – 14 percent – were graduates of 12 highly competitive colleges [such as Amherst, Brown, Harvard, Yale, and Stanford] . . . Most of the 411 chief executives went to less prestigious schools like Worcester Polytechnic, Marymount College, and Idaho State. . . . while an Ivy League degree may help in the early years of a career, its cachet tends to fade when more stringent tests are set” (Hacker 2007).

== On The “Earning Power” of a College Degree:

The reason a college degree adds so much earning power is not necessarily because students have a range of important new skills that are needed in a whole new age of competition and globalization. Two other factors are also critical: First, many of the blue-collar manufacturing jobs – such as in steel or automobile production – that allowed high school graduates a decent middle class standard of living are now gone. The jobs have been “shipped overseas.” Second, many businesses and professions now ask for degrees where, in the past, they did not. Hacker writes that 37 percent of flight attendants, 35 percent of tour guides, and 13 percent of security guards and casino dealers now have degrees (Hacker 2006).

Before discussing the operation of higher education in Canada, let me describe a few traits that Canada and the United States share. First, in both, individuals with a university degree possess a higher standard of living. With respect to income, 33 percent of those with a university degree in Canada and 30 percent in the United States make more than twice the median income. In comparison to those with only a high school degree, those with a university degree make 11 percent more in Canada and 8 percent in the United States (Miller, et al. 2007).

Second, paralleling the recent increased enrollments in the United States, Canada has also seen significant increases in university-bound students. Between 2000 and 2006, Canadian full–time university enrollment increased by 31 percent (Canada 2007b:5).

Finally, the percentage of the Canadian population ages 25 to 34 that had university degrees in 2004 was 53 percent (Miller, et al. 2007). Canada possesses the second– highest percentage of university graduates in the world, just behind Russia.

The problem Canadian higher education faces today is that between 1990 and 2003 tuition grew by 107 percent. This makes it more expensive than in the United States, especially when the present limited financial-aid packages are calculated into costs. Financial aid at Canadian universities hasn’t kept pace with increases in tuition as closely as in the United States (which as we saw above, has not kept pace with need) (Review 2003:1-3). During the early 1980s, Canada had a $2,000 funding advantage per student over the United States; in 2008, the United States had an $8,000 funding

advantage per student (in U.S. dollars). In 1980, provincial governments contributed 84 percent of the educational/research costs per student; now it is 66 percent. Government funding per student dropped from $17,900 in 1980 to $13,600 in 1990, and to $9,900 in 2006 (Canada 2008:4-5).

Like the United States, Canada has moved away from need-based financial aid. Canadian universities now provide almost 60 percent of their aid to families with above-median incomes (Birchard 2007a). The amount of debt Canadian students owe at graduation doubled in the 1990s. Today, the average debt of Canadian students who take out loans to finance their education is $24,000 (Tamburri 2008).

While student enrollment grew by 56 percent from 1987 to 2006, full-time faculty increased by only 18 percent. This compares unfavorably with the United States where a 33 percent increase in enrollment was met with a 33 percent increase in full- time faculty. The result is that faculty/student ratio is higher in Canada than the United States.

The most interesting difference between Canada and the United States lies in the area of accountability. The limited data that exist suggest that Canadians are slightly more literate – able to read complex documents slightly better – than Americans in the 20-25 age range (Wagner 2006:22). MacLean’s magazine reports, “While undergraduate student satisfaction remains relatively high at Canadian institutions . . . many Canadian university campuses are not as engaging and may not be offering as good an educational experience as their American peers” (Macleans.ca 2008c).

To illustrate how NSSE works, let me quote from Student Success in College (Kuh 2005b). (Two of the book’s authors are involved with NSSE). “Voluminous research on college student development shows that the time and energy students devote to educationally purposeful activities is the single best predictor of their learning and personal development” (Kuh 2005b:8). NSSE assesses how much time and energy students are investing in “educationally purposeful activities” at their school. Student Success in College continues “Certain institutional practices are known to lead to high levels of student engagement . . . [such as] student-faculty contact, cooperation among students, active learning, prompt feedback, time on task, high expectations, and respect for diverse talents and ways of learning” (2005:7). NSSE assesses in what form and to what degree these are occurring at a school (see NSSE n.d.).

Working with the Commission on the Future of Higher Education, U.S. Secretary of Education Margaret Spellings tried to bring cross-campus assessments to the American system of higher education (Ashburn 2006). She largely failed, as a 2008 headline in The Chronicle of Higher Education notes: “Spellings Campaign Runs Low on Time, and on the Power to Persuade.” The article notes: “Education Secretary Margaret Spellings has made another high-profile attempt to convince colleges that they risk painful government interventions if they don’t improve the quality of their programs and help more students evaluate . . . them. With just six months until Ms.

Spellings leaves office, colleges seem increasingly willing to keep taking that risk” (Basken 2008h).

How did Canadian universities get involved with NSSE? Bob Rae, the former premier of Ontario, found critical data missing from his 2005 review of post-secondary education in Ontario. His conclusion, quoting Maclean’s, was “We simply don’t know enough about how we are doing or what others are doing.” (This is the point Margaret Spellings emphasized.) Maclean’s continues, “to this end, Rae recommended that all Ontario universities participate in the NSSE. All Ontario universities have done so over the past two years, and most universities in the rest of the country have joined them” (Macleans.ca 2008c).

== On German Higher Education:

Comparing higher education in the United States with higher education in Germany helps place the above discussion in perspective. The contrast between the United States and Germany is striking. Until recently, German students did not have to pay tuition and, moreover, frequently could go to the university of their choice.

German universities are all public, financed by their respective state governments, and did not, until recently, charge tuition. The universities were free to all who held an Abitur degree from a Gymnasium. (The Abitur degree was awarded to students upon completion of their exams at the end of their secondary education – after 12 or 13 years of schooling. Depending on one’s perspective, the Abitur can be seen as equivalent to a high school degree or an associate’s degree from a community college in the United States.) Only in the last two or three years have Germany’s 117 universities started charging tuition. The tuition at the University of Cologne, which might be seen as typical, is now $750 per term of studies (Landler 2006; Wilhelm 2008).

Students do have to pay for their room and board, usually finding some form of accommodation in the town near the university. Students who have clear financial need can get financial aid from the state that covers much if not most of these expenses for 4-5 years. The aid usually involves ½ loan, ½ grant.

Up to now – though this is about to change – there have not been the prestige markers that distinguish and hierarchically differentiate among universities as occurs with America’s 4,000 colleges and universities. Since at least the 1970's, a strong egalitarian ethos has pervaded German higher education. Students are allowed to attend any university that offers the course of studies they wish (except in certain areas where enrollments are exceptionally tight). Students can change their universities frequently at will.

In the liberal arts, students tend to pick the lectures and seminars that interest them. Students usually need to gain three certificates – by passing exams in

certain subjects and demonstrating a reasonable degree of attendance at certain optional courses – to sit for their final exams to graduate. Frequently, only the final exam grades are kept in a student’s records following graduation. (Wikipedia n.d.l).

The down side of this freedom is that it takes an average of 5-6 years and may well take 10 years to be graduated. Because state funding has not kept up with the increase in enrollments, the faculty-student ratio hovers around 1:50 and sometimes rises as high as 1:180 (Esnault, et al. 1997; Wilhelm 2008:5 -- see also Chronicle, April 4,2008; OECD Publications, Thematic Review of the First Years of Tertiary Education Country Note: Germany, 1997:5). In 1970, prior to the dramatic increase in enrollments, the ratio was 1:9. Students rarely have contact with teachers. The Economist refers to the “blockseminar” – “an ingenious system whereby an academic turns up briefly at the university and delivers an entire term’s teaching in the space of a weekend” (Economist 2004c).

Usually, one finds other students with related interests to study with if one wishes interaction. Above and beyond the formal courses students take, many students frequently teach themselves. The university completion rate is among the lowest in the world, significantly lower than that of the United States which is, itself, quite low (Education 2006:8).

Many German universities lack the accoutrements of American universities. Buildings are frequently in need of repair. The rector (or head) of the University of Cologne reported “our university is rotten in some places . . . the toilets are rotten, the electrical system falls from the walls” (Wilhelm 2008).

The problem is basically, that increase in student enrollments, encouraged by various state governments, has far outstripped these state governments’ willingness to pay the increased costs. Spending per student is not only low but also declining. Faculty salaries are poor by Canadian and American standards. And in international rankings of universities, German universities, once the highest in the world, now rank well below comparable institutions in the United States and Canada. Germany has fewer people – in both the 25-34 and the 25- 64 ages groups – with tertiary degrees (even when the vocational Fachhochschulen are included) compared to Canada and the United States.

As Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis famously wrote, "sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants" for addressing social problems. "Publicity is justly commended as a remedy for social and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman. And publicity has already played an important part in the struggle against the Money Trust." (Other People's Money -- and How Bankers Use It, Brandeis, 1914).

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 2.5 and 2.6 may wish to peruse: Anonymous 2007; Ashburn 2008; Basken 2008a; Basken 2008b; Basken 2008c; Basken 2008d; Basken 2008e; Basken 2008f; Basken 2008g; Basken 2008i; Basken 2008j; Benton 2008; Bergman 2003; Bergman 2005; Betts, et al. 2007;

Birchard 2006a; Birchard 2006b; Birchard 2006c; Birchard 2006d; Birchard 2007b; Birchard 2008a; Birchard 2008b; Blog 2009; Blumenstyk 2008a; Blumenstyk 2008b; Blumenstyk 2009a; Blumenstyk 2009b; Blumenstyk 2009c; Bollag 2005; Brainard 2008a; Brainard, et al. 2009; Bushong 2009; BusinessWeek 1997; BusinessWeek 2004; BusinessWeek 2007; BusinessWeek 2009; Campbell 1999; Canada 2007a; Cantu 2003; Carey 2004; Clark 2007b; Clark 2008; Delbanco 2005b; Delbanco 2007; Deresiewicz 2008; Dillon 2005a; Dillon 2008; Doyle 2006; Eckstein 2009; Economist 1997; Economist 2004a; Economist 2005e; Economist 2005g; Education 2005; Fain 2008a; Fain 2008b; Farago 1982; Field 2008a; Field 2008b; Fischer 2008a; Fischer 2008b; Geiger 1995; Glenn 2007c; Glenn 2008b; Glenn 2009a; Glenn 2009b; Gose 2008; Gravios 2006; Gutman 2008; Hartwig 2006; Hays 1968; Hebel 2006; Hebel 2008a; Hebel 2008b; Henry 2002; Holmes 2006 (?); Hoover 2008a; Hoover 2008b; Hoover 2008c; Horne 2009; Jaschik 2006; Jerema 2008; June 2006; June 2008a; June 2008b; Kelderman 2008a; Kelderman 2008b; Kelderman 2009; Kerr 1994a; Kerr 1994b; Kerr 2001; Khadaroo 2008; Kuh 1988; Kuh 2003; Kuh 2005a; Labi 2004; Labi 2006a; Labi 2006b; Labi 2006c; Labi 2008a; Labi 2008b; Labi 2009; Lavelle, et al. 2008; Lederman 2006; Lewin 2008a; Lewin 2008b; Lewin 2008c; Lewin 2009; Macleans.ca 2007; Macleans.ca 2008a; Macleans.ca 2008b; Mangan 2009; Massa 2008; McC. Adams 20002; McMurtrie 2008; Moser 2008a; Moser 2008b; Mytelka 2009; N/A 1988; N/A 2009a; N/A 2009b; Needleman 2008; Norton 2008; Overland 2008; Read 2007; Reisberg 2000; Review 2003; Riesman 1980; Schevitz 2008; Schleicher 2006; Schmidt 2008a; Schmidt 2008b; Schmidt 2008c; Schmidt 2008d; Schmidt 2008e; Schmidt 2009a; Sheng n.d.; Shieh 2009; Smith 2007; Sowter 2007; Supiano 2008a; Supiano 2008b; Supiano 2008c; Supiano 2008d; Supiano 2008e; Supiano 2009; Teitelbaum 2000; U.S. News 2008; USA TODAY 2002; Veblen 1918; Vedantam 2006) (Wallis and Steptoe 2006; Wasley 2008a; Wasley 2008b; Wilson 2008; Wilson 2009; Woo 2006; Wooldridge 2006; Young 2008; Zernike 2009.

CHAPTER 3

3.1

The noted British historian Peter Burke in A Social History of Knowledge dates this academic ideal to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, highlighting Francis Bacon’s 1605 The Advancement of Learning as a prominent example. Burke writes that today “intellectual innovation, rather than the transmission of tradition, is considered one of the major functions of institutions of higher education, so that candidates for higher degrees are normally expected to have made a ‘contribution to knowledge,’ and there is pressure on academics . . . to colonize new intellectual territories rather than to continue to cultivate old ones” (Burke 2000:114).

Carlos Castaneda wrote a book called The Teachings of Don Juan (1968). See also (en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carlos_Castaneda).

The National Science Foundation, for example, considers “how important is the proposed activity to advancing knowledge and understanding” (National Science Foundation 2004). The Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada asks what is the “expected contribution to the advancement of knowledge” (2009) . Applicants for Social Science Research Council Student Fellowships are judged on whether their research will constitute “an original contribution to the existing body of scholarship . . . [that] acknowledge[s] and build [s] on such scholarship” (2009).

“The intellectual adventure of cultural anthropology,” one noted historian of the discipline writes, "has exhibited a continuous . . . advance in perspective” (Voget 1975:795).

While “we do not consider the to be a linear tale of progress,” Eriksen and Nielsen assert, “we believe that there has been a steady, cumulative growth in knowledge and understanding within the subject” (Eriksen and Nielsen 2001:viii).

The author of Theory and Progress in Social Science, James Rule, writes:

Pretensions of progress are pervasive in the images we project of our work. Conferences are convened, and volumes of studies commissioned, purporting to extend the “frontiers” of knowledge in one or another domain. Yearbooks are published documenting “advances” in the discipline. Journal submissions, books, and doctoral dissertations are assessed in terms of whether they constitute “contributions” to existing knowledge. Such language obviously presumes movement in the direction of fuller, more comprehensive, more advanced understanding. The notion of a “contribution” implies not just the sheer addition of another book, article, or research report to an ever-lengthening bibliography, but a meaningful step forward in a direction shared by all. And claims to participate in

such advances, I hold, are central to the justifications most of us would put forward for our work.

Rule continues, “the desire to ‘contribute’ to some form of intellectual progress is all but universal among students of social life. . . . Who would trouble to put words . . . to paper, if not in the hope that the result might leave some overall fund of understanding improved?” (Rule 1997:227)

"In anthropology, we are continuously slaying paradigms [or trends], only to see them return to life, as if discovered for the first time,” asserts Eric Wolf. “As each successive approach carries the axe to its predecessors, anthropology comes to resemble a project of intellectual ” (Wolf 1990:588).

Kroeber phrases it more gently. He states that sciences such as anthropology "are subject to waves of fashion" (Kroeber 1948:391).

The noted Berkeley anthropologist Elizabeth Colson writes:

Rapid population growth and geographical dispersal [within cultural anthropology] have been associated with the emergence of a multitude of intellectual schools, each of which stresses both its own uniqueness and superiority and the need for the whole of the social/cultural community to accept its leadership. This never happens, and even the most successful formula rarely predominates for more than a decade: at the moment when it appears to triumph, it becomes redefined as an outmoded orthodoxy by younger anthropologists who are attempting to stamp their own mark upon the profession. This has the therapeutic effect of outmoding most of the existing literature, by now too vast to be absorbed by any newcomer, while at the same time old ideas continue to be advanced under new rubrics. The history of anthropology is a splendid example of what John Barnes once called structural amnesia, the creation of convenient myths that eliminate most details and celebrate a minimal number of ancestral figures. Selective forgetting, however, obscures the continuity of ideas that in fact continue to guide much of what is done (Colson 1992:51).

The Canadian anthropologist Philip Carl Salzman observes (Salzman 1994:34):

A well known and occasionally discussed problem is the fact that the vast multitude of anthropological conferences, congresses, articles, monographs, and collections, while adding up to mountains of paper (and subtracting whole forests), do not seem to add up to a substantial, integrated, coherent body of knowledge that could provide a base for the further advancement of the discipline. L. A. Fallers used to comment that we seem to be constantly tooling up with new ideas and new concepts and never seem to get around to applying and assessing them in a substantive and systematic fashion. John Davis, over two decades ago in The Peoples of the Mediterranean, seemed on the verge of tears of frustration during his attempts to find any comparable information in the available ethnographic reports that might be used to put individual cases into

perspective and be compiled into a broader picture. Nor is there confidence in the individual ethnographic reports available: We cannot credit the accounts of I. Schapera, because he was a functionalist, or that of S. F. Nadel because he was an agent of colonialism, or J. Pitt-Rivers because he collected all his data from the upper class señoritos . . . or M. Harris because he is a crude materialist, etc. etc. So we end up without any substantive body of knowledge to build on, forcing us to be constantly trying to make anthropology anew.

The prominent Chicago sociologist Andrew Abbott (referred to in Chapter 1) suggests that the social sciences “pretend to perpetual progress while actually going nowhere at all, remaining safely encamped within a familiar world of fundamental concepts.” He writes: “The young build their careers on forgetting and rediscovery, while the middle-aged are doomed to see the common sense of their graduate school years refurbished and republished as brilliant new insights” (Abbott 2001:147-148).

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 3.1 may wish to peruse: Campbell 1999; Colson 1989; Kuper 2007; Ortner 1984; Rensburger 1996; Voget 1973; Wolf 1969. 3.2

"There are in the field at the present time quite different ways of thinking about theory, about culture, and about cultural comparison," an account of the discipline observes (Leaf 1979:3).

A prominent anthropologist highlights two perspectives: “The first [is] . . . concerned with description and interpretation rather than with explanation, and with the particular rather than with the general. . . . The second . . . seeks general principles and models itself on the natural sciences rather than on the humanities” (Kuper in Borofsky 1994:113).

Another anthropologist, , observes: “Two traditions have proceeded in anthropology since its inception.” One, he notes, “influenced by philosophy, linguistics, and the humanities, and open to more subjectively derived knowledge, attempts interpretation and seeks to elucidate meanings.” The other, “objective in its aspirations and inspired by the biological sciences, seeks explanation and is concerned to discover causes, or even, in the view of the ambitious, laws“ (Rappaport in Borofsky 1994: 154).

In the first tradition, often termed interpretivist , understanding an action "requires reference to its larger context . . . the aim is not to uncover universals or laws but rather to explicate context” (Rabinow and Sullivan 1987:14).

"Interpretive explanation," Clifford Geertz asserts, "trains its attention on what institutions . . . mean to those whose institutions . . . they are” (1983:22). "It is not against a body of uninterpreted data, radically thinned [or superficial] descriptions, that we must measure the cogency of our explications," he states, "but against the power of the scientific imagination to bring us into touch with the lives of strangers” (1973:16). Geertz is not anti-science. "I do not believe that anthropology is not or cannot be a science . . . that the of anthropological works inheres solely in their persuasiveness” (in Carrithers 1990:274).

The positivist perspective is well expressed by : Scientific knowledge, he states, "is obtained by public, replicable operations” (Harris in Borofsky 1994: 64). Furthermore, "the aim of scientific research is to formulate explanatory theories which are . . . testable (or falsifiable) . . . [and] cumulative within a coherent and expanding corpus of theories."

Boas wrote, “when we have cleared up the history of a single culture and understand the effects of environment and the psychological conditions that are reflected in it, . . . we can then investigate in how far the same causes . . . [are] at work in the development of other cultures” (Boas 1940 [1896]:279).

Kroeber book Configurations of Culture Growth (1969 [1944]) Steward, Theory of (1955) Wolf, Europe and the People without History (1982) Malinowski: Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) The Sexual Life of Savages (1929) Coral Gardens and Their Magic (1935)

Weiner writes, “although Malinowski and I were in the Trobriands at vastly different historical moments and there also are many areas in which our analyses differ, a large part of what we learned in the field was similar. From the vantage point that time gives me, I can illustrate how our differences, even those that are major, came to be.” She states, “my most significant . . . departure from [Malinowski] . . . was the attention I gave to women’s productive work.” “My taking seriously the importance of women’s wealth not only brought women . . . clearly into the ethnographic picture [which was not the case in Malinowski’s accounts] but also forced me to revise many of Malinowski’s assumptions about Trobriand men” (Weiner 1988:5). Building on Malinowski’s classic writings, in other words, Annette Weiner was able to extend and refine an analysis of Trobriand society. Readers might wish to consult Weiner’s own ethnography as well (Weiner 1976).

Marshall Sahlins’ Social Stratification in Polynesia, his doctoral dissertation at Columbia University, offers another example of this standard. Building on accounts of individual Polynesian atolls, Sahlins was able to perceive a generalized pattern of social organization on many atolls. The atolls have, he writes, “a number of

interlocking social groups, each dedicated to the exploitation of a particular resource or resource area” (Sahlins 1958:245).

Leonard Mason, another Pacific specialist, subsequently took Sahlins’s account of Polynesian atolls and applied it to Micronesian atolls. He found that Micronesian atolls responded in a related way to many of the same pressures (Mason 1959).

3.3

As Mead recollected in her autobiography, Blackberry Winter, she went to the East Sepik region of “to study the different ways in which cultures patterned the expected behavior of males and females” (Mead 1972:196). She reasoned that “if those temperamental attitudes which we have traditionally regarded as feminine – such as passivity, responsiveness, and a willingness to cherish children – can so easily be set up as the masculine pattern in one tribe, and in another be outlawed for the majority of the women . . . we no longer have any basis for regarding such aspects of behavior as sex linked” (Mead 1950 [1935]:190). In the East Sepik, she “found three tribes all conveniently within a hundred mile area. In one [the Arapesh], both men and women act as we expect women to act – in a mild parental responsive way; in the second [the Mundugumor], both act as we expect men to act – in a fierce initiating fashion; and in the third [the Tchambuli], the men act according to our stereotype for women – are catty, wear curls, and go shopping, while the women are energetic, managerial, unadorned partners” (Mead 1950 [1935]:6).

These data led Mead to conclude that overall “male and female personality are socially produced” (Mead 1950 [1935]:210).

She [] framed her analysis in terms of the Freudian psychiatrist Abram Kardiner’s assertion that certain primary institutions, such as economic organization, shaped child-rearing practices resulting in certain adult personality traits, which in turn shaped certain secondary institutions, such as religion and myth – “that given certain early and consistent conditioning during childhood (primary institutions) whether in terms of patterned child-rearing practices or the socio-economic environment, the individuals so conditioned would developed [sic] a configuration of adaptive mechanism (ego mechanism or mechanism of defense) that would, if not actually create, at least invest with high symbolic significance other (secondary) institutions in the society . . . predominately in the realm of myth and religion” (Du Bois 1961 [1944]:xxi-xxii).

Du Bois discovered that a mother’s economic responsibilities – taking care of the family’s horticulture gardens – meant she spent relatively little time with an infant child during the day. The child was mostly the responsibility of an older sibling who, often as not, was inconsistent in disciplining the child. Instead of offering love and

affection, the older child often emphasized ridicule and teasing. This sort of child rearing, Du Bois suggested, resulted in an emotionally shallow adult with limited self- confidence who distrusted deep relationships. The psychological test data were analyzed independent of Du Bois to avoid biasing the results. They confirmed Du Bois’s impressions of Atimelanger personality, thereby strengthening her assessment. Kardiner, who analyzed the autobiographies, noted, for example, that “all the men [examined] are equally envious and greedy . . . [and conceal their feelings] with lies and misrepresentations. With the exception of Fantan all are . . . devoid of self-confidence” (Du Bois 1961 [1944]:549). Oberholzer, who analyzed the Rorschach tests, described the Atimelangers as “suspicious and distrustful . . . not only toward everything that is unknown and new . . . but also among themselves. Not one will trust another” (Du Bois 1961 [1944]:596). Fitting with this pattern (and perpetuating it), Atimelang men were involved in a precarious status-wealth system based on chicanery and deceit. In accord with Kardiner’s perspective, the Atimelangers frequently framed relations with supernatural beings in terms of manipulation and exploitation.

When one looked closely at the various interpretations of the interpreters, did they all agree? Where Kardiner found much neurotic anxiety, Oberholzer found little. Du Bois, reflecting on her study “two decades later” wrote: “it seems highly probable that the range of trait distributions with any moderately complex society is greater than multimodal differences between societies” (Du Bois 1961 [1944]:xx) - that there may be as much diversity within as between groups. And there remained the question of whether certain cultural institutions did indeed engender certain personalities. In her review of The People of Alor, Powdermaker doubted whether the absence of the mother in infancy, common among Melanesian horticultural groups, would necessarily foster being perceived as a frustrating object by the child (Powdermaker 1945:160). Barnouw added that during the dry season, with less horticultural work, the mother likely spend considerably more time with her infant (Barnouw 1963:116).

Anthony Wallace addressed Du Bois’s sampling problem in a study of the Tuscarora Indians in upstate New York. Focusing on a Tuscarora reservation of roughly 600 people near Niagara Falls – a group perceived as being culturally homogeneous – Wallace found significant variation in personality traits (as judged by Rorschach protocols). Only 37 percent of the seventy interviewed possessed what might be termed a modal, or average, personality – their collective responses (in terms of twenty-one identifiable Rorschach categories) fell within a modal range. Another 23 percent fell within the modal range for some Rorschach categories but not others. Wallace referred to these as “submodal.” And a final 40 percent fell completely outside the model range. These he called “deviant.”

The results (published in The Modal Personality Structure of the Tuscarora Indians in 1952) led Wallace to make a critical distinction in a later book, Culture and

Personality (1961). He differentiated between two models for conceptualizing the “relation between cultural systems and personality systems.” The first he termed “the replication of uniformity” in which “the society may be regarded as culturally homogeneous and the individuals will be expected to share a uniform nuclear character . . . [what researchers needed to study were the] . . . mechanisms of socialization by which each generation becomes, culturally and characterologically, a replica of its predecessors” (Wallace 1961:27). In “the organization of diversity,” the second model, a group’s psychological diversity was stressed, and researchers needed to examine “how . . . various individuals organize themselves culturally” given such diverse personalities. This second model, Wallace indicated, emphasized “when the process of socialization is examined . . . it becomes apparent that . . . it is not a perfectly reliable mechanism for [cultural] replication” (Wallace 1961:27-28). Affirming this position, Wallace suggested that orderly relationships derived less from shared behaviors than from a capacity for mutual prediction (1961:28). “Advocates of togetherness may argue, whether or not it is necessary that all members of society share all cognitive maps, they must share at least one.” But, he suggested, many social systems “simply will not ‘work’ if all participants share common knowledge of the system” (Wallace 1961:37, 40).

One of the key figures in the field, George Spindler, in reviewing Culture and Personality, suggested that Wallace had unnecessarily dichotomized the issue (Spindler 1955a:1321-1322).

Decades later, working from a different perspective, two anthropologists did revisit one of the fieldsites Mead worked at, Tchambuli, calling them Chambri. But they addressed a set of problems different from those addressed by Mead (Gewertz and Errington. 1991).

“The Six Cultures Project” published by John and Beatrice Whiting in the early 1960s is probably the most comprehensive Culture and Personality research project ever undertaken (Whiting 1963; Whiting, et al. 1966). Rather than returning to any of the above studied sites, the six researchers chose new locations for their research. It is interesting to note that the key books describing the project’s theoretical and ethnographic underpinnings do not serious engage with any of the above authors’ writings, even though Du Bois worked in the same department (at Harvard) as the Whitings.

In respect to disruptive problems encountered in analyzing their data, Minturn and Lambert write, in reflecting on questions needing to be addressed in the future, “our message to anthropologists . . . is not to ignore the precise measurement of individuals that specifies variation of behavior among people who share a common culture” (Minturn and Lambert 1964:293).

The Whitings concluded from their work that “the question of the correspondence of . . . variables within and across cultures remains unanswered” (Whiting and Longabaugh 1975:135). 3.4

Marshall Sahlins and Elman Service’s and Culture (1960) helped initiate this trend. Their purpose, they stated in the book’s introduction, “is not to describe the actual evolution of culture, but rather to argue in favor of several general principles that we believe are fundamental to the theory of ” (1960:1). Chapters in Evolution and Culture discuss “The Principle of Stabilization,” “The Law of Cultural Dominance,” and “The Law of Evolutionary Potential.” The most cited chapter involves Sahlins’s effort to bring White’s and Steward’s differing approaches into a common framework. Sahlins saw White’s work as involving general evolution and Steward’s as concerning specific evolution. Sahlins wrote, “general cultural evolution . . . [involved the] passage from less to greater energy transformation. . . . Specific evolution is the . . . ramifying, historic passage of culture along its many lines, the adaptive modification of particular cultures” (1960:38). Where specific evolution might be perceived as adaptation moving from more homogeneous structures toward more heterogeneous ones, general evolution involved a progressive movement toward “all- around adaptability”(see 1960:16, 37). Drawing on an idea from Steward, Sahlins suggested a proposition that was later elaborated by Service: Different societies had different levels of social integration (1960:21-22).

In Primitive Social Organization: An Evolutionary Perspective (1962), Service described three stages of cultural evolution – bands, tribes, and chiefdoms. One might note Service helped establish the popularity of these perceived stages - bands, tribes, chiefdoms, states - through his 1958 textbook (Service 1958) and Primitive Social Organization this present work, cf. Ortner (Ortner 1984:132). He suggested that each stage had its own distinct form of social integration. He wrote that hunters and gatherers formed cohesive bands as a result of “familistic bonds of kinship and marriage which by their nature can integrate only the relatively small and simple societies that we call bands.” Tribal social solidity derives from certain “-tribal solidarities which can integrate several bandlike societies” into one unit. Chiefdoms, by contrast, involve “specialization, redistribution, and the related centralization of authority” (1962:181). (Service contrasted chiefdoms with states that have “a bureaucracy employing legal force.”)

What did their colleagues make of these ideas? The American Anthropologist reviews of Evolution and Culture and Primitive Social Organization focused on a perennial problem with the trend. The review of Evolution and Culture claimed that “the authors haven’t seriously investigated any of [the] principles [discussed], nor do they give any sign of an intention to do so, nor do they express any diffidence about the usefulness of their untested concepts or the validity of their untested hypotheses” (Naroll 1961:390). The review of Primitive Social Organization stated: “Chapters 3, 4, and 5 dealing with bands, tribes, and chiefdoms . . . [are mostly] devoted to defining the criteria of the specific levels [of integration]. This leaves little [room for] . . . more than a listing of . . . examples with discussion devoted primarily to problem cases. The reader, in effect, is left to accept the type societies on authority” (Lane 1964:152). Not that Service did not warn readers: “This book is rife with speculation and conjecture,” he writes in the first chapter. And in concluding the book, Service adds “what seem to be needed are more evolutionary studies designed to reveal those things that actually are related, for only in the course of evolutionary change are such functional connections fully revealed” (Service 1962:10, 184

Roy Rappaport’s Pigs for the Ancestors (1968) approached cultural adaptation differently, emphasizing the regulatory role of ritual in maintaining a community’s ecological viability (Rappaport 1984 [1968]:224, 374, 380 ff.). He perceived the 200 Tsembaga he studied in highland New Guinea as more than simply a cultural collectivity. He viewed them as a biotic community that sought to stay in balance with its environment.

Addressing the flaw in the two works just cited, Rappaport focused on the specific ethnographic “processes by which systems maintain their structure.” He summarized his thesis this way: “The regulatory function of ritual among the Tsembaga . . . helps to maintain an undegraded environment, limits fighting to frequencies that do not endanger the existence of the regional population, adjusts man-land ratios, facilitates trade, distributes local surpluses of pig . . . and assures people of high-quality protein when they most need it” (Rappaport 1984 [1968]:224).

[Clarifying these remarks, in a subsequent commentary written 16 years later, he adds: “the aim of the book was not to account for either the presence or the origin of the ritual cycle, and it was not asserted that the regulatory functions ascribed to the cycle could not be fulfilled by other mechanisms. The ritual cycle was taken as a given and the aim of the book was simply to elucidate it place in the operation a particular system during a particular period in its history” (Rappaport 1984 [1968]:354). Rappaport emphasized he was more concerned with “the processes by which systems maintain their structure” rather than with adaptive “change in response to environmental pressures” (Rappaport 1984 [1968]:241, cf. 414).

Criticisms of Pigs for the Ancestors centered on the degree to which Rappaport moved beyond simply suggesting that rituals had certain ecological functions to actually demonstrating it. Even today, the book remains a descriptive tour de force. But many critics feel that Rappaport never proved the postulated cause-and-effect relationships between ritual and environment. They perceive them as mostly conjecture. He accepted Friedman’s criticism that “while it is valid to describe . . . the ritual as operating to keep the pig population below a certain level, it is incorrect to claim that it is a homeostat [or regulator]. . . when no relation has been shown to exist

between the limit and the triggering of the cycle.” He continued, “I showed no intrinsic relation between women’s labor [which was asserted to be a key element in precipitating the kaiko ritual] and carrying capacity [the reputed triggering mechanism for the ritual to rebalance human-pig populations], and there may not be any” (Rappaport 1984 [1968]:334,406) – see Friedman 1974; Strathern 1985; Watson 1969.

Rappaport himself came to realize that the explanatory power of his ecological formulation was, as he phrased it, “exaggerated” (Rappaport 1984:334).

Marvin Harris, in The Rise of Anthropological Theory (1968), wrote a history of the discipline emphasizing ecological/evolutionary theory (which he termed “cultural materialism”). One need only read Lowie’s 1937 History of Ethnological Theory to see how it had been marginalized by the Boasians in their tellings and re-tellings of the discipline’s history. “The reader. . . [is] forewarned that, while this book is a history of anthropological theories, it is intended to prove a point rather than to provide an encyclopedia inventory of all the figures who have in any degree ever made suggestions concerning the causes of sociocultural phenomena,” Harris writes (Harris 1968:5). “The essence of cultural materialism” is that it directs attention to the interaction between behavior and environment [and emphasizes] . . . that group structure and ideology are responsive to . . . material conditions” (Harris 1968:659, see also 4, 520). Harris continues: “The vindication of the strategy of cultural materialism . . . lies in the capacity of the approach to generate major explanatory hypotheses which can be subjected to the tests of ethnographic and archaeological research” (Harris 1968:687). Harris, Cows, Pigs, Wars, and Witches (1974), Cannibals and Kings (1977). Harris published his book in 1968, at a critical time in anthropology. With the discipline expanding in the late 1960s, a new recounting of its past was needed to convey its new sense of respectability. Harris’s account filled this need in a way that thrilled supporters of the evolutionary approach.

Rather, Harris seeks to turn Rappaport’s analysis on its head by making ecological concerns – particularly population pressure and land carrying capacity – the reasons for certain rituals, even though, as Harris admits, the ritual occurs well before “the onset of actual nutritional deficiencies or the actual beginning of irreversible damage to the environment.” (1974:66).

“There is not great mystery,” he asserts, regarding how this kaiko became part of Tsembaga life: “As in the case of other adaptive evolutionary novelties, groups that invented or adopted growth cutoff institutions survived more consistently than those that blundered forth across the limit of carrying capacity” (Harris 1974:66). Extensive diachronic data - that showed how the kaiko ritual varied with ecological conditions through time - would buttress Harris’s suggestion. But he offers none.

Rappaport briefly cites Sahlins and Service in a critical footnote (Rappaport 1984 [1968]:xi) and adds a citation to Harris in the revised 1984 edition of Pigs for the Ancestors (Rappaport 1984 [1968]:350). But he ignores Harris’s explanation in Cows, Pigs, Wars, and Witches, and doesn’t even list the book in his 1984 bibliography.

Harris briefly discusses Sahlins’s analysis in Evolution and Culture of general and specific evolution, but he is critical of the analysis, asserting that a different approach would be better (Harris 1968:651-653).

Service (1962/71) Rappaport Harris (1968) (1968/84) TO WHAT DEGREE DID ANTHROPOLOGISTS FOLLOWING THESE THREE AUTHORS STRIVE TO SERIOUSLY BUILD ON THEIR WORK? (The dates in parentheses represent the years the books were published or republished as new editions.)

Number of citations examined in five 24 21 1 6 leading journals 5/10/15 years following dates of publication.

A sustained attempt to DEVELOP one 4 percent 5 percent 0 percent of the three authors’ work in a (Snow 1969) (Hallpike 1973) specific way (through reinterpreting, building on, or criticizing their respective work). Involves at least three sentences of discussion of the specified author’s work.

A sustained attempt to DISCUSS one 8 percent 5 percent 0 percent of the three authors’ work – in a (Gibbon 1972; Hines (Kim 1994) review of the literature – before 1977) presenting the anthropologist’s own perspective. Involves at least three sentences of discussion of the specified author’s work.

Relevant author’s work CITED ONLY 88 percent 90 percent 100 percent IN PASSING as a way of (Bettinger 1977; (Abruzzi 1982; (Begler 1978; demonstrating the anthropologist’s Chilungu 1976; Boeck 1994; Chaney 1978b; own competence and credibility – by Cohen 1969; Earle Boehm 1978; Diener and indicating her or his familiarity with and Preucel 1987; Brosius 1999a; Robkin 1978; the relevant literature. Often Gilman 1981; Hage Diener and Robkin Dunnell 1978; embedded in a list of citations, but 1977; Haviland 1977; 1978; Ellen 1978; Epstein 1973; may be referred to separately in one Janes 1977; Kirch Feil 1978; Hawkes Freed and Freed or, on a rare occasion, two sentences and Green 1987; 1977; Ingold 1983b; 1983; Hoffman in passing as the anthropologist is Knauft 1987; Irons 1977; Jenkins 1973; Hsu 1973; developing a certain point. Lancaster 1976; 1983; Leach 1999; Ingold 1983a; Martin 1969; Mosko Lightfoot and Jarvie 1983; 1987; O'Brien 1987; Feinman 1982; Mundkur 1978; Peebles and Kus LiPuma 1983; Nash and Wintrob 1977; Price 1977; O'Hanlon 1992; 1972; Ruyle Rice 1981; Sidrys Price 1982; Read 1973; Stahl 1993; 1976; Steponaitis and LeBlanc 1978; Thornton 1983; 1981; Thomas 1987; Sorenson 1972; Wobst 1978) Whalen 1981) Steadman and Merbs 1982)

Rappaport Festschrift: A sustained attempt to DEVELOP one of the three authors’ work in a specific way (through reinterpreting, building on, or criticizing their respective work). Involves at least three sentences of discussion of the specified author’s work.: (Gezon 1999; Kottak 1999; Wolf 1999). A sustained attempt to DISCUSS one of the three authors’ work – in a review of the literature – before presenting the anthropologist’s own perspective. Involves at least three sentences of discussion of the specified author’s work: (Biersack 1999a; Ernst 1999). Relevant author’s work CITED ONLY IN PASSING as a way of demonstrating the anthropologist’s own competence and credibility – by indicating her or his familiarity with the relevant literature: (Biersack 1999b). I left out from the categorization percentages Watanabe and Smuts (1999) because while I viewed it as belonging with the “sustained attempt to DEVELOP” category, it did not focus on Pigs for the Ancestor. I also left out Brosius (1999b) in fairness because it was dealing, again, with a different focus than Pigs for the Ancestor. It seemed reasonable not to obscure the categorization percentages by casually including articles that did not precisely fit the categorization criteria.

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 3.4 may wish to peruse: Bennet 1998; Burger 1974; Carneiro 1968; Carneiro 1979; Clifton 1976; Darnell 1977; Durham 1990; Durham 1992; Earle 1987; Haddon 1934; Harris et al 1968; Hays 1964; Heider 1972; Keesing 1974; Kemper and Phinney 1977; Lange 1965; Mead and Bunzel 1960; Murphy 1967; Murphy 1979; Orlove 1980; Rappaport 1999; Rossi 1976a; Sahlins 1964; Salome 1976; Sanderson 1977; Sanderson 1997; Service 1968; Spindler and Spindler 1959; Sponsel 1977; Steward 1968; Voget 1963; Westen 1984; White 1959; White 1968; Zubrow 1972.

3.5

In inventing , a prominent American anthropologist suggested, Lévi- Strauss created “the only genuinely original social science paradigm . . . in the twentieth century” (Ortner 1984:135).

In respect to myths, the topic dealt with here, he argues that “the true constituent units of a myth are not isolated relations but bundles of such relations and it is only as bundles that these relations can be put to use . . . to produce a meaning” (Lévi- Strauss 1963:211).

Lévi-Strauss sets out his approach in (Lévi-Strauss 1963) and then elaborates on it first in “the Myth of Asdiwal” (Lévi-Strauss 1967) and later far more extensively in a four volume study of Amerindian myths. The first volume, The Raw and the Cooked (Lévi-Strauss 1969), has achieved particular renown - partly because it clearly illuminated his approach in all its complexity and partly because of a provocative “overture” outlining the relation of his approach to musical analysis: “My intention,” he writes, is “to treat the sequences of each myth, and the myths themselves in respect of their reciprocal interrelations, like the instrumental parts of a musical work and to study them as one studies a symphony” (Lévi-Strauss 1969:26).

Lévi-Strauss viewed myth in terms of a musical composition in which, as in music, different variants of the myth represent variations on an underlying theme – frequently addressing a particular social contradiction. He suggested that myths don’t usually resolve such contradictions. Rather, a myth and its variants tend to soften a contradiction’s polarizing tensions in a way that allows people to better cope with them. [In the “Story of Asdiwal,” Lévi-Strauss writes, “all the paradoxes conceived by the [Tsimshian] . . . mind, on the most diverse planes: geographic, economic, sociological . . . are, when all is said and done, assimilated to that less obvious yet so real paradox which marriage with the matrilateral cousin attempts but fails to resolve. But the failure is admitted in our myths, and there precisely lies its function” (Lévi-Strauss 1967:27-28). What Lévi-Strauss does with a special brilliance is “to reduce apparently arbitrary data [in, I would add, overwhelming quantities] to some kind of order” through such structural analyses (Lévi-Strauss 1969:10).]

In the “Overture” to The Raw and the Cooked (1969) Lévi-Strauss addressed a question frequently raised by his critics: Whose “order” was being represented in his analyses – his own, or that of the people he was studying? Lévi-Strauss offered an intriguing answer. “If the final aim of anthropology is to contribute to a better knowledge of objectified [human] thought . . . it is in the last resort immaterial whether in this book the thought processes of the South American Indians take shape through the medium of my thought, or whether mine take place through the medium of theirs.

What matters is that the human mind, regardless of the identity of those who happen to be giving it expression, should display an increasingly intelligible structure as a result of the doubly reflexive forward movement of two thought processes acting one upon the other” (Lévi-Strauss 1969:13).

In the early 1900s, the Belgian anthropologist Arnold Van Gennep had postulated three stages to rituals of passage (such as those concerned with the change from a child to an adult). These were separation (i.e., exclusion from the society), margin (i.e., liminality), and aggregation (i.e., reintegration into the society). Turner built on Van Gennep’s work focusing on the middle or liminal state, which he felt embodied an anti-structural quality – a way of relating distinct from the demarcations and separations of normal social structures. “The liminal group,” he wrote, “is a community . . . of comrades and not a structure of hierarchically arrayed positions. This comradeship transcends distinctions of rank, age, [and] kinship position” (1967:100). (see also The Ritual Process (Turner 1969).Turner perceived “two alternative ‘models’ for human interrelatedness, juxtaposed to one another. The first involved society as a structured, differentiated, and often hierarchical system of politico-legal-economic positions. . . . The second, which emerges recognizably in the liminal period, is of society as an unstructured or rudimentarily structured and relatively undifferentiated communitas, community, or even communion of equal individuals” (1969:96). He suggested that for both religious and secular groups, “a fairly regular connection is maintained between liminality, structural inferiority, lowermost status, and structural outsiderhood . . . [involving] . . . such universal human values as peace and harmony . . . fertility, health of mind and body, universal justice . . . and brotherhood” (1969:134).

In concluding The Ritual Process, Turner suggested that society “seems to be a . . . dialectical process with successive phases of structure and communitas. There would seem to be – if one can use such a controversial term – a human ‘need’ to participate in both modalities” (1969:203). It is a powerful vision that gave new impetus to the study of rituals, especially when Turner extended his approach, as he did in later work, to include historical events in Western societies. (He analyzed Saint Francis of Assisi, Thomas Becket, and the Hell’s Angels (Turner 1969; Turner 1974).

But Turner fell prey to the same criticisms as Lévi-Strauss did regarding why we should trust his interpretations. Turner couldn’t demonstrate that his analyses were anything more than symbolic guessing. (Regarding symbolic guessing, see Turner 1967:26.) Gluckman, his former teacher, suggested that structure/anti-structure distinction was too rigid, for example. The two were more entwined, one with the other, than Turner suggested (Gluckman and Gluckman 1977:242) (see also Deflem 1991:19). Schwartz observed in his American Anthropologist review, that “Ritual - the situation from which Turner derives communitas via liminality - is usually not spontaneous or unstructured, nor is it ungoverned by norms” (Schwartz 1972:906). Morris suggests that Turner often missed “the ideological nature of religious symbolism” - meaning the political dynamics enacted through and embedded in rituals (Morris 1987:259).

== An Interesting Note:

In a quirk of history, Turner first discovered Van Gennep’s work in the Hastings, England Public Library while waiting for an American visa to take up a position at Cornell (Deflem 1991:7).

Believing that are caught up in webs of meaning that they themselves shape as well as are shaped by, Clifford Geertz sought to interpret the webs of meaning that bind people together in groups. Geertz, who conducted fieldwork in sites ranging from Bali to Morocco, has been described as “one of the foremost figures in the reconfiguration of the boundary between the social sciences and the humanities in the second half of the twentieth century” (Ortner 1999:1).

Lindholm asserts, “Clifford Geertz is undoubtedly modern America’s best-known, most quoted, and most intellectually influential cultural anthropologist. . . . he has found an admiring audience in disciplines as diverse as history, literary theory, and philosophy” (Lindholm 1997:214). We might also take note of another distinguishing feature: No other cultural anthropologist, to my knowledge, has ever won the National Book Critics Circle award.

Let me focus here on his most famous volume, The Interpretation of Cultures and, specifically, on its two most famous chapters, “” and “Deep Play” (which covers Balinese cock fighting). “When scholars from the humanities . . . cite an anthropologist,” one anthropologist noted, “it is more often than not Geertz . . . and usually it is Geertz on thick description or Geertz on the cockfight” (Spencer 1996:538). (Intriguingly, the American Anthropologist never reviewed The Interpretation of Cultures.)

Geertz writes in a famous passage, “Believing, with Max Weber, that man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun, I take culture to be those webs and the analysis of it to be . . . not an experimental science in search of law but an interpretive one in search of meaning” (1973:5)

In discussing “thick” description, Geertz suggests, “it is not against a body of uninterpreted data, radically thinned descriptions, that we must measure the cogency of our explications, but against the power of the scientific imagination to bring us into touch with the lives of strangers” (1973:16).

Geertz interprets the Balinese cockfight as a dramatization of status concerns and fears enacted on a public stage. He writes: “Attending cockfights and participating in them is, for the Balinese, a kind of sentimental education. What he [the Balinese]

learns there is what his culture’s ethos and his [private] sensibility . . . look like when spelled out externally in a collective text” ” (1973:449). Building on this point, Geertz writes, “the culture of a people is an ensemble of texts . . . which the anthropologist strains to read over the shoulders of those to whom they properly belong” (1973:452).

“Cultural analysis is (or should be) guessing at meanings,” Geertz suggests. But there remains the question of how we should judge his guesses. In respect to his Balinese material, other anthropologists have challenged Geertz’s interpretation on a number of points. One writes: “When Geertz discusses the aims and nature of interpretive theory, he seems more interested in possibility than in tangibility” (Shankman 1984:264). Readers are left – as with Lévi-Strauss and Turner – wondering why one particular interpretation is more valid than another.

Ortner suggests: “Attacked by the positivists for being too interpretive, by the critical studies scholars as being too politically and ethically neutral [cf. Keesing 1987], and finally by the interpretivists . . . as being to invested in a certain concept fo culture, Geertz has frequently gotten it from all sides” (Ortner 1999:1).

“The inability of interpretive theory to offer criteria for criteria for evaluating . . . different interpretations . . . poses a formidable barrier to claims of theoretical superiority” over more positivist orientations (Shankman1984:265).

In a critique of Lévi-Strauss, Geertz writes: “That Lévi-Strauss should have been able to transmute the romantic passion of Tristes Tropiques into the hypermodern intellectualism of La Pensée Savauge is surely a startling achievement. But there remain questions one cannot help but ask. Is this transmutation science or alchemy? . . . Is Lévi-Strauss writing . . . a prolegomenon to all future anthropology? Or is he, like some uprooted intelligence cast away on a reservation, shuffling the debris of old traditions in a vain attempt to revivify a primitive faith whose moral beauty is still apparent but from which both relevance and credibility have long since departed” (Geertz 1973:359). Geertz remarks that Turner “can expose some of the profoundest features of social process, but at the expense of making vividly disparate matters look drably homogeneous” (Geertz 1983:28). Lévi-Strauss criticizes Turner, noting “ritual is not a reaction to life; it is a reaction to what thought has made of life. It is not a direct response to the world . . . it is a response to the way man thinks of the world” (Lévi-Strauss 1981:681). From the literature I have examined, Lévi-Strauss appears not to have engaged with Geertz - cf. (Shankman 1984:86).

Turner is the most positive of the three. He affirms his agreement with Geertz on certain points (Turner 1975:147). and acknowledges Lévi-Strauss’s criticism of his work (Turner 1975:147-148).

Lévi-Strauss (1969) Turner (1969) Geertz (1973) TO WHAT DEGREE DID ANTHROPOLOGISTS FOLLOWING THESE THREE AUTHORS STRIVE TO SERIOUSLY BUILD ON THEIR WORK? (The dates in parentheses represent the years the books were published or republished as new editions.)

Number of citations examined in five 17 18 38 leading journals 5/10/15 years following dates of publication.

A sustained attempt to DEVELOP one 18 percent 6 percent 5 percent of the three authors’ work in a (Gould 1978; Hage (Holloman 1974) (Asad 1983; specific way (through reinterpreting, 1979; Spiro 1979) Keller 1983) building on, or criticizing their respective work). Involves at least three sentences of discussion of the specified author’s work.

A sustained attempt to DISCUSS one 13 percent 6 percent 5 percent of the three authors’ work – in a (Guindi and Read (Hazan 1984) (Chaney 1978b; review of the literature – before 1979; Utley 1974) Kennedy 1978) presenting the anthropologist’s own perspective. Involves at least three sentences of discussion of the specified author’s work.

Relevant author’s work CITED ONLY 69 percent 89 percent 89 percent IN PASSING as a way of (Bolton 1984; Brown (Aguilar 1984; (Abeles 1988; demonstrating the anthropologist’s 1984; Carroll 1978; Bledsoe 1984; Da Adams 1978; own competence and credibility – by Carroll 1979; Matta 1979; Atkinson 1983; indicating her or his familiarity with Fernandez 1974; Firestone 1978; Boddy 1988; the relevant literature. Often Hartzler 1974; Hill Fluehr-Lobban Boehm 1978; embedded in a list of citations, but 1984; Hooper 1983; 1979; Guyer 1984; Chaney 1978a; may be referred to separately in one Kaplan 1974; Hanna 1979; Karp Drummond 1977; or, on a rare occasion, two sentences Luhrman 1984; 1974; Knauft 1979; Evens 1983; in passing as the anthropologist is Peacock 1984; Kolenda 1984; Galaty 1983; developing a certain point. Wierzbicka 1984) Lebra 1978; Godelier 1978; Marcus 1978; Hefner 1983a; Peacock 1984; Hefner 1983b; Stirrat 1984; Hendricks 1988; Wengle 1984; Hollan 1988; Westen 1984) Knapp 1988; Lambek 1988; Low 1988; Mitchell 1988; Myers 1988; Parker 1988; Potter 1988; Rice 1983; Ridington 1988; Rodin, et al. 1978; Rosaldo 1983; Sangren 1988; Schieffelin 1983; Schwartzman 1977; Shore 1983; Singer 1977; Tennekoon 1988; Thayer 1983; Whiteley 1987; Wierzbicka 1988)

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 3.5 may wish to peruse: Alexander 1991; Anonymous n.d.; Biersack 1989; Boyer 1996; Crapanzano 1995; Crick 1982; Desk 1988; Foster 1985; Geertz 1968; Josselin de Jong 1996; Keesing 1974; Keesing 1985; Keesing 1987; Leach 1965; Leach 1970; Leach 1989; MacNeille 1996; Maranda 1979; Oliver 1959; Peacock 1968; Pouillon 1996; Robinson 1983; Scheper-Hughes 1995; Shweder 1985; Shweder 1988; Turner 1968; Yalman 1964.

3.6

Among the early works were: Wissler The American Indian (1917), Kroeber Cultural and Natural Areas of North America (1939), and Kroeber and Driver Quantitative

Expression of Cultural Relationships (1932) as well as the Kulturkreis analyses of Graebner’s Methode der Ethnologie (1911). There were also important studies such as Mooney's The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890 (1965 [1896], Linton's Acculturation in Seven American Indian Tribes (1940), and Wilson and Wilson's The Analysis of Social Change, Based on Observations in Central Africa (1945). ), Redfield's The Primitive World and Its Transformations (Redfield 1957), and Spindler's Sociocultural and Psychological Processes of Menomini Acculturation (Spindler 1955b). We should also acknowledge the ethnohistorians such as Fenton’s studies of the Iroquois (Fenton 1941; Fenton 1957; Fenton 1987; Fenton 1998) and Vansina’s studies of Central Africa (Vansina 1961; Vansina 1966; Vansina 1968).

We might highlight two works that few cite today but in their time thrilled the field: Wissler’s 1914 “The Influence of the Horse in the Development of Plains Culture” and Richardson and Kroeber’s 1940 Three Centuries of Women’s Dress Fashions. Finally, readers of Wolf (1982) might appreciate knowing that as far back as 1908 Bernheim asserted: "primitive peoples . . . should be a subject of history. There are no peoples without history” in (Thomas 1956:169 -- quoted by Koppers). Michel Foucault:

The French scholar Michel Foucault used history to discover how submerged structures of power shaped important Western (especially French) institutions – from the treatment of the insane to the development of the medical profession to patterns of imprisonment. While Foucault wasn’t technically an anthropologist, he had an air “of the anthropologist about him, [involving] a greater attention to the fit of institutions in a society than to the dynamics of change” (Rothman 1978:1).

“At the beginning of the nineteenth century,” Foucault writes, “the great spectacle of physical punishment disappeared” (Foucault 1979 [1977]:14). Torture stopped. It was replaced “by a punishment that acts in the depth on the heart, the thoughts, the will, the inclinations” – the “soul rather than the body” he states quoting Maltby (1979:16).

Foucault framed what he perceived as changes in the “political economy of the body”– how the body was controlled and regulated by others – in terms of changes in the political economy of society (1979:25, 77, 87). “Is it surprising,” he asks in respect to the rise of capitalist orientations in industry, “that prisons resemble factories, schools, barracks, [and] hospitals” in respect to the rise of new disciplined regimes such as organizing behavior according to regimented time schedules? (1979:228) Such “discipline produces subject and practised bodies, ‘docile’ bodies,” Foucault writes. “Discipline increases the forces of the body (in economic terms of utility) and diminishes these same forces (in political terms of obedience)” (1979:138). These broader and more continuous control mechanisms of discipline can be perceived as the ‘dark side’ of the bourgeoisie rise to power (1979:22). Control is more subtle and, at the same time, more all pervading. The politics of such discipline regimens comes clear in the fact that “prisons do not diminish the crime rate” (1979:265). Rather prisons - or more precisely those who move in and out of them in cyclic patterns - differentiates off a set of acts and actors, from the larger mass of workers, who it then

marginalizes and, at the same time, makes more observable. “The [in]carceral texture of society assures both the real capture of the body and its perpetual observations; it is, by its very nature, the apparatus of punishment that conforms most completely to the new economy of power and the instrument for the formation of knowledge that this very economy needs” (1979:304, see also 224).

Reviewers repeatedly highlight two problems regarding Discipline and Punish. First, Foucault tended to work by analogy, showing how similar processes operated in different areas of French society rather than demonstrating historical or causal connections between the two. To quote Rothman again, “he constructs his argument not by mapping precise lines of influence from one institution to another but by defining broad similarities of approach” (1978:26).

Goldstein writes “the usual criteria of historical scholarship cannot be used to assess [Foucault’s work] . . . it is more like metahistory. The analysis is highly abstract, as befits its vast scope, and Foucault never marshals the concrete and specific evidence that historians crave” (Goldstein 1979:117).

Second, Foucault asserted, “where there is power there is resistance” (Smart 1985:77). While readers can find suggestions of resistance - in the public disruptions of royal hangings, for example - the resistance he describes tends to be at a vague, abstract level. We don’t see real people taking real actions. A reviewer observed, “Foucault’s is a history without significant actors, a history filled with disembodied . . . forces” (Goldstein 1979:117).

[Related to this, Foucault does not examine how the controls of the prison work out in practice (or the larger discipline in the larger society). Shelley notes, citing Sykes’s Society of Captives, “the prison fails to consolidate its control because the population is unwilling and the rulers are defective” (Shelley 1979:1510). Control in prisons - then and now - was (and is) far more open, far more negotiated, than Foucault portrays it to be. In offering a clear, indeed brilliant, vision of a key transformation in Western history, Foucault then touches only lightly on the actual processes and causes involved and the forms of resistance engendered by it. Perhaps it is for this reason that his English translation (but not the original French version) ends with the assertion: his book “serve[s] as a historical background to . . . studies of . . . power . . . and the formation of knowledge in modern society” (1979:308).

In Europe and the People Without History (1982), Eric Wolf demonstrated that non- Western groups did not lack history in our sense of the term. In fact, for over 500 years their history has been part of our history – they have been entwined with Western systems of trade and exchange. As Worsley noted in his review of Europe and the People Without History (Wolf 1982) “after . . . [Wolf’s] book, anthropology will never be quite the same” (Worsley 1984:170). Asad provides a fair summary of Wolf’s project: “to demonstrate that societies typically studied by anthropologists have been continuously changed over the past five centuries by global political-economic forces . . . two explicit assumptions are made . . . first, that no society is completely self-contained or unchanging, and, second, that a proper understanding of societal linkages and transformations must start from an analysis of the material processes in which all social groups are involved - the production, circulation, and consumption of wealth” (Asad 1987:594; cf. Wolf 1982:390).

Take, for example, the early American fur trade. Wolf writes: “wherever it went, the fur trade brought with it contagious illness and increased warfare. Many native groups were destroyed, and disappeared entirely; others were decimated, broken up, or driven from their original habitats. Remnant populations sought refuge with allies or grouped together with other populations, often under new names and ethnic identities” (1982:193). In respect to the African slave trade, Wolf observes, “the Tallensi [a group described in a famous ethnography] . . . were formed from a fusion of original inhabitants of the country with immigrants headed by slave-taking chiefs” ” (1982:230). Wolf’s point is that the ethnographic groups anthropologists study are frequently the “outcome of a unitary historical [economic] process” (1982:230) or, phrased another way, “the global processes set in motion by European expansion constitute their history” as well as our history (1982:385).

In contrast to such world systems theorists as Gunter Frank (Frank 1970; Frank 1998) and Wallerstein (Wallerstein 1974; Wallerstein 1980; Wallerstein 1989), Wolf is interested not only in how forms of production in the European periphery effected the development of European capitalism at the European center but in the variable reactions that took shape across the breadth of the periphery from center-periphery interactions: how, in his words, “a general dynamic, capitalism . . . gave rise to a variability of its own” (1982:266). To give his wide-ranging chronological and ethnographic analysis intellectual coherence, Wolf focuses on the interactions, through time, of three “modes of production” that allow him to “deal with the spread of the capitalistic mode and its impact on world areas where social labor was allocated differently” (1982:76). The capitalist mode, he perceives as controlling the “means of production, buys labor power, and puts it to work continuously expanding surpluses by intensifying productivity through an ever-rising curve of technological inputs” (1982:78). The tributary mode entails a primary producer, such as a cultivator or herdsmen, who “is allowed access to the means of production, while tribute is exacted from him by political or military means” (1982:80). And a kinship mode involves “shareholders in social labor . . . through marriage and filiation” or, claims to resources through a “kinship license” (1982:92, 91).

The book’s problem is that, in a manner not dissimilar to Foucault, Wolf tends to discuss the abstract dynamics of capitalism rather than how real people in specific locations had their lives shaped and re-shaped by capitalistic forces. A reviewer of Europe and the People without History phrased it this way: “the work . . . ends with the movement of commodities and with the movement of people as just another commodity. There is little about the self-movements of people.” (Worlsey 1984:173).

[As Asad observes, “few anthropologists would have had the courage to write it”(Asad 1987:607). Yet it suffers from a noticeable failing: It talks far more about the localization of capitalism - in diverse locales around the world - than about the locals, the actual people, who shaped and re-shaped capitalism in the process of succumbing to it. Asad suggests “another book remains to be written . . . the story of transformations . . . within which . . . people . . . make their history” (1987:607). It is one thing to suggest that Tallensi are a cultural construction of the slave trade, for example. But where is this substantiated? (see 1982:230 vs. 412-413).

Through two key books, Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities (1981) and Islands of History (1985), Marshall Sahlins demonstrated how bringing cultural structures together with actual historical events allows us to better understand historical events – especially in terms of indigenous responses to Western contact. Sahlins focused on Captain James Cook’s 1778-79 visit to Hawaii.

In the interactions of Europeans with Hawaiians, Sahlins suggested, was “a possible theory of history, of the relation between structure [i.e. culture] and event [i.e. history] beginning with the proposition that the transformation of a culture is a mode of its reproduction” (1985:138).

“Culture may set the conditions to historical process, but it is dissolved and reformulated in material practice . . . . The great challenge of an is not merely to know how events are ordered by culture,” Sahlins writes, “but how, in that process the culture is reordered. How does the reproduction of a structure becomes [sic] its transformation?” (1981:7-8).

Cook was drawn into the Makahiki, a Hawaiian ritual celebrating the New Year, during his visit to Kealakekua Bay. He was perceived, according to both British and Hawaiian accounts, as a manifestation (though not an actualization) of the Hawaiian atua Lono. (Though atua is often translated into English as “god,” it might be better phrased as conveying a sense of the divine.)

Sahlins suggested that Cook’s sudden murder, at Kealakekua Bay on February 14, 1779, “was not premeditated . . . but neither was it an accident, structurally speaking. It was the Makahiki in a historical form” in which Lono was praised with offerings and then symbolically dismissed (or killed) to return again the following year (1981:24).

Wolf wrote that an “older anthropology had little to say . . . about the major forces driving the interaction of cultures since 1493" (1982:ix). In fact a host of works within American anthropology directly addressed this issue. Wolf simply did not refer to them. One might note Mooney (1965[1896]), Barber (Barber 1941), and Hill (Hill 1944) on the ghost dance religion, or, more broadly, Service (Service 1955) and Wolf

(Wolf 1957) himself on how Europeans shaped post-conquest social organization in the Americas. Sahlins’s perspective on Cook, without the theory or details, was basically enunciated by Gavan Daws in 1968 (Daws 1968). Sahlins dismisses Daws in a footnote without giving him credit for the analysis (1981:74).

Sahlins, in Islands of History (which came out three years after Wolf’s Europe and the People without History), offers a brief one-sentence nod to Wolf’s perspective. Sahlins is concerned with Cook’s role as “Adam Smith’s global agent” – as a spreader of capitalism – but he never seriously takes up Wolf’s analysis of capitalism (1985:131). And while concerned with how Cook used “tolerance for the pursuit of domination,” Sahlins never refers to Foucault (though other writings demonstrate that he is clearly familiar with him).

Foucault Wolf (1982) Sahlins (1981/ (1977/79) TO WHAT DEGREE DID 1985) ANTHROPOLOGISTS FOLLOWING THESE THREE AUTHORS STRIVE TO SERIOUSLY BUILD ON THEIR WORK? (The dates in parentheses represent the years the books were published or republished and in Sahlins’ case when his two separate books were published

Number of citations 18 37 47 examined in five leading journals 5/10/15 years following dates of publication.

A sustained attempt to 0 percent 0 percent 2 percent DEVELOP one of the (Ohnuki-Tierney 1995) three authors’ work in a specific way (through reinterpreting, building on, or criticizing their respective work). Involves at least three sentences of discussion of the specified author’s work.

A sustained attempt to 0 percent 5 percent 6 percent DISCUSS one of the three (Cowlishaw 1987; Kelly (Kaplan 1990; Lampland authors’ work – in a 1992) 1991; Rumsey 2000) review of the literature – before presenting the anthropologist’s own perspective. Involves at least three sentences of discussion of the specified author’s work.

Relevant author’s work 100 percent 95 percent 91 percent CITED ONLY IN PASSING (Bentley 1984; (Ammerman 1987; Asad, (Astuti 1995; Barber 1996; as a way of Bentley 1987; et al. 1997; Bender 1992; Basso 1989; Bauer 1996; demonstrating the Bercovitch Bentley 1987; Brumfiel Besteman 1996; De Munck anthropologist’s own 1994; Desjarlais 1992; Burton 1992; 1996; Desjarlais 1996; Dixon competence and 1994; Donham Carrier 1992; Christian 1991; Finney 1991; Gillespie credibility – by indicating 1994; Edwards 1987; Colby 1987; 2000; Gulbrandsen 1995; her or his familiarity with 1989; Farnell Comaroff 1987; Conklin Habe, et al. 1996; Hantman the relevant literature. 1994; Harkin 1997; Durrenberger and 1990; Hastrup and Elsass Often embedded in a list 1994; Palsson 1987; 1990; Heald 1991; Keane of citations, but may be Jacquemet Durrenberger and 1991; Kipp 1995; Kuper 1986; referred to separately in 1992; Knauft Tannenbaum 1992; Earle Lominitz-Adler 1991; Maddox one or, on a rare 1987; Kurtz and and Preucel 1987; Edens 1995; Mageo 1996; Malarney occasion, two sentences Nunley 1993; 1992; Ernest 1997; 1996; Masco 1995; Miller in passing as the Mitchell 1989; Friedman 1992; Gold and 1991; Mosko 1991; Mosko anthropologist is Ortner 1984; Gujar 1997; Griffith 1987; 1995; Munn 1990; Orlove developing a certain Peteet 1994; Griffith, et al. 1992; 1986; Ortner 1995; Pauketat point. Rushforth 1994; Headland 1997; Kurtz and Emerson 1991; Piot Scheper- 1987; Lee 1992; Medick 1995; Redman 1991; Robben Hughes 1987; 1987; Messick 1987; 1989; Roberts 1985; Sanjek Scott 1992; Nader 1997; Nettle 1997; 1991; Saris 1996; Saunders Yang 1989) Rodman 1987; Roseman 1995; Sivaramakrishnan 1996; Rutz 1987; Shott 1995; Sutton 1990; Thomas 1992; Smith 1987; 1996; Trigger 1991; Swidler 1992; Trautmann Whitehead 1995; Wolf 1990) 1992; White 1992)

Still, the unfolding of history isn’t always neatly ordered. In the (Re)turn to history, an exception to the pattern arose. A Princeton-based Sri Lankan anthropologist, , challenged Sahlins’s interpretation of Cook’s “apotheosis” as the atua Lono (Obeyesekere 1992).

At first, few challenged Obeyesekere (to Sahlins’ frustration). Sahlins finally decided that he himself had to reply to Obeyesekere and he did so in a strongly worded book, How "Natives" Think: About Captain Cook, for Example (1995). The ensuing conflict and the literature it engendered need not concern us here. (Interested readers might

turn to Borofsky 1997.) (Because of University of Chicago Press legal fears regarding How “Natives” Think, I myself was paid to verify the validity of the conclusions and citations in Sahlins’s 17 appendixes.)

== On Reviews of Sahlins’ Work And the Dynamics at Play at Kealakekua Bay

Reading reviews of Historical Metaphors by Marcus (Marcus 1982) and of Islands by Friedman (Friedman 1988) and Toren (Toren 1988), I am puzzled, at times, by their critiques. Throughout his writings, Sahlins asserts the importance of historical contingencies: he emphasizes, for example, that Hawaiians were entwined with performative structures - structures that “tend to assimilate themselves to contingent circumstances . . .[and] are . . . open to negotiation.” “The cultural order reproduces itself” in Hawaii, he asserts, “in and as change” (1985:xii). Yet these reviews criticized his overly static and structural portrayals of Hawaiian ritual. They perceived, at the ethnographic level, little of the fluid, agency-led sense of ritual Sahlins affirms in the abstract. The resolution of the problem returns us to Sahlins’s need to grasp Hawaiian understandings through the formalistic accounts of later writers. Hawaiians’ agency to shape and reshape their rituals - which both Sahlins and his critics concur on - tends to get lost in the shuffle. One is trying to infer process while giving due credence to fairly static, depictions of the contact era. Still, if one looks carefully, it remains possible to see agency clearly. One of the unanimously agreed facts - if I dare use that word - surrounding the events at Kealakekua Bay is that the priests of Lono (specifically Kanekoa, Kuakahela , Ka’ō’ō, Keli’ikea, and Omeah) supported the British well after Cook’s murder. In doing so, they were challenging - as an expression of their own agency - the very ritual cycle that gave them power. They were continuing their alliance with Cook, that is to say, after he was ritually out of season, out of sequence. The Makahiki might have been over, but the priests of Lono continued to demonstrate respect for Cook up to and well after his death. We see people resisting the accepted ritual sequence and thereby undermining the cultural basis for their own ritual power. (It eventually cost them; see Sahlins 1995:256.)

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 3.6 may wish to peruse: Bergendorff, et al. 1988; Bernstein 1995; Brown 1976; Burke 1992; Carmack 1972; Clemons 1978; Edgerton 1995; Fagan 1995; Faubion 1993; Franca 1995; Geertz 1978; Geertz 1982; Geertz 1995a; Geertz 1995b; Gledhill 1999; Hacking 1995; Hanson 1982; Hooper 1996; Howard 1982; Howe 1995; Jackson 1978; Kelly 1990; Krech 1991; Laughlin 1975; Levy 1992; Lomnitz 1996; Marcus 1995; Marshall 1999; Nash 1981; Newbury 1982; Ortner 1985; Petersen 1995; Poirier 1978; Powers 1995; Rebel 1989; Robbins 1995; Roseberry 1988; Ross 1995; Russell 1978; Sahlins 1988; Sahlins 1989; Sahlins 1993; Said 1988; Schneider 1999; Schneider and Rapp 1995;

Scull 2007; Shankman 1986; Shelley 1979; Smith 1997) (Trask 1985; Vincent 1986; Wyndham 1995a; Wyndham 1995b.

3.7

For a trend that rebelled against broad master narratives and valued pastiche in ethnographic writing (drawing bits and pieces from here and there together into an anthropological account) -- see e.g. Rabinow in (Clifford and George E. Marcus 1986:249-250), (Knauft 1996:68) -- the tenets of appear relatively coherent. One repeatedly reads about “a crisis of representation” and “uncertainty about adequate means of describing social reality” (Marcus and Fischer 1986:7, 8 ff.)

“No longer is it credible,” Fischer asserts, “for a single author to pose as an omniscient source on complex cultural settings, nor to pose those settings as distanced exotic forms without direct interaction with the author’s own society, time, and place” (Fischer 1997:370).

There is an emphasis on reflexivity - on ”working into ethnographic texts a self- conscious account regarding the conditions of knowledge production as it is being produced . . . [replacing] the observational objective ‘eye’ of the ethnographer with his or her personal . . . ‘I’” (Marcus 1994:45). There is a call for intellectual experimentation in ethnographic writing. (Marcus and Fischer’s 1986 book is subtitled, An Experimental Moment in the Human Sciences.)

“What motivates [these] experiments,” Marcus suggests, “is the recognition of a much more complex world, which challenges the traditional modes of representing cultural difference in ethnographic writing” (Marcus and Fischer 1986:168).

== On Using the Term Postmodernism

The label that is repeatedly attached to the trend by others - post-modernism - turns out not necessarily to be embraced by the trend’s key figures in their key works. It is relatively easy to find comprehensive discussions of postmodernism in recent accounts of anthropological theory (e.g., Barnard and Spencer 1996; Harris 1999; Knauft 1996; Layton 1997) as well as in broad synthetic works (e.g., Barfield 1997; Barnard and Spencer 1996). But the term - if we judge by the pages cited in each book’s index - is downplayed in both Anthropology as Cultural Critique and The Predicament of Culture. In Writing Culture, Clifford intriguingly suggests “most of us [involved in the book] were not yet thoroughly ‘post-modern’” (1986:21) – cf. Pool 1991:318-319; Sangren 1988:425.

Postmodernism portrayed itself as superseding modernism, but it would be more accurate to suggest that it amplified selected modernist tendencies. Gellner notes

post-modernism’s parallels with the Romantic Counter-Enlightenment’s opposition to positivistic ideals (Gellner 1992).

One anthropologist shrewdly noted that “fragmentation, pastiche, and the juxtaposition of images and genres had been used [to question certain established Western frames of reference since] . . . at least as early as Nietzsche’s writings. In art, this trend was foreshadowed by French impressionism and then made explicit in cubist and surreal art” (Knauft 1996:16, cf. Marcus and Fischer 1986:122-125).

A prominent literary critic noted, “incompletion is the password to modernism . . . in modernism, form is not perfect act but process and incessant revision” (Steiner 1999:3). As with the (re)turn to history, the new and old very much overlap (cf. Pool 1991:310 ff., Marcus and Fischer 1986:67-8). James Clifford and George Marcus:

“Anthropology’s premier postmodernist text,” Barnard suggests, was Writing Culture, (2000:169). James, Hockey and Dawson refer to it as “a watershed in anthropological thought” (James, et al. 1997:1). Or as Nugent noted, it involved “a benchmark publication indicating . . . possible trajectories for a postmodernist . . . anthropology” (Nugent 1996:443). The volume grew out of a 1984 School of American Research seminar.

In Writing Culture, editors James Clifford and George Marcus state that “by looking critically at one of the principal things ethnographers do - that is, write - . . . [the book seeks] to come to terms with the politics and poetics of cultural representation” (1986:vii-viii).

Clifford: “Their focus on text making and rhetoric serves to highlight the constructed, artificial nature of cultural accounts (2000:2) . . . Ethnographic truths are . . . inherently partial - committed and incomplete” (Clifford 2000:7)

[May not the vision of a complex, problematic, partial ethnography lead, not to its abandonment, but to more subtle, concrete ways of writing and reading, to new conceptions of culture as interactive and historical?” (Clifford 2000:25)

Rabinow: “When corridor talk about fieldwork becomes discourse we learn a good deal. Moving the conditions of production of anthropological knowledge out of the domain of gossip - where it remains the property of those around to hear it - into that of knowledge would be a step in the right direction” (p.253).

Marcus: “more is at stake than the mere demystification of past dominant conventions of representation. Rather, such a critique legitimates experimentation and a search for options in research and writing activity” (p. 263). [Rosaldo: The pastoral mode of writing - in the work of Evans-Pritchard and Le Roy Ladurie - “permits a polite tenderness that more direct ways of acknowledging inequality could inhibit. Its courtesy becomes respect . . . Yet the pastoral also licences patronizing attitudes of condescension, such as reverence for a simplicity ‘we’ have lost . . . the pastoral mode becomes self-serving because the shepherd

symbolizes that point beyond domination where neutral ethnographic truth can collect itself” (p. 97).

Asad: “the ethnographer’s translation/representation of a particular culture is inevitably a textual construct, that as representation it cannot normally be contested by the people to whom it is attributed . . . the process of ‘’ is [thus] inevitably enmeshed in conditions of power” (p. 163).]

“a benchmark publication indicating . . . possible trajectories for a postmodernist . . . anthropology” (Nugent 1996:443).

What is intriguing about Marcus and Fisher’s Anthropology as Cultural Critique (1986), the second key text, is that, while it is strongly criticized by those not embracing Postmodernism, it seems fairly conventional in both content and structure.

While it has been described as “an important contribution to the postmodernist discussion” (Birth 1990:549), as a “milestone” (Whitten 1988:733) and as a companion volume to Writing Culture that “instigated a wider debate” (James, Hockey and Dawson 1997:1), one has a hard time discovering - beyond such brief snippets - extended positive commentary from reviews in major anthropological journals. It appears almost universally recognized as an important book. At the same time, it is strenuously criticized (more so even than Writing Culture). This holds despite the fact that several writers - including many critics - acknowledge that Anthropology as Cultural Critique is, in many ways, a fairly conventional book. Pool writes, “the critics usually single out Writing Culture . . . and Anthropology as Cultural Critique . . . for criticism as the programmatic statements or the examples of postmodern ethnography. In fact, it is the latter book, which is perhaps the most ‘conventional’ of all the so-called postmodern anthropological texts, which receives the most attention” (1991:319).

One might divide the book into three parts.

(1) The first two chapters frame the book. Seeking to place the present “crisis of representation” in historical perspective, Marcus and Fisher write, “the current period, like the 1920s and the 1930s, . . . [is] one of acute awareness of the limits of our conceptual systems as systems” (1986:12).

[“An experimental ethnography works,” Marcus and Fischer suggest, “if it locates itself recognizably in the tradition of ethnographic writing and if it achieves an effect of innovation” (1986:40). What is sought “is not experimentation for its own sake, but the theoretical insight that the play with writing technique brings to consciousness” (1986:42).

(2) The next two chapters offer a range of illustrative experimental texts: Chapter 3 examines ways to represent “the authentic differences of other cultural subjects . . . focusing on the person, the self, and the emotions” (1986:44-46). Chapter 4 takes

“account of power relations and history within the context of their subjects’ lives” (1986:77). What is most striking, in both chapters, is the range of included. Chapter three, for example, includes not only Geertz’s “Person, Time and Conduct in Bali”, Obeyesekere’s “Medusa’s Hair,” and Crapanzano’s “Tuhami,” but also Levy’s Tahitians, Shostak’s Nisa, Rosaldo’s “Knowledge and Passion,” and Shore’s “Sala’ilua.” Chapter four includes not only Willis’s “Learning to Labour,” Taussig’s “The Devil and Community Fetishism in South America,” and Price’s “First Time,” but also Wolf’s “Europe and the People Without History” and Sahlins’s “Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities.”

(3) Chapters 5 and 6 focus on anthropology as a form of cultural critique: “The juxtaposing of alien customs to familiar ones, or the relativizing of taken-for-granted concepts . . . that lend certainty to our everyday life, has the effect of disorienting the reader and altering perception . . . [but[ the promise of anthropology as a compelling form of cultural critique has remained largely unfilled” (Marcus and Fischer 1986:111).

Marcus and Fischer write: “the idea of the ethnographer’s function as uncovering, reading, and making visible to others the critical perspectives and possibilities for alternatives that exist in the lives of his subjects is an attractive one. It is a function that anthropology has been performing abroad, and it should be a style of cultural criticism it could perform at home” (1986:133). Offering examples, in chapter six, of “epistemological critique,” Marcus and Fischer note Sahlins’s Culture and Practical Reason as well as Geertz’s Negara. Examples of “defamiliarization by cross-cultural juxtaposition” include Mauss’s The Gift and Mead’s Coming of Age in Samoa. The chapter ends with a call for recognizing that ethnographers, especially if they write cultural critiques, are writing for “diverse and critical readerships at home and abroad” that extend beyond the discipline itself (1986:164).

Critical comments regarding Anthropology as Cultural Critique focus on the same problems highlighted in respect to Writing Culture.

First, critics question how to evaluate the experimental ethnographies, if not in traditional ways. Marcus and Fischer list several standards for determining a “good ethnography” – a sense of fieldwork conditions, effective “translation” across cultural boundaries, and holism (1986:24-25).They even include “the value and quality of verifiable data” (1986:180). But these standards don’t appease critics. One critic writes: “Like Marcus and Fischer, I believe that anthropology is and ought to constitute a kind of reflexive cultural critique; unlike them, I believe that such a critique must emanate from a holistic and explicit allegiance to scientific values. Otherwise . . . it will succeed only in reproducing the hierarchically asymmetrical contrast between humanities and sciences that is one of the mystifying foundations of Western individualistic ideology” (Sangren 988:421).

Critics charge that Marcus and Fischer frequently downplay the politics of their own ploys while emphasizing the political ploys of others. As the above critic phrased it, “postmodernists feel free to mythologize, criticize, and demystify ‘realist’ arguments as hopelessly limited by the historical and cultural contingencies of their production while at the same time refusing to allow criticism of their own arguments on similar grounds” (Sangren 1988:421).

Second, many critics view Postmodernism and several of the examples referred to in _Anthropology as Cultural Critique_ as forms of self-absorbed “navel-gazing” focused less on their informants than on the anthropologists themselves. Jarvie writes: “Postmodernism offers navel-gazing (study of texts)” (in Sangren 1988:428). It is relevant to note that what Marcus and Fischer actually assert is this: In so far as texts “slide into simple confessionals . . . or into atomistic nihilism where it becomes impossible to generalize from a single ethnographer’s experience . . . they are of no particular ethnographic interest” (1986:68). Pool suggests, “no one in their right mind can read Marcus and Fischer’s remarks . . . and then claim they are appealing for nihilism and solipism” (1991:323). Still, the criticism persists.

== A Puzzle Regarding Anthropology as a Cultural Critique

We are left with a puzzle regarding Anthropology as a Cultural Critique. Why did a book that seems so inclusive in its praise, makes its arguments in a comparatively straight-forward fashion, and affirms the need for ethnographic experimentation without demanding the dismantling of the discipline’s traditions seem to arouse so many anthropologists’ ire? It relates to context. Like Lowie (1937) and Harris (1968) before them, Marcus and Fischer reframe the discipline’s history in terms that highlight their own orientations (cf. Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983 for this process on a nationalistic scale). Goldschmidt describes it as an “effort to recreate anthropology in their own image, to make what they have to say loom larger and more significant than it is” (Goldschmidt 1987:472). Like Lowie and Harris, Marcus and Fischer are fairly inclusive regarding who they depict as “the good guys.” Still, it was a political move that most anthropologists understood. Polier and Roseberry write: “ethnographic ‘textualism’ has become a formidable, and in some ways hegemonic, movement within American anthropology. . . . Institutionally, contributors to the movement are in a position to exercise extraordinary influence on the dissemination of ideas” (Polier and Roseberry 1989:245-246). Spencer adds, “there is every chance that it has set the agenda for self-criticism in American (if not British) anthropology for the next few years” (Spencer 1989:161). What one sees in the negative reviews is resistance to a wave that swept over the discipline in the late 1980s and into the 1990s (cf. Pool 1991:327-28).

Since today most anthropologists accept the need for critically analyzing the construction of their texts, one might say that the trend won out. But what is intriguing is how it won out. Essentially, it was done by a small, cohesive cadre -

Pool refers to Marcus, Fischer, Clifford and Tyler as the “central gang of four” (1991:319) with, we might say, Crapanzano, Rabinow, Taussig, and Geertz as fellow-travelers. One might well argue that the Boasians and the cultural ecologists carried out similar coups. But in the former cases it was more through “genealogical” ties - teachers drawing in graduate students who, in turn, drew in their students -- than through publications. What Marcus and Fischer and Clifford did, given that they were all at relatively small departments, was establish ties with a generation of younger anthropologists as well as their mentors (when possible). This makes their affirmation of such a wide range of ethnographies less puzzling. In contrast to earlier trends, Postmodernism gained momentum through a generational (rather than a genealogical) politics. The result, for senior anthropologists, was considerable disempowerment and, with that, a reflective questioning of where the decades-old treadmill of trends was taking the discipline. Pushed to the side, they starting questioning both the direction and dynamics of the way one trend repeatedly replaced another.

A reviewer of The Gender of the Gift called the book “a brilliant, subversive, anticomparative analysis of what gender in Melanesia is not: it . . . reveals the fictions and hegemonic ethnocentrisms in our anthropological representations of the ‘other,’ and questions our capacity to view the world from a perspective different than our own. anthropological representations of the ‘other,’ and questions our capacity to view the world from a perspective different than our own. Although implying that gender in Melanesia will continue to elude our Western understanding, Strathern shows that we can comprehend with increasing subtlety the ways we may misunderstand it . . . Strathern’s book is a remarkable and provocative effort to think through and around the constraints on Western thought” (Gewertz 1990:797-798).

First, Strathern asks, how do Melanesian senses of gender clarify our perceptions and misperceptions of gender? (Here she is emphasizing anthropology as cultural critique.) In Melanesia, she writes, “being ‘male’ or being ‘female’ emerges as a holistic unitary state under particular circumstances. In the one-is-many mode, each male or female form may be regarded as containing within it a suppressed composite identity” (1988:14). We might assume that breasts belong to women and phalluses to men, she continues, but “if people say that phalluses were stolen from women or if a phallus is treated like a fetus, it is not at all clear that we can be so certain in our evaluation on the Melanesians behalf” (1988:127). Strathern writes: “As I have construed Melanesian ideas, the person is revealed in the context of relationships . . . the relations that compose him or her [constitute] . . . an inherently multiple construct” (1988:274).

Building on this theme, the second question asks how do Melanesian gift-oriented economies shape notions of gender domination in ways that diverge from those created in more commodity–oriented economies like our own? “In a commodity- oriented economy,” Strathern writes, people “experience their interest . . . as a desire

to appropriate goods; in a gift-oriented economy, the desire is to expand social relations” (1988:143, see also 1988:134). She suggests, despite assertions to the contrary, that no permanent domination exists between men and women in Melanesian contexts. “Being active and passive are relative and momentary positions; in so far as the relevant categories of actors are ‘male’ and ‘female’ then either sex may be held to be a cause of the other’s acts; and . . . vulnerable to the exploits of the other . . . The conclusion must be that these constructions do not entail relations of permanent domination” (1988:333-4).

The third question asks how do we describe the dynamics of Melanesian sociality when they diverge from concepts, such as society, which Western anthropologists employ? “The argument of this book,” Strathern writes, “is that however useful the concept of society may be to analysis, we are not going to justify its use by appealing to indigenous [Melanesian] counterparts” (1988:3). “As I understand [the] Melanesian concept of sociality,” she continues, “there is no indigenous supposition of a society that lies over or above or is inclusive of individual acts and unique events” (1988:102).

First, it isn’t clear exactly how to evaluate Strathern’s assertions. She doesn’t provide a detailed cognitive analysis of a few or even one Melanesian group, so we are left pondering how to interpret her interpretations. She admits, “I have not presented Melanesian ideas but an analysis from the point of view of Western anthropological and feminist preoccupations of what Melanesian ideas might look like if they were to appear in the form of those preoccupations” (1988:309, see also 1988:244).

Brown observes, “just when the reader begins to formulate an objection to her position or assertions, there is a new section, disavowing, subsuming the field of objection to minor status in the scheme. These disclaimers, combined with the difficulties of the language and argument, can impede both critical debate and acceptance” (Strathern 1992:127).

Second, while Strathern criticizes how Westerners essentialize the concepts of gender and society, it is clear she has her own set of essentialisms. For example, drawing from various Melanesian groups, she suggests a general Melanesian form of sociality and aesthetic (see e.g. 1988:341). But Melanesia, especially Papua New Guinea, is perhaps the most culturally diverse region in the world. What about the hundreds of Melanesian groups she does not discuss? She replies: “Within Melanesia we are dealing with societies [her term] that cannot be counted separately because, despite the contrasts between them, as versions of one another they are implicated in one another’s ” (1988:342). The distinction between gift and consumption economies also seems somewhat overstated - see (Keesing 1992:130), Gewertz 1990:798).

Third, in reply to a set of reviews, Strathern admitted that “the book falls down. . . in its failure to be explicit about its interpretive methods” (1992:150). Again, we are left uncertain as to how we should assess her claims.

Keesing observes, “the New Guinea with which Strathern presents us is a world filled with complex, ambiguous, multivalent and contextually shifting images . . . But it is a world without terror, without violence . . . a timeless world where killing is symbolized and talked about but not practiced” (1992:133-4). “The real question,” Strathern offers in response to such criticisms, “is whether the exercise has enlarged on previous understandings” (1988:153).

== On Patterns of Citation

While some of the contributors listed in Writing Culture are cited in Anthropology as Cultural Critique, - e.g. Rosaldo, Crapanzano, Marcus, and Fischer - the ethnographic examples Marcus and Fischer cite in the latter tend to be different than those used by the contributors in the former. That is not to say there is no ethnographic overlap between the two books. Marcus consider’s Willis’s fieldwork (Willis 1981) in both books, and brief remarks regarding Rosaldo’s and Crapanzano’s ethnographies by Marcus in Writing Culture (1986:165, 192) are elaborated upon in Marcus and Fischer (1986). Fischer refers to novels by Arlen and by Kingston in both. And Pratt considers Shostak’s “Nisa” (Shostak 1983) in Writing Cultur,e which Marcus and Fischer discuss as well in Anthropology as Cultural Critique. But that is essentially the degree to which the same ethnographic texts are seriously engaged with in both texts. Given the range of texts referred to in these two books, it is a fairly low percentage. Even when there is ethnographic overlap, the discussions in Anthropology as Cultural Critique downplay reference to the analyses in Writing Culture or vice-versa.

Clifford & Marcus & Strathern TO WHAT DEGREE DID Marcus (1986) Fischer (1986) (1988) ANTHROPOLOGISTS FOLLOWING THESE THREE AUTHORS STRIVE TO SERIOUSLY BUILD ON THEIR WORK? (The dates in parentheses represent the years the books were published or republished as new editions.)

Number of citations examined in five 28 8 30 leading journals 5/10/15 years following dates of publication.

A sustained attempt to DEVELOP one 0 percent 0 percent 7 percent of the three authors’ work in a specific way (through reinterpreting, (Gershon building on, or criticizing their 2003; Hays respective work). Involves at least 1993) three sentences of discussion of the specified author’s work.

A sustained attempt to DISCUSS one 4 percent 13 percent 13 percent of the three authors’ work – in a review of the literature – before (Poewe 2001) (Crane 1991) (Aswani and presenting the anthropologist’s own Sheppard perspective. Involves at least three 2003; Kingston sentences of discussion of the 2003; Konrad specified author’s work. 1998; Ouroussoff 1993)

Relevant author’s work CITED ONLY 96 percent 88 percent 80 percent IN PASSING as a way of demonstrating the anthropologist’s (Aggarwal 2001; (Brown 1996; (Akin 2003; own competence and credibility – by Badone 1991; Bruner 2001; Battaglia 1993; indicating her or his familiarity with Barnard 1991; Escobar 1991; Cohen 1998; the relevant literature. Often Borofsky, et al. Lewis 2001; Daniels 2003; embedded in a list of citations, but may be referred to separately in one 2001; Bridgman Linnekin 1991; Dubisch 1993; or, on a rare occasion, two sentences 2001; Briggs Shore 1991; Fowler and in passing as the anthropologist is 1996; Brown Werbner 2001) Cummings developing a certain point. 1996; Carnegie 2003; Guyer 1996; Crain 1991; 1993; Hayden Crane 1991; 2003; Escobar 1991; Helmreich Helmreich 2001; 2003; Jean- Howe 2001; Klein 2003; Jean-Klein 2001; Kipnis 2003; Leavitt 1996; Kockelman Linnekin 1991; 2003; Kulick Lutzker and 1993; Li 1998; Rosenthal 2001; Maschio 1998; Lyons 2001; Maurer 2003; Murray 1991; Mosko 1998; Okely 1991; Osella and Palmer and Osella 1998; Jankowiak 1996; Parkin 1993; Piccini 1996; Reff Pina-Cabral 1991; Samuels 1993; Staples 1996; Sanjek 2003; Stasch 1991; Shore 2003; Verdery 1991; Werbner 1998; Viegas 2001) 2003)

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 3.7 may wish to peruse: Anderson 1999; Berube 2000; Biersack 1990; Birth 1990; Brown 1992; Fernandez 1990; Fischer 1999; Fischer and Marcus 1989; Frum 2000; Herbert 1999; Himmelfarb 1999; Jameson 1999; Jolly 1992; Leyner 1997; Marcus and Cushman 1982; Marrus 1998; Mendelsohn 1999; Munn 1994; Murray 1994; Nugent 1988; Parini 1998; Patai 1994; Rosaldo 1989; Sangren 2007; Steiner 1999; Taussig 1980; Wasserstrom 1998; Yagoda 1998.

3.9

According to Deborah Rhode’s In Pursuit of Knowledge: Scholars, Status, and Academic Culture: “Because academic reputation and rewards are increasingly

dependent on publication, faculty have incentives to churn out tomes that will advance their careers regardless of whether they will also advance knowledge” (Rhode 2006:11).

I noted the National Science Foundation considers “how important is the proposed activity to advancing knowledge and understanding” (NSF 2004). The Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada asks what is the “expected contribution to the advancement of knowledge” (2009).

But as the noted British anthropologist asserts: “The [grant] review process rewards people who can write good proposals even if they failed to deliver on earlier grants. Few foundations evaluate the research they fund. . . . The best credential for a fellowship is a previous fellowship. And landing a grant usually wins you more kudos than getting out the results of your research” (Kuper 2009).

Quoting Philip Salzman again, “The credibility of our [anthropological] field reports rests mainly on their uniqueness, that is, on the absence of any other reports that might present contrary ‘findings . . . that test their reliability” (Salzman 1994:35).

Robert Redfield, a noted anthropologist at the University of Chicago, studied a rural Mexican village named Tepoztlan in 1926-27. He wrote an ethnographic description of the village that focused on normative rules (Redfield 1930). Redfield portrayed neighbors as living in relative harmony. In 1943, another anthropologist, Oscar Lewis, with a different affiliation (the Interamerican Indian Institute), conducted research in the village. Focusing on observed behavior, rather than ideal norms, Lewis painted a picture of conflict and factionalism (Lewis 1951; Lewis 1960, also note: Butterworth 1972).

While many anthropologists know of the controversy, it is rarely highlighted in introductory textbooks or disciplinary histories. I examined twenty-seven introductory texts. None of them refer to the controversy: Bates 2003; Bohannan 1992; Ember 2002; Ember 2007; Ember, et al. 2007; Ferraro 2004; Harris 1993; Harris 2007; Haviland 1996; Heider 2007; Hicks 1994; Keesing 1958; Keesing 1981; Keesing 1959; Kottak 1997; Kottak 2005; Lassiter 2002; Miller 2005; Nanda 2004; Omohundro 2008; Peoples 2009; Robbins 2001; Robbins 2009; Rosman 1998; Schultz 2001; Scupin 2008; Spradely 1975.

I also examined thirteen disciplinary histories: Barnard 2000; Carneiro 2003; Darnell 2001; Erickson and Murphy 1998; Eriksen and Nielsen 2001; Harris 1968; Hatch 1973; Langness 1987; Layton 1997; Leaf 1979; McGee and Warms 2000; Moore 2004; Patternson 2001. Two, written by European anthropologists, refer to it (one being Eriksen and Nielsen’s A History of Anthropology -- (Eriksen and Nielsen 2001), the other being (Barnard 2000). No American anthropologist did despite the fact that Redfield and Lewis were both American.

Still, Redfield drew the right conclusion from the episode: “The principal conclusion that I draw from this experience is that we are all better off with two descriptions of Tepoztlan than we would be with only one of them. More understanding results from the contrast and complementarity that the two together provide. In the cases of most primitive and exotic communities we have a one-eyed view. We can now look at Tepoztlan with somewhat stereoscopic vision” (Redfield 1956:136).

The striving for originality isn’t new. Historian William Clark dates it to the German Romantic Era of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries (Clark 2006:442).

Michèle Lamont highlights its importance in How Professors Think (2009: 167, 171- 172). Originality is listed as one of the most important criteria in assessing grant applications. On the grant assessing panels studied by Lamont, 89 percent of the panelists viewed originality as a significant factor in weighing a grant application. The panelists perceived developing a new perspective, a new approach, or a new method as affirming originality.

As Thomas Kuhn notes in his classic work The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, ideas that too openly challenge the existing consensus may be rejected or ignored.

Andrew Abbot observed: “The young build their careers on forgetting and rediscovery, while the middle-aged are doomed to see the common sense of their graduate-school years refurbished and republished as brilliant new insights” (Abbott 2001:147-148). We saw this in respect to the (Re)Turn to History. Various anthropologists played up their originality by downplaying their predecessors’ work. Anthony Wallace provides a telling image: “Theory in cultural . . . anthropology is like slash-and-burn agriculture: after cultivating a field for a while, the natives move on to a new one and let the bush take over; then they return, slash and burn, and raise crops in the old field again” (Wallace 1966:1254). Also note (Levi-Strauss 1991:91- 92).

James Rule suggests in Theory and Progress in Social Science that, what seems original and innovative one day may seem less so another: A “manifestation of our troubled theoretical life is the . . . contested, and transitory quality of what are promoted as ‘state-of-the-art’ lines of inquiry. Apparently unsure of where the disciplines are headed, we are subject to a steady stream of false starts. . . . Exotic specialties arise . . . to dazzle certain sectors of the theoretical public, then abruptly lose both their novelty and their appeal” (Rule 1997:23).

My thanks to Les Sponsel for providing this informaiton on books relating to the Yanomami:

1841, Sir Robert H. Schomburgk, Reisen im Guiana und am Orinoko wahrend der Jahre 1835-1839, Leipzig, Germany. 1923, Theodor Koch-Grunberg, Vom Roraima Zum Orinoco, Vol. 3 Ethnographie, Stuttgart, Germany: Strecker and Schroder. 1953, Alain Gheerbrandt, L'expedicion Orenoque-Amazone, 1948-1950,

Paris, France: Gallimard. 1954, Alain Gheerbrandt, Journey into the Far Amazon, New York, NY: Simon and Schuster. 1956, Alfonso Vinci, Samatari (Orinoco-Amazzoni, Bari, Italy: Leonardo da Vinci Editrice. 1959, Alfonso Vinci, 1959, Red Cloth and Green Forest, London, England: Hutchinson. 1960, Pablo Anduze, Shailili-ko: Descubrimiento de las fuentes del Orinoco, Caracas, : Editor Talleres Graficas. 1960, Hans Becker, Die Surara und Pakidai: Zwei Yanomami-Stamme in Nordwest Brasilien, Hamburg, Germany: Mitteilunger aus dem Museum fur Volkerkunde. 1960, Georg Seitz, Hinter dem grunen Vorhang, Wiiesbaden, Germany: F.A. Brockhaus. 1963, Georg Seitz, People of the Rain-Forests, London, England: Heineman. 1963, Johannes Wilbert, Indios de la Region Orinoco-Ventuari, Caracas, Venezuela: Fundacion La Salle de Ciencias Naturales. 1964, Otto Zerries, Waika: Die Kulturgeschichtliche Stellung der Waika- Indianer des Oberen Orinoco im Rahmen der Volkerkunde Sudamerikas, Munich, Germany: Klauss Renner Verlag. 1965, Ettore Biocca, Yanoama: The Story of Helena Valero, a Girl Kidnapped by Amazonian Indians, New York, NY: Kodansha America (2nd edition 1996). 1968, Napoleon A. Chagnon, Yanomamo: The Fierce People, New York, NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 1969, Inga Steinvorth-Goetz, 1969, Uriji jami! Life and Beliefs of the Forest Waika in the Upper Orinoco, Caracas, Venezuela: Associacion Cultural Humboldt. 1970, Elizabeth Montgomery, With the Shiriana in Brazil, Dubuque, IO: Kendall/Hunt Publishing. 1972, Luis Cocco, Iyewei-Teri: Quince Anos entre los Yanomamos, Caracas, Venezuela: Libreria Editorial Salesiana. 1974, Kenneth I. Taylor, Sanuma Fauna: Prohibitions and Classification, Caracas, Venezuela: Fundacion La Salle de Ciencias Naturales. 1974, Otto Zerries and Meinhardt Schuster, Mahekodotedi: Monographie eines Dorfes des Waika-Indianer (Yanoama) am oberen Orinoco (Venezuela), Munich, Germany: Klauss Renner Verlag. 1974, Daniel de Barandiaran, Los Hijos de La Luna: Monografia Anthropologica Sobre los Indios Sanema-Yanoama, Caracas, Venezuela: Editorial Arte. 1976, Jacques Lizot, La Cercle des Feux: Faits et dits des Indiens

Yanomami, Paris, France: Editions du Seuil. 1976, William J. Smole, The Yanoama Indians: A Cultural , Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. 1977, Napoleon A. Chagnon, Yanomamo: The Fierce People, New York, NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 1977, Margaret Jank, , Chicago, IL: Moody. 1979, Alcida Rita Ramos and Kenneth I. Taylor, 1979, The Yanoama in Brazil 1979, Copernhagen, Denmark: IWGIA. 1982, Florinda Donner, Shabono, New York, NY: Dell Publishing Co. 1983, Napoleon A. Chagnon, Yanomamo: The Fierce People, New York, NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 1983, Comite para la Creacion de la Reserve Indigena Yanomami, Los Yanomami Venezolanos, Caracas, Venezuela: Vollmer Fundation, Inc. 1984, Helena Valero, Yo Soy Napeyoma: Relato de una mujer raptada por los Indigenas Yanomami, Caracas, Venezuela: Fundacion La Salle de Ciencias Naturales. 1984, Maria Isabel Eguillor Garcia, Yopo, Shamanes y Hekura: Aspectos Fenomenologicos del Mundo Sagrado Yanomami, Puerto Ayachucho, Venezuela: Editorial Salesiana. 1985, Tales of the Yanomami: Daily Life in the Venezuelan Forest, New York, NY: Cambridge University Press (English translation of 1978 book). 1985, Marcus Colchester, ed., The Health and Survival of the Venezuelan Yanoama, Copenhagen, Denmark: IWGIA. 1986, Jean Chaffanjon, El Orinoco y el Caura, Caracas, Venezuela: Editorial Croquis. 1990, The Population Dynamics of the Mucajai Yanomama, New York, NY: Academic Press. 1990, Johannes Wilbert and K. Simmoneau, Folk Literature of the Yanomami Indians, Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Latin American Center Publication. 1991, Kenneth R. Good with David Chanoff, Into the Heart: One Man's Pursuit of Love and Knowledge Among Yanomama, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. 1992, Dennison Berwick, Savages: The Life and Killing of the Yanomami, London, England: Hodder and Stoughton. 1992, Chagnon, Napoleon A., Yanomamo, New York, NY: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. 1992, Chagnon, Napoleon A., Yanomamo: The Last Days of Eden, San Diego, CA: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. 1995, R. Brian Ferguson, Yanomami Warfare: A Political History, Santa Fe, NM: School for American research. 1995, Alcida Rita Ramos, Sanuma Memories: Yanomami Ethnography in Times of Crisis, Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press.

1996, Mark Andrew Ritchie, Spirit of the Rainforest: A Yanomamo Shaman's Story, Island Lake, IL: Island Lake Press. 1996, Frank A. Salamone, ed., Who Speaks for the Yanomami? Williamsburg, VA: Studies in Third World Societies Publication No. 57. 1997, Franke A. Salamone, ed., 1997, The Yanomami and Their Interpreters: Fierce People or Fierce Interpreters?, Lanham, MD: University Press of America, Inc. 1997, Bruce Albert and Gale Goodwin Gomez, Saude Yanomami: Un Manual Etnolinguistico, Belem, Brasil: Musueu Paraense Emilio Goeldi. 1997, Napoleon A. Chagnon, Yanomamo, New York, NY: Harcourt Brace College Publishers. 1997, Jean Chiappino and Catherine Ales, eds., Del Microscopio a la Maraca, Caracas, Venezuela, Editorial Ex Libris. 1997, Geoffrey O'Connor, 1997, Amazon Journal: Dispatches from a Vanishing Frontier, New York, NY: E.P. Dutton. 1998, John F. Peters, Life Among the Yanomami: The Story of Change Among the Xilixana on the Mucajai River in Brazil, Orchard Park, NY: Broadview Press, Ltd. 1998, Linda Rabben, Unnatural Selection: The Yanomami, the Kayapo, and the Onslaught of , Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press. 2000, Claudia Andujar, Yanomami, Brazil: Curitiba. 2000, John D. Early and John F. Peters, The Xilixana Yanomami of the Amazon: History, , and Population Dynamics, Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Press. 2000, Mark Andrew Ritchie, Spirit of the Rainforest: A Yanomamo Shaman's Story, Island Lake, IL: Island Lake Press (Second edition). 2000, Patrick Tierney, Darkness in El Dorado: How Scientists and Journalists Devastated the Amazon, New York, NY: W.W. Norton. 2005, Robert Borofsky, ed., Yanomami: The Fierce Controversy And What We Can Learn From It, Berkeley, CA; University of California Press. 2006, Michael Dawson , Growing Up Yanomamo, Enumclaw, WA: WinePress Publishing.

As Rhode notes, “there is no guarantee that authors have actually read the sources cited. Indeed, with technological advances, they need not even trouble to type them; entire string citations can be electronically lifted from other publications. Nor does it follow that the sources listed establish the proposition for which they are cited. Even when someone checks the notes, it is generally to determine only whether particular authorities support the text, not whether they are reliable or respected among experts” (Rhode 2006:38). One might add that using software programs such as Endnotes, scholars can pull into their bibliographies scores (if not hundreds) of citations from the web -- based on various search criteria – without ever having reading them.

3.10

In looking at the anthropological drive for status, I am reminded of Max Weber’s The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1958). In Calvinism, he suggests, “the question, Am I one of the elect? . . . sooner or later [arises] . . . for every believer () . . . Favor in the sight of God is measured primarily . . . in terms of the importance of the goods produced” (110,162). “Continuous, systematic work . . . . [is] the surest and most evident proof of rebirth and genuine faith” (1958:172).

Deborah Rhode writes: “The arms race for relative status has almost no winners and many losers. . . . Few academics will achieve true eminence as scholars, and even those who do typically find that there is always someone more distinguished” (Rhode 2006:13). “Since professionals draw their self-esteem more from their own world than from the public’s . . . The front-line service that is both their fundamental task and their basis for legitimacy becomes the province of low-status colleagues and para-professionals” (Abbott 1988:119).

[“Professionals who are doing what the public imagines to be the most basic professional functions [such as teaching, especially at the lower levels] are of relatively low status in the eyes of professionals themselves. It is the ‘professionals’ professionals’ who are of high status” (Abbott 2001:146).]

Drawing on the work of a prominent British anthropologist, we might frame the effort to keep the broader public at bay – while accepting its funding – in terms of purity and pollution. Moving beyond the academic pale, makes one impure. It pollutes. The pure remain comfortably ensconced within cultural anthropology producing work that few read. (Douglas 1966),

In a way not unlike what the anthropologist James Frazer articulated in his famous classic, The Golden Bough, association with senior faculty allows junior faculty to claim some of their status for themselves (Frazer 1963 [1922]).

Critiquing Boas’ approach to history, Kroeber wrote: “the uniqueness of all historic phenomena is . . . taken for granted . . . No laws or near-laws are discovered . . . . there are no historical findings” (Kroeber 1935:542). In a biography of , Kerns writes that Steward “privately denied that his teachers – with the slight exception of – had affected his thought. His unpublished writings suggest that he saw practically no connection between his graduate training and his ideas; he considered himself a maverick and freethinker, not anyone’s disciple. (Lowie declared in print that no one in his own field, including his graduate teacher, Franz Boas, had been a ‘source of inspiration’ for him)” (Kerns 2003:5). Eric Wolf begins Europe and the People without History with a critique of the work of his former teacher, Julian Steward (Wolf 1982:14-15).

Deborah Rhode notes an interesting study in this regard. She discusses a Carnegie Foundation report in which more than a third of the faculty believed their publications were mostly assessed in terms of quantity rather than quality. (At schools with doctoral programs, the figure was over 50 percent) (Rhode 2006:46).

Deborah Rhode writes: “Researchers took twelve articles that had been published in the preceding two-and-a-half years and resubmitted them with minor changes to the same journals in which they had appeared; the authors’ names were changed, they were given less prestigious institutional affiliations, and the opening paragraphs were slightly revised. Only three of the articles were recognized as resubmissions. The other nine previously published manuscripts went through the full review process, and eight were rejected, most of them for ‘serious methodological flaws” (Rhode 2006:58-59).

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 3.9,3.10, and 3.11 may wish to peruse: Anastas 2002; Anonymous 1919; Arnst 2007; Basken 2009a; Basken 2009b; Basken 2009c; Bauerlein 2009; Bauman 2000; Bauman 2001; Beard 1939; Bender 1993; Berube 1997; Best 2006; Bourdieu 1988; Brainard 2005; Brainard 2008a; Brainard 2008b; Brainard 2008c; Brown 1954; Campbell 1999; Cohen 2007; Conley 2009; Consulting n.d. (2007?); Corbyn 2009; Darnton 1997; Dawkins 2000; Economist 2006b; Economist 2007e; Economist 2008d; Economist 2008f; Economist 2009c; English 2005; Fawcett 1999; Florence 1940; Fontana 2004; Givier 1999; Glenn 2002; Glenn 2007c; Goldenweiser 1940; Gradgrind 2007; Grafton 1997; Grafton 2006; Grafton 2007; Gravois 2007; Guterman 2008a; Guterman 2008b; Guterman 2008c; Hamilton 1997; Healy 2009; Hindo 2007; Howard 2008a; Howard 2008b; Hurlbert 1976; Insole 2008; Iyer 2000; Jenkins 1997; Jensen 2007; June 2008; Kemper 2000; Kiernan 2004; Kirn 2001; Lamont 2009; Lariviere and Gingras 2009; Lasswell 1940; Lewis 1998; Lord 1960; Lundberg 1939; Lynd 1939; Mackey 2007; Magner 2000; McFeely 2001; McHenry 2002; Mcmillen 1997; McMurty 2001; Miller 2001; Mirsky 1998; Monaghan 2009; Monastersky 2002; Monastersky 2005; Mowry 1939; Mills 2008; Nash 1997; Nicholson 2007; Oakes and Vidich 1999; Ogle 2007; Pieters and Baumgartner 2002; Prospect 1998; Read 2006; Read 2007a; Read 2007b; Reeson 2008; Schmidt 2008d; Stark 2006; Surowiecki 2007; Throsby 2007; Townsend 2005; UpFront 2007; Van Der Werf 2009; Veblen 1918; Walker 2003; Wasley 2007; Waters 2001; Weintraub 1941; Westbrook 1994; Westhoff 1995; and Wilson 1998.

CHAPTER 4 4.1

== On Coining the Term “Public Anthropology”

In chapter three, I referred to junior faculty using James Frazer’s associative principle to gain status for an idea by associating it with a high-status individual. I did this in to the course of developing the term public anthropology. In an earlier account I referred to having coined the term with Renato Rosaldo. Let me provide the full account of what transpired and readers can decide for themselves how credit for developing the term should be distributed. In seeking a name for the University of California Press Series Naomi Schneider and I were creating, I asked a range of people for suggestions. Renato suggested calling the series the “anthropology of public events.” I then reordered and shortened the phrase to “public anthropology.” I would also note that, after I rephrased the term to “public anthropology,” I pushed to popularize it – using the term in publications, University of California Press publicity, and, more generally, publicizing it throughout the discipline. Beyond his thoughtful suggestion, Renato did not contribute further to the popularizing process. I in no way want to diminish Renato’s suggestion. And I think it might be argued back and forth what coining a term specifically refers to. I am simply offering an explanation for why in an early article in the Anthropology Newsletter, I played up my association with Renato Rosaldo and now have emphasized the role I played in developing the term. It involved the politics of seeking to credentialize the term.

The term has certainly caught on. A Google search using the phrase “public anthropology” yields more than 40,000 hits. Here is a sampling: there is an Institute of Public Anthropology at California State University, Fresno(Department of Anthropology n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009b), a Public Anthropology Lecture Series at the University of Waterloo (Communications & Public Affairs 2006 (02-23), a Public Anthropology Post-Doctoral Fellowship at the Field Museum (in Chicago) (Museum 1999), a Masters Program in Public Anthropology at American University (Department of Anthropology n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009a), a faculty focus in Public Anthropology at Tufts University (Department of Anthropology n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009c), a forthcoming Public Anthropology Reviews section as well as a Public Anthropology Editor in the American Anthropologist (Anthropologist 2009; Checker, et al. 2009), a joint University of Guelph/University of Waterloo Master’s Degree in Public Issues Anthropology (Department of Anthropology n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009d), a doctoral program in Antropología de Orientación Publica at the Universidad Autonoma de Madrid in Spain (Personal Communication, Liliana Suarez-Nayaz), a Public Anthropology Initiative at Duke University (Department of Cultural Anthropology n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009), a Public Anthropology Graduate Student Working Group at the University of New Mexico (Public Anthropology 2007), and a

public anthropology category for posts at Savage Minds (Minds n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009). There are classes in Public Anthropology (with that title or a related phrasing) at various North American schools – ranging from York University, to the University of Pennsylvania, to the University of California, Berkeley.

The term is used in slightly different ways by different groups.

In the M.A. program in Public Anthropology at American University “students explore the workings of culture, power and history in everyday life and acquire skills in critical inquiry, problem solving and public communication” (Department of Anthropology n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009a).

A Tufts University web page states that “Public anthropology includes both civic engagement and public scholarship . . . in which we address audiences beyond academia. It is a publicly engaged anthropology at the intersection of theory and practice, of intellectual and ethical concerns, of the global and the local” (Department of Anthropology n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009c).

A web page discussing the Public Anthropology Initiative at Duke University highlights three areas of concern: “(1) training in public communication skills and community-based research; (2) collaborations . . . to address social problems; and (3) forums for critically reflecting upon lessons learned from public engagement” (Department of Cultural Anthropology n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009).

The Public Issues Anthropology joint program at the University of Guelph and the University of Waterloo, “explores the interface between anthropological knowledge and issues crucial to governance, public discourse and civil society” (Department of Anthropology n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009d).

And the American Anthropologist review section “will highlight anthropological work principally aimed at non-academic audiences” (Anthropologist, American 2009).

To a certain degree the discipline feels isolated from the broader society. James Frazer’s The Golden Bough (Frazer 1963 [1922]), Margaret Mead’s Coming of Age in Samoa (Mead 1928), and ’s Patterns of Culture (Benedict 1934) engaged a wide range of readers beyond the academy in stimulating, important ways during the first half of the twentieth century.

In 2000, writing in the discipline’s monthly periodical, I commented: “I am not sure if I should laugh or cry in describing American anthropology's present public status. On the one hand, anthropology is wildly popular with the wider public. One reads about anthropologists in novels, sees them in movies. . . . [But] the citations of anthropologists in literature and the popular press [aren’t] always positive. They

appear . . . [as one anthropologist noted] to often ‘reinforce negative and derogatory stereotypes’" (Borofsky 2000). A New York Times report on the 1994 American Anthropological Association’s annual meeting asked: "Who else has been studying colic and spiritualism, sex and field work, and redneck angst?"

Jim Peacock observed that the "anthropological ideas that are currently significant . . . [among the public] remain those that were developed prior to the [second world] war" (Peacock 1997:12).

What we have today, in Micaela di Leonardo's phrasing, is "anthropology without anthropologists" (Di Leonardo 1998:23).

One of the present ironies in the field is that today the best-selling anthropologically oriented books are all written by authors with little or no formal anthropological training: Anne Fadiman’s The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down (Fadiman 1997), Barbara Ehrenreich’s Nickel and Dimed (Ehrenreich 2001), ’s Guns, Germs, and Steel (Diamond 1997).

[What we have today, in Micaela di Leonardo's phrasing, is "anthropology without anthropologists" (Di Leonardo 1998:23).

One of the present ironies of the field is that the most appreciated and best selling anthropologically-oriented books today are written by authors with little or no formal anthropological training: Anne Fadiman’s The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down (Fadiman 1997), Barbara Ehrenreich’s Nickel and Dimed (Ehrenreich 2001), Jared Diamond’s Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (Diamond 1997).

== On A Precise Definition Of Public Anthropology:

Various authors have discussed (and argued) over the difference between applied anthropology and public anthropology. I would prefer to avoid delimiting their intellectual boundaries in any precise way. Public anthropology, applied anthropology, whatever. Who, beyond the discipline, really cares? The important issue, whatever we call ourselves, is doing what we can to solve the social problems at hand. The goal is helping those in need over the long-term, not delineating you from me or me from you. From my perspective, the distinction between public and applied is not something that should take up a lot of energy. The California Series in Public Anthropology was named for certain specific reasons (see http://www.publicanthropology.org/public-anthropology/). Might we leave it at that and move on?

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 4.1 may wish to peruse: Rylko-Bauer, et al. 2006. 4.2

I would note that philosophers of knowledge often perceive different “theories” of truth. For elaboration and further details, see Borofsky 1987:16-17.

Remember the New York Times review of The Bottom Billion? “Collier’s is a better book than either Sachs’s or Easterly’s for two reasons. First, its analysis of the causes of poverty is more convincing. Second, its remedies are more plausible” (Ferguson 2007:July 1, 2007, internet version).

Many policy makers have praised the book and gained inspiration from it, including Lawrence Summers (Director of President Obama’s National Economic Council) and Ernesto Zedillo (President of Mexico from 1994 to 2000) – see back of Collier’s The Bottom Billion book jacket.

John Nagl’s Learning to Eat Soup with a Knife became a key reference in rewriting the United States’ Counterinsurgency Field Manual.

But as Sarah Sewall wrote in her introduction to the University of Chicago Press’s printing of the manual, the “counterinsurgency field manual challenges much of what is holy about the American way of war. It demands significant change and sacrifice to fight today’s enemies honorably . . . Those who fail to see the manual as radical don’t understand it” (Sewall 2007:xxi).

The Report of the Commission on the Future of Higher Education produced for U. S. Secretary of Education Margaret Spellings called “on higher education to shed some of its mystery and fundamentally prove the value it delivers” (see Basken 2007).

It is a principle of social relations articulated in an anthropological classic by Marcel Mauss, The Gift (Mauss 1954).

(I noted the New York Times reported that in 1970 not one university-based scholar focused on North Vietnam and fewer than thirty students studied Vietnamese – see Butterfield 1983.)

== Some Further Thoughts On the “Do No Harm” Standard:

From my perspective, the “do no harm” standard holds anthropologists to a rather low standard. Few people hold solely to the “do no harm” standard in their personal relations. Not assisting those close to us in their times of need, not reciprocating, not helping those who help us, means cutting ourselves off from important relationships. Caring for others and being cared for by them involves more than simply not harming. We seek to help, assist, and love those to whom we are tied to in deep emotional, personal ways.

In addition, the “do no harm” standard ignores the fact that the freedom which allows us to affirm personal ethical standards – such as “do no harm” -- is contingent upon certain political contexts. Freedom, the authors of the 1980s

classic Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life write, for Americans often means “being left alone by others, not having other people’s values, ideas, or styles of life forced upon one, being free of arbitrary authority in work, family, and political life. . . . [But] if the entire social world is made up of individuals, each endowed with the right to be free of others’ demands, it becomes hard to forge bonds of attachment to, or cooperation with, other people since such bonds would imply obligations that necessarily impinge on one’s freedom” (Bellah, et al. 1985:23). Freedom comes with an obligation, the famous French writer Alexis de Tocqueville noted in his nineteenth century classic Democracy in America (Tocqueville 1945 [1840]). To assume that you can ensure your freedom by doing no harm rather than actively participating in the society, is to live off the goodwill of others, whom you are asking to assume your civic responsibilities to preserve key political structures for you.

In a changing world such as ours, one cannot assume that our freedom to decide how to lead our lives will endure simply because it is something we hold dear. The problem is that the smaller, local worlds in which we tend to live are often shaped by powerful large-scale forces and institutions beyond our small, lived-in worlds. We do not have control over these forces. Struggling against them can be time-consuming and burdensome. Nevertheless, if we accept the burden, we have the ability – through democratic action, through working with others – to resist these larger forces running roughshod over us. We have a method for restricting despotic demands, injustice, chaos, and violence. Focusing on doing no harm and doing no harm alone encourages people to opt out of this process.

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 4.2 may wish to peruse: American 1998 (Approved); American n.d.; Beard 1939; Bender 1993; Brandeis 1914; Florence 1940; Foley 1999; Goldenweiser 1940; Lasswell 1940; Lundberg 1939; Lynd 1939; Mowry 1939; Weintraub 1941; Westbrook 1994; Westhoff 1995. 4.3

In Chapter 1, I noted Boas’ activist stands during the early 1900s. I also referred to the journal of Applied Anthropology (later renamed ) founded in 1941 with a commitment to “putting plans into operation . . . to take action in problems of human relations” (Applied 1941).

Cora DuBois served with the Office of Strategic (or Intelligence) Services. She was awarded the Army’s Exceptional Civilian Award as well as the Order of the Crown by Thailand (Fowler 1991).

Anthropologists coming out of the war years, wrote Margaret Mead, “had learned that their skills could be applied fruitfully to problems affecting modern societies and the deliberations of national governments and nation states” (Mead 1973:1-2) .

The Coordinated Investigation of Micronesian Anthropology (CIMA) represented “the largest research effort in the history of American anthropology” ” (Kiste and Marshall 1999:front book flap).

In the late 1980s, applied anthropology rose again to disciplinary prominence. Where in 1972, 88 percent of the new Ph.D.s were employed in academic settings and 12 percent in non-academic settings, in 1988, 54 percent were employed in non- academic settings and only 46 percent in academic settings (Givens, et al. 1997).

Turner highlighted “two alternative ‘models’ for human interrelatedness. The first involved society as a structured, differentiated, and often hierarchical system of politico-legal-economic positions.” The second, termed anti-structure, opposed society’s formal structures, emphasizing instead alternative, less conforming orientations. He wrote that “there would seem to be – if one can use such a controversial term – a human ‘need’ to participate in both modalities” (Turner 1969:96, 203).

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 4.3 may wish to peruse: D'Andrade, et al. 1975; Veblen 1918. 4.4

== Why Moving to a more publicly oriented anthropology could personally benefit anthropologists.

Short Answer: Over the past five decades, professional autonomy has been seriously eroded in academia. Faculty today are often subordinate to (and subordinated by) bureaucratic administrators within their universities. The solution is for faculty to build alliances with public groups beyond the university. An earlier sense of professionalism involved a clear trade -- for professional service to one’s community, service that served the common good -- the community allowed professions to control their own affairs. When the bargain breaks down, as happened with the medical profession in the 1970s and 1980s when doctors dramatically raised their income levels without providing additional care to patients, the community steps in and imposes new rules on a profession. In a sense, this is what has happened with anthropologists. Not serving the common good in readily perceivable ways, university bureaucrats have stepped in and inserted a range of bureaucratic controls over them. To regain their professional autonomy, anthropologists can’t rely on university bureaucrats. They need to renew their sense of service to the broader community so they can draw on the wider community’s support in their drive for autonomy. In addressing the concerns of others, anthropologists can also address their own.

Elaboration: Some readers might ask: Has there really been a decline in faculty autonomy and authority in recent years? Here is a sample of what various experts on higher education report. Philip Altbach, Director of the Center for International Higher Education at College, notes “the balance of power in many academic institutions has shifted from the faculty to administrators”(Altbach

2001:25). George Keller, a Professor of Higher-Education Studies at the University of Pennsylvania, refers to the “increasing sway of the marketplace . . . over professional dominion . . . this shift [like various bureaucratic pressures] . . . tends to pull professors toward a . . . serving role and away from a commanding governing role where they design what the students should learn and how and when they can learn it” (Keller 2001:318-319). The internationally recognized Berkeley educator, Martin Trow, writes: “There are important and disquieting changes in the culture of the university . . . a serious decline in morale among academics arising out of their increasing workloads and a general deprofessionalization of the university teacher . . . a loss of authority by the academic community and its committees. Control is shifting to increasingly powerful university administrators and state authorities and to the market through the commercialization of research and teaching” (Trow 2001:113-114)– see also (Riesman 1980:1, 3). Data from two reports recently described in The Chronicle of Higher Education emphasize this trend. The first, referring to a soon to be published report comparing the perceptions of college faculty from around the world, observes (quoting the Chronicle), “Faculty members in the United States feel exceptionally powerless over their institutions’ affairs, being less likely than their peers in nearly every nation to report having a big say over the selection of key administrators, the budget priorities of their institutions, or their own teaching loads” (Schmidt 2009). The American Academic: The State of the Higher Education Workforce 1997-2007 observes more adjunct faculty and graduate students are taking over teaching responsibilities at schools and being paid at sub-standard wages for the jobs performed. The report indicates (again quoting the Chronicle) “one of the most striking gains was among full-time administrators, whose numbers grew at almost twice the rate of growth for full-time tenured or tenure-track professors over the decade” (Schmidt 2009). Part-time employees – adjuncts – now teach 40-60 percent of the courses offered at universities. Course enrollments, not curricular needs, often determine which courses are, and are not, taught (June 2009). Without curricular justification, administrators may drop departments that fail to bring in sufficient funding. A review of the report American Professors: A National Resource Imperiled indicates that “the visible signs of peril are a deterioration in faculty compensation in recent years, a slowing of faculty hiring, and increased reliance on nontenure-track faculty” (Kuh 1988:480). To explain the source of their power, I need to place the problem within an historical context. The notion that certain groups had the authority to control the teaching and performance of particular services as well as regulate members’ behavior – as academics traditionally have affirmed for themselves – stretches back to the guilds of medieval times. In various European towns from the twelfth to fifteenth centuries, guilds constituted associations that controlled the teaching and production of such crafts as the making of earthenware pots, the baking of bread, or the selling of particular goods. To gain control over a particular line of work, a guild needed to pay a tax to the prince, king, or town council that controlled trade in the town (Krause 1997), see also .

In nineteenth century England, service to others (rather than payment to an authority) became central to establishing professional authority. To quote the historian Daniel Duman (Duman 1979:131-132) :

The ideal of service not only became a central creed of the professions in the nineteenth century, but it also permeated public opinion, . . . The new ideology based on service as a moral imperative provided an intellectual framework in which the professions could become the essential service occupations without their members becoming a class of servants. The members of the learned professions used the ideal of service to buttress their claims to gentility. . . . The formula was clear: the professionalization process required that an occupation develop a body of technical knowledge, a system of training and testing of candidates, an ethical code, a professional association and an orientation, at least in theory, toward public service. The ideal of service also fulfilled a function for society. With the rise of industry and the apparent moral insufficiency of the old order, England was threatened by the creation of a society in which laissez-faire [or unregulated capitalism] would become a moral yardstick. For many of the social critics and novelists of the nineteenth century. . . it was apparent that some alternative to entrepreneurial society and values must be found.

Nowhere, in any of the material on professions, does it state that professionals have the power to define their authority and service solely for their own benefit, that is to say, without giving something back to the larger society. The larger society doesn’t grant professionals autonomy and authority for “doing no harm.” Professions gain their authority by delivering certain expertise to the larger society in the form of needed services. To place the trend of declining faculty autonomy in perspective, we might turn to Eliot Freidson’s analysis of medicine. (Freidson is a noted New York University medical sociologist who writes on the professions.) There is a lesson for the learning in Freidson’s analysis. “At its prime in the 1950's,” Eliot Friedson (Freidson 2001) writes, “medicine was the most highly respected occupation in the United States, excepting only that of Supreme Court Justice. The federal government was essentially passive in financing and organizing health care, restricting itself primarily to enforcing the recommendations of the organized profession” (2001:182). Physicians “were free to charge all that the pockets of their patients could yield and to decide how much charity or free care to provide to whom. . . . They were free to follow their own clinical judgment, for neither state licensing boards, state medical societies, nor local community colleagues examined their work” (2001:184). This changed in the 1970's. “Once federal health insurance had been established for the elderly . . . both the legislative and executive branches began to take active steps to control the increasing cost to taxpayers and to take some responsibility for the quality of the care paid for . . . Having large sums of money at stake, large insurance companies . . . were not inclined to protect physicians’ freedom to order whatever services they thought best and to bill whatever they had established as the going rate” (Friedson 2001:187-188).

With the expansion of medical coverage and clear proof that some doctors were making oversized profits, physicians began losing their carte blanche control over the profession. Increasingly, consumer activists and governmental bureaucracies are placing limits on the medical profession’s ability to control its practice. The medical profession’s concern for the Hippocratic oath – for “doing no harm” – remains as strong as ever. But with a perceived decline in public service has come a real decline in professional autonomy. To avoid further erosion of faculty authority and autonomy, anthropologists can learn from this example. It’s true that college and university faculty never had the same sense of service as doctors. But that doesn’t take away from the basic point: An alliance with the public, built on a renewed sense of service to those beyond the academy, would strengthen a faculty’s ability to resist the bureaucratic forces aligned against it within a university. As noted, the public today is often puzzled by what transpires within universities. Many are angry at professors’ seeming isolation and arrogance. Opening a dialogue with those beyond the academy – addressing their concerns in ways they appreciate and value – would help the broader public better understand the value of anthropology and the importance of allowing anthropologists their professional autonomy. I’m not sure there are many other options to reverse the decline in faculty autonomy and authority. University administrators aren’t eager to give up their newly gained power. And the pressures of the marketplace, which bureaucrats use to disempower faculty and empower themselves, aren’t going away soon. The financial pressures could be reduced through an major influx of funding, as occurred during the 1950s and 1960s. But that isn’t likely to happen anytime soon. Presently, enrollments are rising without corresponding increases in faculty. Instead, student-faculty ratios are rising along with the hiring of non- permanent adjunct teachers and the faculty’s inability to control important academic matters. Opening a real dialog with the public could be a win-win situation. The public would protect anthropology because it needs the insights the discipline offers, insights that bureaucrats don’t provide. And in addressing public problems in insightful ways, anthropology would flourish as a profession with autonomy and authority.

Readers interested in further exploring this subject may wish to peruse: Barber 1979; Bidwell 1969; Bledstein 1976; Bledstein 1995; Bosk 2006; Clarke 1989; Cocks and Jarausch 1990; Corwin 1979; Davison 1969; DiMaggio 1989; Dzuback 1993; Freidson 1986; Freidson 1999; Heath 1971; Henson 2002; Jarausch 1990; Jencks and Riesman 1968; Larson 1977; Massy and Zemsky 1994; Mills 1978; N/A 2003; Parker 1995; Rueschemeyer 1995; Scull 1990; Seron 2002; Stichcombe 1990; Veysey 1975; Ward 1969; Weintraub 2008; Wilson 2009.

The Yanomami controversy, touched on in Chapter 1, became public in 2000 with the publication of Darkness in El Dorado: How Scientists and Journalists Devastated the Amazon by Patrick Tierney, a journalist (Tierney 2000). Here is a sampling of what the media said. ABC News.com reported (Regush 2000): “Another red-hot scientific

scandal. This time anthropologists and geneticists are getting a noisy wake-up call.” USA Today (Vergano 2000) noted that the “face of anthropology stands riddled with charges that its practitioners engaged in genocide, criminality and scientific misconduct.” Business Week (Smith 2000) noted: “Tierney makes a persuasive argument that anthropologists for several decades engaged in unethical practices.”

In 1996 the Association decided to “no longer adjudicate claims of unethical behavior and focus its efforts [instead] . . . on an ethics education program.” http://www.aaanet.org/committees/ethics/ethrpt.htm

In respect to Chagnon, the task force felt it could not resolve some of the accusations made against him. But the report affirmed that Chagnon had “violated Venezuelan laws . . . and involved him[self ] in activities that endangered the health and well- being of the Yanomami.” (American, Anthropological Association 2002:I:44).

In 2004, Thomas Gregor and Daniel Gross, two supporters of Chagnon, wrote an article in the American Anthropologist criticizing the task force’s report (Gregor and Gross 2004).

Readers might take note of how the Association’s Executive Board’s phrased its acceptance of the “Resolution to Rescind Acceptance of the Report of the El Dorado Task Force”: “Notwithstanding that the board erred in permitting the [resolution] to be placed on the spring 2005 ballot as written . . . [as well as the fact that] the resolution contravened the law of the District of Columbia . . . and the AAA’s Articles of Incorporation . . . [and] contravened the AAA’s bylaws, in recognition of the vote . . . the executive board declares that the acceptance of the Report of the El Dorado Task Force of May 2002 is rescinded.” (AAA Executive Board Action. August 25, 2005. Anthropology News, Association Business, October 2005: 10)

Kuhn suggests that scientific revolutions come about when a particular paradigm – or framework for addressing an important set of problems – is realized to be inadequate. A new paradigm arises that proves better at solving these problems (as well as the old ones) and gradually replaces the outmoded paradigm. There is no sudden change. Instead, writes Kuhn (1970:145):

Paradigm testing [or challenging of the existing paradigm] occurs only after persistent failure to solve a noteworthy puzzle has given rise to crisis. And even then it occurs only after the sense of crisis has evoked an alternative candidate for paradigm. . . . Testing occurs as part of the competition between two rival paradigms for the allegiance of the scientific community. . . . Though a generation is sometimes required to effect the change, scientific communities have again and again been converted to new paradigms.

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 4.4 may wish to peruse: Dietze 2001; Judis 2000; Mead 2007; Mills 2000; Smith 2008; Wikipedia n.d.f; Wikipedia n.d.g. 4.5

The third fundamental principle of Partners in Health (as specified on its website) reads:

Community partnerships: Health programs should involve community members at all levels of assessment, design, implementation, and evaluation. Community health workers may be family members, friends, or even patients who provide health education, refer people who are ill to a clinic, or deliver medicines and social support to patients in their homes. Community health workers do not supplant the work of doctors or nurses; rather, they are a vital interface between the clinic and the community. In recognition of the critical role they play, they should be compensated for their work. PIH doesn’t tell the communities we serve what they need—they tell us (http://www.pih.org/pages/what-we-do/).

All NSF applications for funding are evaluated in terms of two main standards that researchers must address in their applications: What is the intellectual merit of the proposed activity? “How important is the proposed activity to advancing knowledge and understanding within its own field or across different fields?” What are the broader impacts of the proposed activity? Among the impacts emphasized is: “What may be the benefits of the proposed activity to society?” (For the full description of these, see http://www.nsf.gov/pubs/2007/nsf07544/nsf07544.htm - VI. A. Merit Review Criteria.)

Grantees were only required to submit project reports that provided “NSF program officers . . . with information on the progress of supported projects and the way these funds are used.” See E. Technical Reporting Requirements (http://www.nsf.gov/pubs/policydocs/pappguide/nsf10_1/aag_2.jsp )

A new section to the Reporting Requirements now reads (see http://www.nsf.gov/pubs/policydocs/pappguide/nsf10_1/aag_2.jsp

E. Technical Reporting Requirements . . .

3. Project Outcomes Report for the General Public

Within 90 days following expiration of the grant, a project outcomes report for the general public must be submitted electronically via Research.gov. This report serves as a brief summary, prepared specifically for the public, of the nature and

outcomes of the project. This report will be posted on the NSF website exactly as it is submitted and will be accompanied by the following disclaimer:

“This Project Outcomes Report for the General Public is displayed verbatim as submitted by the Principal Investigator (PI) for this award. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this Report are those of the PI and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation; NSF has not approved or endorsed its content.”

Grantees are to ensure that the report does not contain any confidential, proprietary business information; unpublished conclusions or data that might compromise the ability to publish results in the research literature; or invention disclosures that might adversely affect the patent rights or those of the organization, in a subject invention under the award. Responses are not to contain any private personally identifiable information such as home contact information, individual demographic data or individually identifiable information collected from human research participants.

Section Contents:

1. Describe the project outcomes or findings that address the intellectual merit and broader impacts of the work as defined in the NSF merit review criteria. This description should be a brief (generally, two to three paragraphs) summary of the project’s results that is written for the lay reader. Principal Investigators are strongly encouraged to avoid use of jargon, terms of art, or acronyms.

2. NSF will automatically include all publications that are provided regarding the award in the FastLane project reporting system. Other products that have resulted from the award also are to be listed. Examples of other products include collections, data sets, software, as well as educational materials.

3. Additional information.

Information regarding anticipated publication of project results, as well as any other information that would be of interest to the public also may be included in this section.

The preliminary Outreach Assessment proved moderately successful. For further details on Public Anthropology’s Outreach Assessment Project, see http://www.publicanthropology.org/public-outreach/overview/ and http://www.publicanthropology.org/public-outreach/2006-results/

Readers interested in further exploring topics covered in 4.5 may wish to peruse: Anonymous 2007; Birchard 2006d; Holmes 2006 (?); Howard 2008a; Kelderman 2009; Labi 2008a; Labi 2008b; Macleans.ca 2007; Mangan 2007; Mangan 2009; Mytelka 2009; N/A 2009a; N/A 2009b; Schmidt 2008d; Yunus 2007.

REFERENCES

Abbott, Andrew 1988 The System of Professions: An Essay on the Division of Expert Labor. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. — 2001 Chaos of Disciplines. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Abeles, Marc 1988 Modern Political Ritual. 29 (3):391-404. Aboulafia 1992 The Ideal of Democracy (Review: John Dewey and American Democracy by R. Westbrook). American Quarterly 44(284-291). Abruzzi, William S. 1982 Ecological Theory and Ethnic Differentiation among Human Populations. Current Anthropology 23 1(13-35). Adams, Guy. 2010 The Tribe that won its blood back. The Independent. May 25, 2010: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/the-tribe-that-won-its- blood-back-1981974.html Adams, Richard Newbold 1978 Man, Energy, and Anthropology: I Can Feel the Heat, But Where's the Light? American Anthropologist 80:297-309. Aggarwal, Ravina 2001 At the Margins of Death: Ritual Space and the Politics of Location in an Indo-Himalayan Border Village. American Ethnologist 28 (3):549-573. Aguilar, John 1984 Trust and Exchange: Expressive and Instrumental Dimensions of Reciprocity in a Peasant Community. Ethos 21 (1):3-53. Akin, David 2003 Concealment, Confession, and Innovation in Kwaio Women's Taboos. American Ethnologist 30 (3):381-400. Alexander, Bobby 1991 Revisited; Ritual as Social Change. Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press. Allende, Isabel 1993 The Infinite Plan. New York: HarperCollins. Altbach, Philip G. 2001 The American Academic Model in Comparative Perspective. In In Defense of American Higher Education. P.G. Altbach, P.J. Gumport, and D.B. Johnstone, eds. Pp. 11-37. Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press. Alterman, Eric 1999 Can Democracy Work? at: http://facstaff.uwww.edu/mohanp/357week4.html.

American, Anthropological Association 1998 Code of Ethics of the American Anthropological Association. Electronic Document (http://www.aaanet.org/committees/ethics/ethcode.htm.

— 2002 El Dorado Task Force Final Report. 2 vols. and preface. Electronic Document (http://www.aaanet.org/edtf/index.htm -- accessed June 2004). — n.d. Final Report of the Commission to Review the AAA Statements on Ethics, Vol. URL: http://aaanet.org/cmtes/ethics/Final-Report-of-the-Commission-to- Review-the-AAA-Statements-on-Ethics.cfm. Arlington, VA: American Anthropological Association. Ammerman, Albert 1987 A Reply to Meiklehohn's Review of The Neolitihic Transition and the Genetics of Populations in Europe. American Anthropologist 89:449-450. Anastas, Benjamin 2002 The Invisible Made Audible. New York Times Book Review March 24:19. Anderson, Perry 1999 The Origins of Postmodernity. New York: Verso. Anonymous 1919 Review: The Higher Learning in America by T. Veblen. The American Historical Review 24(4):714-715. — 2007 Times Higher Education - QS World University Rankings -- 2007. (Internet Version www.topuuniversities.com ). — n.d. The Vietnam Veterans Memorial; The Wall-USA. Website http://thewall- usa.com/mboard.asp?searchtext=guestbook. Anonymous, (Thury ?) n.d. www.coas.drexel.edu/humanities/faculty/thury/Turner2.html. (accessed 7/4/00): Victor Turner. Anthropologist, American 2009 List of Editors (Associate Editor for Public Anthropology). American Anthropologist 111(1 (March) ). Appiah, K. Anthony. 2000 Dancing with the Moon. New York Review of Books. November 16:55-60. Applebome, Peter 1994 Word for Word / Anthropology Abstracts;; A Trans-Narrating, Ethnographic Good Time Was Had by All. New York Times Sunday, December 11:Note: The quote is not in the internet version since it was an inset headline in the article itself. Applied, Anthropology -- Editor 1941 Editorial Statement. Applied Anthropology 1(1 - October-December):1-2. Appy, Christian

2006 Vietnam; The Definitive Oral History Told from All Sides. London: Ebury Press. Arnst, Catherine 2006 Health as a Birthright. BusinessWeek May 29:20. — 2007 SciTech; Bad Science. BusinessWeek December 31 2007/January 7, 2008:93. Asad, Talal 1973 Introduction. In Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter. T. Asad, ed. Pp. 9-19. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press. — 1983 Anthropological Conceptions of Religion: Reflections on Geertz. Man 18 (2):237-259. — 1987 Are There Histories of Peoples Without Europe? A Review Article. Comparative Studies in Society and History 29(3):594-607. Asad, Talal, et al. 1997 Provocations of European Ethnology. American Anthropologist 99 (4713-730). Asch, Timothy, and Napoleon Chagnon 1974 A Man Called "Bee": Documentary Educational Resources. — 1975 The Axe Fight. In Documentary Educational Resources. Ashburn, Elyse 2006 Commission Calls Colleges 'Self-Satisfied' and 'Risk Averse'. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) September 1(Volume 53, Issue 2, Page A44). — 2008 College Graduates Say Their Education Was Worth the Time and Money. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 20. Astuti, Rita 1995 "The Vezo are Not a Kind of People". American Ethnologist 22(3):464- 482. Aswani, Shankar, and Peter Sheppard 2003 The Archaeology and of Exchange in Precolonial and Colonial Roviana. Current Anthropology 44 (Supplement):S51-S78. Atkinson, Jane Monnig 1983 Religions in Dialogue: The Construction of an Indonesian Minority Religion. American Ethnologist 10 (4):684-696. Atwood, Paul 2008 Vietnam War. Encarta (Online Encyclopedia). Bacon, Francis 1975 [1605] The Advancement of Learning. London: Athlone Press. Badone, Ellen 1991 Ethnography, Fiction, and the Meanings of the Past in Brittany. American Ethnologist 18 (3):518-545.

Baker, Lee 2004 Franz Boas out of the Ivory Tower. Anthropological Theory 4(1):29-51. Bannister, Robert C. 1976 Review: Advocacy and Objectivity: A Crisis in the Professionalization of American Social Science, 1865-1905 by Mary O. Furner. Isis 67 (4, Dec.):362-264. Barber, Bernard 1941 Acculturation and Messianic Movements. American Sociological Review VI:663-669. — 1979 Review: The Rise of Professionalism by M. Sarfatti. Political Science Quarterly 94(1):155-156. Barber, Ian 1996 Loss, Change, and Monumental Landscaping: Towards a New Interpretation of the "Classic" Maaori Emergence. Current Anthropology 37 (5):868-880. Barfield, Thomas 1997 The Dictionary of Anthropology. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Barnard, Alan 1991 Writing Regional Traditions. Current Anthropology 32 (2):218-219. — 2000 History and Theory in Anthropology. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Barnard, Alan, and Jonathan Spencer, eds. 1996 Encyclopedia of Social and Cultural Anthropology. New York: Routledge. Barnett, H. G. 1940 Culture Process. American Anthropologist 42:21-48. Barnouw, Victor 1963 Culture and Personality. Homewood, IL: Dorsey Press. Barros, Francis 1970 Review: The Academic Revolution by C. Jencks & D. Riesman. The Journal of Negro Education 39(1):86-88. Basken, Paul 2007 A Year Later, Spellings Report Still Makes Ripples. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) 54(5 - September 28):A1. — 2008a Accreditors Face Call From Colleagues to Improve College Oversight. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) June 2. — 2008b College Leaders, After 'Dodging a Bullet,' Plan Accreditation Battles. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) September 23. — 2008c Education Department Acknowledges That Its Accreditation Panel Won't Meet Again. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) September 3. —

2008d Education Department, College Groups Agree on Credit-Transfer Survey. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) August 22. — 2008e Education Dept. Faces Industry Dissent Over 2 Student-Loan Rescue Plans. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 19. — 2008f In Valedictory, Spellings Urges Colleges to Change, Lest Others Change Them. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) July 18. — 2008g Key Senate Strategist Urges Colleges to Fight Accreditation Mandates. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) June 30. — 2008h Spellings Campaign Runs Low on Time, and on the Power to Persuade. The Chronicle of Higher Education August 1:A14. — 2008i Student-Loan Market Shows Small Signs of Revival. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 16. — 2008j Suit Alleges Fraud in 'Resolving' Troubled Student Loans. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) October 23. — 2008k Three Years Into Fight for Accountability, Spellings Again Seeking Traction. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) July 18. — 2009a "JAMA" Orders Whistle-Blowers to Blow Their Whistles in Private. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) March 23. — 2009b Medical 'Ghostwriting' Is Still A Common Practice, Study Shows. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) September 10. — 2009c Professor at Canada's McGill U. Admits Signing Research Generated by Drug Maker. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) August 24. Basso, Ellen 1989 Kalapalo Biography: Psychology and Language in a South American Oral History. American Anthropologist 91:551-569. Bates, Daniel G. and Ellito M. Fratkin 2003 Cultural Anthropology (Third Edition). Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Battaglia, Debbora 1993 At Play in the Fields (and Borders) of the Imaginary: Melanesian Transformations of Forgetting. Cultural Anthropology 8 (4):430-442.

Bauer, Brian 1996 Legitimatization of the State in Inca Myth and Ritual. American Anthropologist 98 (2):327-337. Bauerlein, Mark 2009 Diminishing Returns in Humanities Research. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) July 20. Bauman, M. Garrett 2001 The Devilments of Style. The Chronicle of Higher Education November 9:B5. Bauman, Zygmunt 2000 The Man from Waco. Times Literary Supplement July 7:6-7. Beard, Charles 1939 Review: Knowledge for What by R. Lynd. The American Political Science Review 33(4):711-712. Begler, Elsie B. 1978 Sex, Status, and Authority in Egalitarian Society. American Anthropologist 80(3):571-588. Bellah, Robert, et al. 1985 Habits of the Heart; Individualism and Commitment in American Life. New York: Harper & Row. Bender, Barbara 1992 Theorising Landscapes, and the Prehistoric Landscapes of Stonehenge. Man 27 (4):735-755. Bender, Thomas 1993 Intellect and Public Life: Essays on the Social History of Academic Intellectuals in the United States. Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins Press. Benedict, Ruth 1934 Patterns of Culture. New York: Houghton Mifflin. Bennet, John 1998 Classic Anthropology. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction. Bentley, G. Carter 1984 Hermeneutics and World Construction in Maranao Disputing. American Ethnologist 11(4):642-655. — 1987 Ethnicity and Practice. Comparative Studies in Society and History 29 (1):24-55. Benton, Thomas 2008 An Academic in America; On Stupidity. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) chronicle.com.com/jobs/news//2008/08/2008080101c.htm. Bercovitch, Eytan 1994 The Agent in the Gift: Hidden Exchange in Inner New Guinea. Cultural Anthropology 9 (4):498-536. Bergendorff, Steen, Ulla Hasager, and Peter Henriques 1988 Mythopraxis and History: On the Interpretation of the Makahiki. Journal of the Polynesian Society 97(4391-408). Bergman, Mike

2003 Women Edge Men in High School Diplomas. Table A. Summary Measures of Educational Attainment of the U.S. Population: March 2002. In U. S. Census Bureau News (March 23, 2003), Vol. CB03-51. — 2005 College Degree Nearly Doubles Annual Earnings, Census Bureau Reports. In U.S. Census Bureau News (March 28, 2005), Vol. CB05-38. Bernstein, Richard 1995 Cook Was (a)m God or (b) Not a God. New York Times May 24:C:22. Berube, Michael 1997 The Contradictions of the Job Market in English. The Chronicle of Higher Education December 19:B7. — 2000 Teaching Postmodern Fiction Without Being Sure That the Genre Exists. The Chronicle of Higher Education May 19:B4-B5. Best, Joel 2006 Flavor of the Month; Why Smart People Fall for Fads. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Besteman, Catherine 1996 Violent Politics and the Politics of Violence: The Dissolution of the Somali Nation-State. American Ethnologist 23 (3):579-596. Bettinger, Robert L. 1977 Aboriginal Human in Owens Valley: Prehistoric Change in the Great Basin. American Antiquity 41 (1):3-17. Betts, Julian, Christopher Ferrall, and Ross Finnie 2007 The Role of University Characteristics in Determining Post-Graduation Outcomes. In Analytical Studies, Branch Research (Number 292): Statistics Canada. Bidwell, Charles 1969 Review: The Academic Revolution by C. Jencks & D. Riesman. American Sociological Review 34(4):590-591. Biersack, Aletta 1989 Local Knowledge, Local History: Geertz and Beyond. In The New . A. Biersack and L. Hunt, eds. Pp. 72-96. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. — 1990 Review: The Gender of the Gift by M. Strathern. Man 25(3):559-561. — 1999a Introduction: From the "New Ecology" to the New . American Anthropologist 101 (1):5-18. — 1999b The Mount Kare Python and His Gold: Totemism and Ecology in the Papua New Guinea Highlands. American Anthropologist 101 (1):68-87. Birchard, Karen 2006a Canada's Universities Cost More Than Their American Counterparts, Study Finds. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) April 7 (Volume 52, Issue 31, Page A51). —

2006b Magazine Ranks Canadian Universities. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) November 17(Volume 53, Issue 13, Page, A 46). — 2006c Provincial Leaders Ask Canada's New Government to Spend Billions More on Higher Education. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) March 10. — 2006d Top Canadian Colleges Criticize Survey. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 12(Volume 52, Issue 36, Page A46). — 2007a Canada Moves Away From Need-Based Aid. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) September 7 (Volume 54, Issue 2, Page A49). — 2007b New Private U. Opens in Canada. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) September 7. — 2008a Canadian Universities Lag Behind U.S. in Financing, Report Says. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) July 4(Volume 54, Issue 43, Page, A 19). — 2008b A New College Challenges Canada's Public Model. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 9. Birth, Kevin K. 1990 Reading and the Righting of Writing Ethnographies. American Ethnologist 17(3):549-557. Bissell, Tom 2006 Destination Vietnam. Salon.com Jun 15. Bledsoe, Caroline 1984 The Political Use of Sande Ideology and Symbolism. American Ethnologist 11 (3):455-472. Bledstein, Burton 1976 The Culture of Professionalism. New York: Norton. — 1995 Review: The "Ture Professional Ideal" in America. Journal of Interdisciplinary History 25(4):747-750. Blog 2009 Administrative Ranks Grow Faster Than Faculty at U. of North Carolina System. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) August 17. Blumenstyk, Goldie 2008a The $375 Billion Question: Why Does College Cost So Much. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) October 3. — 2008b For-Profit Colleges Seek to Fix New Student-Loan Problem. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) July 14.

— 2009a Company Says Research It Sponsored at Pitt and Hopkins Was Fraudulent. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) September 4. — 2009b Higher Education Price Index Is Estimated to Drop but Still Exceeds Inflation. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) April 27. — 2009c Report on College Spending Trends Highlights Inequities in Financing Model. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) January 15. Boas, Franz 1912 Changes in Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants. New York: Columbia University Press. — 1938 The Mind of Primitive Man. New York: The Macmillan Company. — 1940 [1896] The Limitations of the Comparative Method. In Race, Language and Culture. F. Boas, ed. Pp. 270-280. New York: The Macmillan Company. — 1945 Race and Democratic Society. New York: J. J. Augustin. Boddy, Janice 1988 Spirits and Selves in Northern Sudan: The Cultural Therapeutics of Possession and Trance. American Ethnologist 15 (1):4-27. Boeck, Filip de 1994 'When Hunger Goes Around the Land': Hunger and Food Among the Aluund of Zaire. Man 29 (2):257-282. Boehm, Christopher 1978 Rational Preselection from Hamadryas to Homo Sapiens: The Place of Decisions in Adaptive Process. American Anthropologist 80:265-296. Boettke, Peter 2002 Review: Chaos of Disciplines by A. Abbott. Journal of Economic Literature 40(4):1230-1231. Bohannan, Paul 1992 We, The Alien; An Introduction to Cultural Anthropology. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press. Bok, Derek 2006 Our Underachieving Colleges; A Candid Look at How Much Students Learn and Why They Should Be Learning More. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Bollag, Burton 2005 Consensus Grows on Basic Skills That Colleges Should Teach, But Gauges of Those Abilities Are Poor, Report Says. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) November 7. Bolton, Giles

2007 Poor Story; An Insider Uncovers How Globalisation and Good Intentions Have Failed the World's Poor. London: Ebury Bolton, Ralph 1984 The Hypoglycemia-Aggression Hypothesis: Debate versus Research. Current Anthropology 25 (1):1-53. Borofsky, Robert 1987 Making History: Pukapukan and Anthropological Constructions of Knowledge. New York: Cambridge University Press. — 1997 Cook, Lono, Obeyesekere, and Sahlins. Current Anthropology 38(3):255-282. — 2000 To Laugh or Cry? Anthropology News February 2000:9-10. — 2002 The Four Subfields: Anthropologists as Mythmakers. American Anthropologist 104(2):463-480. Borofsky, Robert, et al. 2001 WHEN: A Conversation about Culture. American Anthropologist 103 (2):432-446. — 2005 Yanomami: The Fierce Controversy and What We Can Learn From it. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Borofsky, Robert, ed. 1994 Assessing Cultural Anthropology. New York: McGraw-Hill. Bosk, Charles 2006 Review Essay: Avoiding Conventional Understandings: The Enduring Legacy of Eliot Friedson. Sociology of Health & Illness 28(5):637-653. Bourdieu, Pierre 1988 Homo Academicus. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Bourguignon, Erika 1996 American Anthropology: A Personal View. General Anthropology 3(1):1,7-9. Bousquet, Marc 2002 The Waste Product of Graduate Education: Toward a Dictatorship of the Flexible. Social Text 20(1 ):81-104. Boyer, Pascal 1996 Symbolism. In The Social Science Encyclopedia. A. Kuper and J. Kuper, eds. Pp. 860-861. New York: Routledge. Brainard, Jeffrey 2005 A Makeover for the NIH's Peer-Review Process. The Chronicle of Higher Education March 18:A22-24. — 2008a Incompetence Tops List of Complaints About Peer Reviewers. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) August 27. —

2008b NIH Turns Blind Eye to Academics' Financial Conflicts, Audit Says. The Chronicle of Higher Education February 1:A8. — 2008c Sen. Grassley Pressures Universities on Science Conflicts and Financial Aid. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) July 25. — 2008d Too Many Secretive Strings Are Attached to Federally Financed Projects, Universities Complain. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version - - chronicle.com) July 18. Brainard, Jeffrey, Paul Fain, and Kathryn Masterson 2009 Support-Staff Jobs Double in 20 years Outpacing Enrollment. The Chronicle of Higher Education April 24(LV, 33):A1, A16-A18. Brandeis, Louis Dembitz 1914 Other People's Money -- and How Bankers Use It. Bridgman, Rae 2001 I Helped Build That: A Demonstration Employment Training Program for Homeless Youth in Toronto, Canada. American Anthropologist 103 (3):779- 795. Briggs, Charles 1996 The Politics of Discursive Authority in Research on the "Invention of Tradition". Cultural Anthropology 11 (4):435-469. Brock, William 1994 Review: The State and Social Investigation in Britain and the United States by M. Lacey and M. Furner. The Journal of American History 81(3):1280. Brosius, J. Peter 1999a Analyses and Interventions. Current Anthropology 40 (3):277-309. — 1999b Green Dots, Pink Hearts: Displacing Politics from the Malaysian Rain Forest. American Anthropologist 101 (1):36-57. Brown, Carolyn Henning 1996 Contested Meanings: Tantra and the Poetics of Mithila Art. American Ethnologist 23 (4):717-737. Brown, Francis 1954 Review: The Higher Learning in America. The Journal of American Education 25(8):453. Brown, Michael F. 1984 The Role of Words in Aguaruna Hunting Magic. American Ethnologist 11 (3):545-558. Brown, Paula 1992 Review: The Gender of the Gift. Pacific Studies 15(1):123-129. Brown, Robert 1976 The Idea of Punishment (Review: Discipline and Punish by M. Foucault). Times Literary Supplement June 16:658. Browne, Malcolm W.

1989 Physicists Debunk Claim Of a New Kind of Fusion. In New York Times. Pp. section A page 1, Vol. Wednesday, May 3. Brumfiel, Elizabeth 1992 Breaking and Entering the Ecosystem -- Gender, Class, and Fraction Steal the Show. American Anthropologist 94 (3):551-567. Bruner, Edward 2001 The Maasai and the Lion King: Authenticity, Nationalism, and Globalization in African Tourism. American Ethnologist 28 (4):881-908. Bulmer, Martin 2001 Review: Chaos of Disciplines by A. Abbott. American Journal of Sociology 107(3):818-819. Burger, Henry 1974 Review: The Rise of Anthropological Theory by M. Harris. American Anthropologist 76:576-578. Burk, Kathleen 2008 The History of the Political Summit. TimesOnLine (Times Literary Supplement -- Internet Version) April 23. Burke, Peter, 2000 A Social History of Knowledge: From Gutenberg to Diderot. Malden, MA: Polity Press. Burke, Peter, ed. 1992 Critical Essays on Michel Foucault. Hants, UK: Scolar Press. Burton, John 1992 On "First Contact" and Mythical Aborigines. American Anthropologist 94 (3):696-697. Bushong, Steven 2009 Grade Inflation Continues at Varying Pace in Colleges, Says Researcher. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) March 12. BusinessWeek 1997 Everyone Knows E=MC2 - Now Who Can Explain It? A Science Guru Wants Students to Interpret Data, Not Parrot It. BusinessWeek October 6:66- 68. — 2004 The Stat: 40 The percentage rise . . . in yearly outlay for textbooks. BusinessWeek February 23:16. — 2005a It Takes a Global Village (Review: The End of Poverty by J. Sachs). BusinessWeek 2005, April 11 (Books): Internet Version. — 2005b Thirty & Broke; The Real Price of a College Education Today. BusinessWeek (Internet Version -- businessweek.com) November 14. — 2007 Are B-Schools a Blight on the Land? (Review: From Higer Aims to Hired Hands by R. Khurana). BusinessWeek November 5:90. — 2009 Numbers: Education, Employment, and Earnings. BusinessWeek August 24 & 31:21.

Butterfield, Fox 1983 The New Vietnam Scholarship. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) February 13 (Magazine):URL: http://partners.nytimes.com/library/world/asia/021383vietnam-school.html Butterworth, Douglas 1972 Oscar Lewis 1914-1970. American Anthropologist 74:747-757. Calderisi, Robert 2006 The Trouble With Africa; Why Foreign Aid Isn't Working. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Calhoun, Daniel H. 1976 Review: Advocacy and Objectivity: A Crisis in the Professionalization of American Social Science, 1865-1905 by Mary O. Furner. Journal of Interdisciplinary History 7 (2):362-364. Campbell, Paulette 1999 NEH Official Calls for Broader Research into U.S. Humanities Policy. The Chronicle of Higher Education Juine 25:A42. Canada, Association of Universities and Colleges of 2007 Trends in Higher Education: Volume 2. Faculty -- Internet Version www.aucc.ca Ottawa,ON: Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada. — 2007 Trends in Higher Education; Volume 1. Enrolment (Internet Version -- www.aucc.ca). Ottawa, ON: Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada. — 2008 Trends in Higher Education; Volume 3. Finance (Internet Version -- www.aucc.ca). Ottawa,ON: Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada. Cantu, Blanca 2003 Canada Comes Calling; Students Head North For Lower Tuition. NYU News (Internet Version -- nyunews.com) 4/24. Carey, Kevin 2004 A Matter of Degrees: Improving Graduation Rates in Four-Year Colleges and Universities. Washington, DC: The Education Trust. Carrithers, Michael. 1990 Is Anthropology Art or Science? Current Anthropology 31, 3:263-282. Carmack, Robert 1972 Ethnohistory: A Review of Its Development, Definitions, Methods, and Aims. Annual Review of Anthropology 1972(1):227-246. Carnegie, Charles 1996 The Dundus and the Nation. Cultural Anthropology 11 (4):470-509. Carneiro, Robert L. 1968 Cultural Adaptation. In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. D. Sills, ed. Pp. 551-554, Vol. 3. New York: Macmillan. —

1979 White, Leslie Alvin. In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences: Biographical Supplement. D. Sills, ed. Pp. 803-807, Vol. 18. New York: Macmillan. — 2003 Evolutionism in Cultural Anthropology; A Critical History. Boulder, CO: Westview. Carrier, James 1992 Occidentalism: The World Turned Upside-Down. American Ethnologist 19 (2):195-212. Carroll, Michael P. 1978 Levi-Strauss on the Oedipus Myth: A Reconsideration. American Anthropologist 80 (4):805-814. — 1979 A New Look at Freud on Myth. Ethos 7 (3):189-205. Cassidy, John 2005 Always With Us? Jeffrey Sach's Plan to Eradicate World Poverty (Review: The End of Poverty by J. Sachs). In The New Yorker (Internet Version -- newyorker.com), Vol. April 11. Castaneda, Carlos. 1968 The Teachings of Don Juan: A Yaqui Way of Knowledge. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Chagnon, Napoleon 1968 Yanomamö: The Fierce People. New York: Holt, Rhinehard and Winston. — 1974 Studying the Yanomamö. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. — 1988 Life Histories, Blood Revenge, and Warfare in a Tribal Population. Science 239:985-92. Champlin, Dell P., and Janet T. Knoedler 2006 The Media, the News, and Democracy: Revisiting the Dewey-Lippman Debate. Journal of Economic Issues XL(1):135-152. Chandrasekaran, Rajiv 2006 Imperial Life in the Emerald City; Inside Iraq's Green Zone. New York: Random House. Chaney, Richard Paul 1978a Polythematic Expansion: Remarks on Needham's Polythetic Classification. Current Anthropology 19 (1):139-143. — 1978b Structures, Realities, and Blind Spots. American Anthropologist 80:589- 596. — 1993 Review: Unthinking Social Science by I. Wallerstein. American Anthropologist 95(1):193-194. Checker, Melissa, Alaka Wali, and David Vine 2009 American Anthropologist Launches Public Anthropology Reviews - Request for Submission of Review Materials. Email Announcement (Received June 15, 2009) email contact: [email protected].

Chilungu, Simeon W. 1976 Issues in the Ethics of Research Method: An Interpretation of the Anglo- American Perspective. Current Anthropology 17 (3 ):457-481. Christian, William 1987 Tapping and Defining New Power. American Ethnologist 14:140-166. Church, George 2001 Lessons From a Lost War. Time (Internet Version -- time.com) Jun 24. Ciano, Stephani 2001 Margaret Mead. URL: http://pabook.libraries.psu.edu/palitmap/bios/Mead__Margaret.html. Clark, Kim 2007a College Tuition Prices Continue to Rise; The Cost for a Year at College Rose Faster Than Inflation and Financial Aid Again This Year. In U.S. News & World Report (Internet Version -- usnews.com), Vol. October 23. — 2007b The Markdown at Harvard. U.S. News and World Report (Internet Version - USNews.com) July 28. — 2008 49 States Flunk College Affordability Test. U.S. News and World Report (Internet Version - USNews.com) December 3. Clark, William 2006 Academic Charisma and the Origins of the Research University. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Clarke, Lee 1989 New Ideas on the Division of Labor. Sociological Forum 4(2):281-289. Clarke, Peter 2007 The Last Thousand Days of the British Empire. London: Allen Lane. Clemmer, Richard O., L. Daniel Myers, and Mary Leizabeth Rudden, eds. 1999 Julian Steward and the Great Basin; The Making of an Anthropologist. Salt Lake City: Press. Clemons, Walter 1978 Men Behind Walls (Review: Discipline and Punish by M. Foucault). Newsweek January 2:61. Clifford, James. 1983 Power and Dialogue in Ethnography: Marcel Griaule's Initiation. In Observers Observed, George Stocking, ed., Pp.121-56. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.Clifford, James, and George E. Marcus, eds. 1986 Writing Culture. Berkeley: University of California Press. Clifton, James 1976 Cultural Evolution. In Encyclopedia of Anthropology. D. Hunter and N. Whitten, eds. Pp. 99-101. New York: Harper & Row. Cmiel, Kenneth 1993 Destiny and Amnesia: The vision of Modernity in Robert Wiege's The Search for Order. Reviews in American History 21(2):352-368. CNN.com 2007 Bush to Invoke Vietnam in Arguing Against Iraq Pullout. CNN.com August 22.

Cocks, Geoffrey, and Knorad Jarausch 1990 German Professions, 1800-1950. New York: Oxford University Press. Cognition, Laboratory of Comparative Human 1978 Cognition as a Residual Category in Anthropology. Annual Review of Anthropology 1978(7 ):51-69. — 1979 What's Cultural About Cross-Cultural Cognitive Psychology. Annual Review of Psychology 1979(30):145-172. Cohen, Colleen Ballerino 1998 "This is de Test": Festival and the Cultural Politics of National Building in the British Virgin Islands. American Ethnologist 25 (2):189-214. Cohen, Noam 2007 After False Claim, Wikipedia to Check Degrees. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) March 12. Cohen, Patricia 2003 Healing Humanity on His Own Terms (Book of the Times: Mountains Beyond Mountains). In New York Times, Vol. September 10. Cohen, Yehudi A. 1969 Ends and Means in Political Control: State Organization and the Punishment of Adultery, Incest, and Violation of Celibacy. American Anthropologist 71:658-687. Colby, Benjamin 1987 Well-Being: A Theoretical Program. American Anthropologist 89(879- 905). Cole, Johnetta 1995 Human Rights and the Rights of Anthropologists. American Anthropologist 97 (3):445-456. Colley, Linda 1992 Britons: Forging the Nation 1707-1837. New Haven: Yale University Press. Collier, Paul 2007 The Bottom Billion; Why the Poorest Coutnries Are Failing and What Can Be Done About it. New York: Oxford University Press. Collins, Randall 2002 Review: Chaos of Disciplines by A. Abbott. Contemporary Sociology 31(2):230-233. Colson, Elizabeth 1989 Overview. Annual Review of Anthropology 1989(18):1-16. — 1992 Social/Cultural Anthropology. In Wenner-Gren Foundation Report for 1990 and 1991. Pp. 49-61. New York: Wenner-Gren Foundation. Comaroff, John and Jean 1987 The Madman and the Migrant: Work and Labor in the Historical Consciousness of a South African People. American Ethnologist 14:191-209. Commission, Gulbenkian 1996 Open the Social Sciences; Report of the Gulbenkian Commission on the Restructuring of the Social Sciences. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

Communications & Public Affairs, University of Waterloo 2006 (02-23) Romantic Passion is Topic of Public Anthropology Lecture. University Website: http://newsrelease.uwaterloo.ca/news.php?id=4687. Conklin, Beth 1997 Body Paint, Feathers, and VCRS: Aesthetics and Authenticity in Amazonian Activism. American Ethnologist 24 (4):711-737. Conklin, Paul. K. 1992 Review: John Dewey and American Democracy by R. Westbrook). The Journal of American History 79(1):297. Conley, Dalton 2009 Elsewhere, U.S.A. New York: Pantheon. Consulting, Mark Ware n.d. (2007?) Peer Review in Scholarly Journals: Perspective of the Scholarly Community -- An International Study. Bristol, UK: Mark Ware Consulting. Content, Robin 1976 Review: Advocacy and Objectivity: A Crisis in the Professionalization of American Social Science, 1865-1905. by Mary O. Furner. Contemporary Sociology 5 (5, Sep.):684-685. Cooper, Geoge, and Gavan Daws 1990 Land and Power in Hawaii. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. Cooper, Richard N. 2005 Review: The End of Poverty by J. Sachs. Foreign Affairs (Internet Version - foreignaffairs.org) May/June. Corbyn, Zoe 2009 Retractions Up Tenfold. The Times Higher Education (Internet Version) 20 August. Corwin, Ronald 1979 Review: The Culture of Professionalism by B. Bledstein. Contemporary Sociology 8(3):377-381. Couzin-Frankel, Jennifer. 2010 Researchers to Return Blood Samples to the Yanomamo Science 4 June 2010 , Vol 328: 1218. News of the Week, Ethics. Cowen, Tyler 2007 A Way for Resource-Rich Countries to Audit Their Way Out of Corruption. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) July 12. Cowlishaw, Gillian 1987 Colour, Culture and the Aboriginalists. Man 22:221-237. Crain, Mary 1991 Poetics and Politics in the Ecuadorean Andes: Women's Narratives of Death and Devil Possession. American Ethnologist 18 (1):67-89. Crane, Gregory 1991 Composing Culture; The Authority of an Electronic Text. Current Anthropology 32 (3):293-311. Crapanzano, Vincent 1995 Review: The Story of the Lynx by C. Levi-Strauss. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) August 20. Creighton, J. E.

1916 Review: Democracy and Education by J. Dewey. The Philosophical Review 25(5):735-741. Crick, Malcom 1982 Anthropology of Knowledge. Annual Review of Anthropology 1982(11):287-313. Critser, Greg 2003 I Say It's . . . Broccoli? New York Times Book Review August 17:22. Da Matta, Roberto 1979 Ritual in Complex and Tribal Societies. Current Anthropology 20 (3):589- 590. Da Redação 2010 "A ciência não é um deus que sabe tudo", diz líder ianomâmi. Folha De S. Paulo Science São Paulo, 12 de maio de 2010 Dahl, Ophelia 2008 Director's Statement (Partners in Health), Vol. August 14, 2008. Dale, Stacy Berg, and Alan B. Krueger 1999 Estimating the Payoff to Attending a More Selective College: An Application of Selection on Observables and Unobservables. National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 7322 (August). Damico, Alfonso 1978 Individuality and Community: The Social and Political Thought of John Dewey. Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Press. D'Andrade, R. G., et al. 1975 Academic Opportunity in Anthropology, 1974-90. American Anthropologist 77(753-773). Daniels, Inge Maria 2003 Scooping , Raking, Beckoning Juck: Luck, Agency and the Interdependence of People and Things in Japan. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 9:619-638. Darnell, Regna 1977 History of Anthropology in Historical Perspective. Annual Review of Anthropology 1977(6):399-417. — 2001 Invisible Genealogies; A History of Americanist Anthropology. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Darnton, Robert 1997 George Washington's False Teeth. New York Review of Books March 27:34-38. Daubenmier, Judith 2008 The Meskwaki and Anthropologists: Action Anthropology Reconsidered. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Davison, Kenneth 1969 Review: The Academic Revolution by C. Jencks & D. Riesman. American Quarterly 21(2):378-378. Dawkins, Richard 2000 Branching Out. New York Times Book Review August 6:18-19. Daws, Gavan

1968 Kealakekua Bay Revisited; A Note on the Death of Captain Cook. Journal of Pacific History 3:21-23. De Munck, Victor 1996 Love and Marriage in a Sri Lankan Muslim Community. American Ethnologist 23 (4):698-716. Deflem, Mathieu 1991 Ritual, Anti-Structure, and Religion: A Discussion of Victor Turner's Processual Symbolic Analysis. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 30(1):1-25. Delbanco, Andrew 2005a Colleges: An Endangered Species? New York Review of Books (Internet Version -- nybooks.com) 52 4 (March 10). — 2005b The Endangered University. New York Review of Books (Internet Version -- nybooks.com) 52(5, March 24). — 2007 Scandals of Higher Education. New York Review of Books (Internet Version -- nybooks.com) 54(5). Department of Anthropology, American University n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009 Master of Arts in Public Anthropology. Department Website: http://www1.american.edu/academic.depts/cas/anthro/degree_programs.htm l#MAPA. Department of Anthropology, CSU, Fresno n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009 The Institute of Public Anthropology. Department Website: http://www.csufresno.edu/anthropology/ipa/. Department of Anthropology, Tufts University n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009 Public Anthropology. Department Website: http://ase.tufts.edu/anthropology/public.html. Department of Anthropology, University of Waterloo n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009 The Guelph-Waterloo MA Program in Public Issues Anthropology. Department Website: http://anthropology.uwaterloo.ca/MAprogram.html. Department of Cultural Anthropology, Duke University n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009 Public Anthropology Initiative. Department Website: http://www.culturalanthropology.duke.edu/PublicAnthropology.html. Deresiewicz, William 2008 The Disadvantages of an Elite Education. American Scholar (Internet Edition) Summer. Desjarlais, Robert 1994 Struggling Along: The Possibilities for Experience among the Homeless Mentally Ill. American Anthropologist 96(4):886-901. — 1996 The Office of Reason: On the Politics of Language and Agency in a Shelter for "The Homeless Mentally Ill". American Ethnologist 23 (4):880- 900. Desk, Book Review

1988 Noted With Pleasure (Comments on Works and Lives by C. Geertz). New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) March 6. Dewey, John 1916 Democracy and Education. Auckland, NZ: The Floating Press. — 1927 The Public and Its Problems; An Essay in Political Inquiry. New York: Henry Holt and Company. — 1983 [1922] Public Opinion (Review: Public Opinion by W. Lippman, Originally published in New Republic 30: 286-88). In John Dewey; The Middle Works, 1899-1924. J.A. Boydston, ed. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press. Dewey, John, Larry Hickman, and Thomas Alexander 1998 The Essential Dewey. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Di Leonardo, Micaela 1998 Exotics at home : , others, American modernity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Diamond, Jared 1997 Guns, Germs, and Steel; The Fates of Human Societies. New York: W.W. Norton & Co. Diener, Paul, and Eugene E. Robkin 1978 Ecology, Evolution, and the Search for Cultural Origins: The Question of the Islamic Pig Prohibition. Current Anthropology 19 (3):493-540. Dietze, Erich von 2001 Paradigms Explained: Rethinking Thomas Kuhn's Philosophy of Science. Westport, CT: Praeger. Difelciciantonio, Richard 2008 America's Damaging Lack of Investment in Higher Education. In The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com), Vol. June 27 (Commentary). Diggins, John 1993 Review: John Dewey and American Democracy by R. Westbrook. Reviews in American History 21(1):116-120. Dillard, Annie 1989 The Writing Life. New York: Harper & Row. Dillon, Sam 2005a Literacy Falls for Graduates from College, Testing Finds. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) December 16. — 2005b Tution Rise Tops Inflation, But Rate Slows, Report Says. In New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com), Vol. Oct. 19. — 2008 In Test, Few Students Are Proficient Writers. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) April 3. Dillon, Wilton 1980 Margaret Mead and Government. American Anthropologist 82(319-339). DiMaggio, Paul

1989 Review: The System of Professions by A. Abbott. American Journal of Sociology 95(2):534-535. Dixon, P. J. 1991 "Uneasy Lies the Head": Politics, Economics, and the Continuity of Belief among Yoruba of Nigeria. Comparative Studies in Society and History 33 (1):56-85. Donham, Donald 1994 An Archaeology of Work Among the Maale of Ethiopia. Man 29:147-159. Douglas, Mary. 1966 Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo. London: Routlege & Kegan Paul. Doyle, William R. 2006 Running; Twice as Fast, Just to Keep Up (Playing the Numbers). Change March/April:57-58. Drezner, Daniel W. 2005 'The End of Poverty': Brother, Can You Spare $195 Billion? (Review: The End of Poverty by J. Sachs). In The New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com), Vol. April 24. Drummond, Lee 1977 Structure and Process in the Interpretation of South American Myth: The Arawak Dog Spirit People. American Anthropologist 79:842-868. Du Bois, Cora 1961 [1944] The people of Alor; a social-psychological study of an East Indian island. With analyses by Abram Kardiner and Emil Oberholzer. New York: Harper & Row. Dubisch, Jill 1993 "Foreign Chickens" and Other Outsiders: Gender and Community in Greece. American Ethnologist 20 (2):272-287. Duman, Daniel 1979 The Creation and Diffusion of a Professional Ideology in Nineteenth Century England. Sociological Review 27:113-138. Dunnell, Robert C. 1978 Style and Function: A Fundamental Dichotomy. American Antiquity 43 (2):192-202. Durham, Willam 1990 Advances in Evolutionary . Annual Review of Anthropology 1990(19):187-210. — 1992 Applications of Evolutionary Culture Theory. Annual Review of Anthropology 1992(21):331-355. Durrenberger, Paul, and Gisli Palsson 1987 Ownership at Sea: Fishing Territories and Access to Sea Resources. American Ethnologist 14:508-522. Durrenberger, Paul, and Nicola Tannenbaum 1992 Household Economy, Political Economy, and Ideology: Peasants and the State in Southeast Asia. American Anthropologist 94 (1):74-89. Dykstra, Robert R.

1976 Review: Advocacy & Objectivity: A Crisis in the Professionalization of American Social Science, 1865-1905 by Mary O. Furner. The Journal of American History 63 (1, Jun.):142-143. Dzuback, Mary 1993 Review: The Culture of Professionalism by B. Bledstein. History of Education Quarterly 33(3):375-385. Earle, Timothy K. 1987 Chiefdoms in Archaeological and Ethnological Perspective. Annual Review of Anthropology 1987(16):279-308. Earle, Timothy K., and Robert Preucel 1987 Processual Archaeology and the Radical Critique. Current Anthropology 28 (4):501-538. Easterly, William 2005 A Modest Proposal (Review: The End of Poverty by J. Sachs). In Washington Post (Internet Version -- washingtonpost.com). Pp. BW03 Vol. Sunday, March 13. — 2006 The White Man's Burden; Why th eWest's Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good. New York: The Penguin Press. Eckstein, Megan 2009 Debate Over Cost of College Starts With Who Gets to Define the Problem. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) April 29. Economist 1997 Surveys; All Must Have Degrees. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Oct 2. — 2000 Survey: Nigeria; A Tale of Two Giants. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Jan 13. — 2002 The Poll That Bob Stole. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Mar 14. — 2003 The Right to Be Well. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Dec 30. — 2004a Ever Higher Society, Ever Harder to Ascent; Whatever Happened to the Beleif that any American Could Get to the Top. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Dec. 29 (Business; Meritocracy in America). — 2004b How to Save the World; Jeffrey Sachs has some good ideas, but also some iffy ones. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Oct 28. — 2004c Who Pays to Study? The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Jan 22. — 2005a Aid to Africa; The $25 Billion Question. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Jun 30.

— 2005b Development; Recasting the Case for Aid. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Jan 20. — 2005c Looking for a Sign. The Economist November 12:86. — 2005d Rebuilding Failed States; From Chaos, Order. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Mar 3. — 2005e Surveys; Secrets of Success. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Sep 8. — 2005f Thinking Big. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Mar 17. — 2005g Universities; How Europe Fails Its Young. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Sep 8. — 2006a Development Aid; In Praise of Small Things. The Economist April 1:68-69. — 2006b Mind the Gap. The Economist September 9:76. — 2007a The Face of Oppression. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Mar 15. — 2007b How to Help the Poorest; Springing the Traps (Review: The Bottom Billion by P. Collier). The Economist July 2:71-72. — 2007c Humanitarian Aid; Weighed and Found Wanting. The Economist May 26:64-65. — 2007d Intervention and Peacekeeping; Paddy's Passion (Review: Swords and Ploughshares by P. Ashdown). The Economist June 30:94. — 2007e Money Isn't Everything. The Economist July 7:78. — 2008a Asia's Other Miracle. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Apr 24. — 2008b Failed States; Nation-Building for Dummies. The Economist June 28:91- 92. — 2008c Getting Away With Murder. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) July 1. — 2008d Going by the Book. The Economist January 12:71. —

2008e Grappling with Success. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Jan 31. — 2008f Great Minds Think (Too Much) Alike. The Economist July 19:89. — 2008g Half-Way from Rags to Riches. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Apr 24. — 2008h How to Get Him Out. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Jun 26. — 2008i Microfiance; Doing Good by Doing Very Nicely. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Jun 26. — 2008j Remittances; Follow the Money. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Jun 23. — 2008k Sachs Appeal. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) Mar 27. — 2008l Target Acquired. The Economist May 31:86. — 2009a Robert McNamara. The Economist July 11:88. — 2009b Science and Technology: The Beast That Will Not Die. The Economist (Mar 26):89-90. — 2009c What's the Score? The Economist March 14:83. Edens, Christopher 1992 Dynamics of Trade in the Ancient Mesopotamian "World System". American Anthropologist 94 (1):118-139. Edgerton, Robert 1995 Review: How "Natives" Think by M. Sahlins. National Review May 15:73. Edmunds, Mary, and Monique Skidmore 2004 Australian Anthropologists and Public Anthropology. 17(2):107-125. Education, National Center for Public Policy and Higher 2005 Measuring Up on College-Level Learning. San Jose, CA: National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education. — 2006 Measuring Up 2006; The National Report Card on Higher Education. San Jose, CA: National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education. Edwards, David 1989 Mad Mullahs and Englishmen: Discourse in the Colonial Encounter. Comparative Studies in Society and History 31 (4649-670). Ehrenreich, Barbara 2001 Nickel and Dimed : On (Not) Getting By in America. New York: Metropolitan Books.

Ellen, Roy F. 1978 Problems and Progress in the Ethnographic Analysis of Small Scale Human Ecosystems. Man 13 (2):290-303. Ember, Carol, Melvin Ember, and Peter Peregrine 2007 Anthropology (Twelfth Edition). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson / Prentice Hall. Ember, Carol and Melvin Ember 2002 Cultural Anthropology (Tenth Edition). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. — 2007 Cultural Anthropology (Twelfth Edition). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson / Prentice Hall. Engardio, Pete 2006 Ideas Books: Throwing Money -- and Missing. BusinessWeek April 3:132. English, James 2005 The Economy of Prestige; Prizes, Awards, and the Circulation of Cultural Value. Cambridge, MA: Harvard niversity Press. Englund, Harri. 2006 Prisoners of Freedom: Human Rights and the African Poor. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Epstein, David G. 1973 Review: Town and Country in Brazil by M. Harris. American Anthropologist 75:988-990. Erickson, Paul A., and Liam D. Murphy 1998 A History of Anthropological Theory. Orchard Park, NY: Broadview Press. Eriksen, Thomas Hylland 1992 Review: Unthinking Social Science by I. Wallerstein. Journal of Peace Research 29(2):236. Eriksen, Thomas Hylland, and Finn Sivert Nielsen 2001 A History of Anthropology. Sterling, VA: Pluto. Ernest, Waltraud 1997 Idioms of Madness and Colonial Boundaries. Comparative Studies in Society and History 39:153-181. Ernst, Thomas M. 1999 Land, Stories, and Resources: Discourse and Entification in Onabasulu Modernity. American Anthropologist 101 1(88-97). Escobar, Arturo 1991 Anthropology and the Development Encounter: The Marking and Marketing of . American Ethnologist 18 (4):658- 682. Esnault, Eric, et al.

1997 Thematic Review of the First Years of Tertiary Education - Country Note: Germany. OECD. Evens, T. M. s. 1983 Mind, Logic, and th Efficacy of the Nuer Incest Prohibition. Man 18 (1):111-133. Ewers, John 1960 Review: Lewis Henry Morgan: The Indian Journals 1859-1962 by Lewis Henry Morgan. American Anthropologist 62 (4):701-703. Experience, American n.d. Vietnam Online (An Online Companion to Vietnam: A Television History). PBS http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/vietnam/. Fadiman, Anne 1997 The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down : A Hmong Child, Her American Doctors, and the Collision of Two Cultures. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux. Fagan, Brian 1995 The Captain Cook Debate, Cont'd. Washington Post August 3:C3. Fain, Paul 2008a Sen. Grassley to Lead a Discussion on Endowment Spending and College Costs. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) August 27. — 2008b Washington's New College-Cost Crusader. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) October 25. Fall, Bernard 1965 Errors Escalated Too. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) May 16. Farago, John 1982 Review: On Higher Education by D. Reisman. The Journal of Higher Education 53(6):701-715. Farmer, Paul 2004 Pathologies of Power: Health, Human Rights, and the New War on the Poor Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Farnell, Brenda 1994 Ethno-Graphics and the Moving Body. Man 29 (4):929-974. Faubion, James 1993 History in Anthropology. Annual Review of Anthropology 1993(22):35- 54. Fawcett, Peter 1999 The Image of a Free Man: Andre Gide and the Quest for Human Truth. Times Literary Supplement November 12:4-6. Feil, D. K. 1978 'Straightening the Way': An Enga Kinship Conundrum. Man 13 (3):380- 401. Feld, Steven 1982 Sound and Sentiment. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Fenton, William

1941 Masked Medicine Societies of the Iroquois. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution. — 1957 American Indian and White Relations to 1830. New York: Russell & Russell. — 1987 The False Faces of the Iroquois. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press. — 1998 The Great Law and the Longhouse: A Political History of the Iroquois Confederacy. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press. Ferguson, Niall 2007 The Least Among Us (Review: The Bottom Billion by P. Collier). In New York Times Book Review. Pp. 10-11, Vol. July 1. Fernandez, James 1974 The Mission of Metaphor in Expressive Culture. Current Anthropology 15 (2):119-145. — 1990 Review: The Predicament of Culture by J. Clifford. American Anthropologist 92(823-824). Ferraro, Gary 2004 Cultural Anthropology; An Applied Perspective (Fifth Edition). Belmont, CA: Thomson / Wadsworth. Field, Kelly 2008a Pending Bill Would Double College Reporting Burden, Critics Say. The Chronicle of Higher Education January 25:A16. — 2008b Report Calls for Directing Federal Aid to Neediest Students. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) April 28. Finney, Ben 1991 Myth, Experiment and the Reinvention of Polynesian Voyaging. American Anthropologist 93 (2):383-404. Firestone, Melvin 1978 Christmas Mumming and Symbolic Interactionism. Ethos 6 (2):92-113. Fischer, J. L. 1965 Psychology and Anthropology. In Biennial Review of Anthropology. B. Siegal, ed. Pp. 211-261. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Fischer, Karin 2006 Flagship Universities Short on Minority and Low-Income Students, Report Says. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) December 1 (Government & Politics). — 2008a Top Colleges Admit Fewer Low-Income Students. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 2. — 2008b Wealthy Colleges Show Drop in Enrollments of Needy Students. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) April 24.

Fischer, Michael M. J. 1997 Postmodern, . In The Dictionary of Anthropology. T. Barfield, ed. Pp. 368-372. Malden, MA: Blackwell. — 1999 Emergent Forms of Life: Anthropologies of Late or Postmodernities. Annual Review of Anthropology 1999(28):455-78. Fischer, Michael M. J., and George Marcus 1989 Response to Whitten. American Ethnologist 16(3):570. Florence, Sargant 1940 Review: Knowledge for What by R. Lynd. The Economic Journal 50(197):105-107. Floridi, Luciano 2001 Honesty Must Come First. Times Literary Supplement June 15:34-35. Fluehr-Lobban, Carolyn 1979 A Marxist Reappraisal of the Matricarchate. Current Anthropology 20(2):341-359. Foley, Douglas 1999 The Fox Project; A Reappraisal. Current Anthropology 40(2):171-191. Fontana, Biancamaria 2004 Old World for New. Times Literary Supplement July 2:3-4. Foster, Stephen 1985 Review: Local Knowledge by C. Geertz. American Anthropologist 87:164-165. Foucault, Michel 1979 [1977] Discipline and Punish; The Birth of the Prison. New York: Random House (Vintage Books). Fowler, Chris, and Vicki Cummings 2003 Places of Transformation: Building Monuments from Water and Stone in the Neolithic of the Irish Sea. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 9:1-20. Fowler, Glenn. 1991 Cora DuBois, Harvard Professor of Anthropology is Dead at 87 (Obituary). New York Times April 11, http://www.nytimes.com/1991/04/11/obituaries/cora-dubois-harvard- professor-of-anthropology-is-dead-at- 87.html?scp=1&sq=cora+dubois&st=nyt Franca, Lingua 1995 Inside Publishing; The God That Sailed. Lingua Franca March/April:15-16. Francis, David 2008 Iraq War Cost Estimates Run Into the Trillions. Christian Science Monitor (Internet Version) (March 10). Frank, Andre Gunder 1970 Latin America: Underdevelopment or Revolution. New York: Modern Reader. —

1998 ReOrient; Golbal Economy in the Asian Age. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Frankel, Max 1995 McNamara's Retreat (Review: In Retrospect; The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam by R. McNamara). New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) April 16. Frazer, James 1963 [1922] The Golden Bough. New York: Macmillan. Freed, Stanley A., and Ruth S. Freed 1983 and the Development of Anthropology in the United States. American Anthropologist 85 (4):800-825. Freidson, Eliot 1986 Professional Powers. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. — 1999 Theory of Professionalism. International Review of Sociology 9(1):117- 129. — 2001 Professionalism; The Third Logic: On the Practice of Knowledge. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Friedman, Jonathan 1974 Marxism, Structuralism, and Vulgar Materialism. Man n.s. 9:444-469. — 1988 No History is an Island (Review: Islands of History). Critique of Anthropology 8(3):7-39. — 1992 The Past in the Future: History and the Politics of Identity. American Anthropologist 94 (4):837-859. Frum, David 2000 How We Got Here: The 1970s -- The Decade That Brought You Modern Life (For Better or Worse). New York: Basic Books. Fuchs, Lawrene 1961 Hawaii Pono; A Social History. New York: Harcourt Brace Javanovich. Furner, Mary 1975 Advocacy and Objectivity: A Crisis in the Professionalization of American Social Science, 1865-1905. Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky Press. Furner, Mary 1999 Review: The Making of the Modern University: Intellectual Transformation and the Marginalization of Morality by Julie A. Reuben. istory of Education Quarterly 39 (3):360-363. Galaty, John 1983 Ceremony and Society: The Poetics of Maasai Ritual. Man 18 (2):361- 382. Geertz, Clifford 1968 Religion, Anthropological Study. In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. D. Sills, ed. Pp. 398-406, Vol. 13. New York: Macmillan. — 1973 The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic Books.

— 1978 Stir Crazy (Review: Discipline and Punish by M. Foucault). New York Review of Books January 26:3-6. — 1982 Review: Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities by M. Sahlins. American Ethnologist 9(3):583-584. — 1983 Local Knowledge: Further Essays in Interpretive Anthropology. New York: Basic Books. — 1985 Waddling in. Times Literary Supplement No. 4288. (June 7):623-24. — 1995a The . New York Review of Books November 30:4-6. — 1995b Personal Communication (subject: my reviewing Geertz's The Culture War for errors prior to its publication in the New York Review of Books). Unpublished Ms. Geiger, Roger 1995 Review: Higher Education Cannot Escape History by C. Kerr. Teachers College Record 97(2):334-335. Gellner, Ernest 1992 Postmodernism, Reason and Religion. New York: Routledge. Gennep, Arnold van 1960 [1909] Rites of Passage. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Gerber, Larry 1991 Review: The State and Economic Knowledge by M. Furner and B. Supple. The Journal of Economic History 51(3):759-760. Gershon, Ilana 2003 Knowing Adoption and Adopting Knowledge. American Ethnologist 30 (3):439-446. Gewertz, Deborah 1990 Review: The Gender of the Gift. American Anthropologist 92:797-798. Gewertz, Deborah, and Frederick Errington. 1991 Twisted Histories, Altered Contexts: Representing the Chambri in a World System. New York: Cambridge University Press. Gezon, Lida L. 1999 Of Shrimps and Spirit Possession: Toward a Political Economy of Resource Management in Northern Madagascar. American Anthropologist 101 (1):58-67. Gibbon, Guy E. 1972 Cultural Dynamics and the Development of the ONeota Life-Way in Wisconsin. American Antiquity 37(2):166 - 185. Gillespie, Susan 2000 Rethinking Ancient Maya Social Organization. American Anthropologist 102 (3):467-484. Gilman, Antonio 1981 The Development of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Europe. Current Anthropology 22(1):1-23.

Givens, David, Patsy Evans, and Timothy Jablonski 1997 AAA Survey of Anthropology PhDs (Personal Copy of Data Provided by D. Givens). American Anthropology Website: www.aaanet.org/surveys/97survey.htm Accessed 10/18/2000. Givier, Peter 1999 Scholars Books, The Coin of the Realm of Knowledge. The Chronicle of Higher Education November 12:A76. Gledhill, John 1999 Eric R. Wolf: An Appreciation. Critique of Anthropology 19(2):202-208. Glenn, David 2002 Hot Type. The Chronicle of Higher Education July 26:A18. — 2007a Anthropologists in a War Zone: Scholars Debate Their Role. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) November 30. — 2007b Federal Judge Allows Defamation Lawsuit Against Best-Selling Economist to Proceed. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) January 16. — 2007c Method of Using Student Evaluations to Assess Professors is Flawed but Fixable, 2 Scholars Say. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 29. — 2007d Report on Anthropologists' Work With the Military Discourages Secrecy. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) December 7. — 2008a Bottom Lines Cause Unease at Societies of Scholars. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) December 19. — 2008b Keep Adjuncts Away From Intro Courses, Report Says. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) April 4. — 2008c Old Fears Haunt New Social Science. The Chronicle of Higher Education July 11:A3. — 2009a Group Offers Alternative Rankings Based on Curricula. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) August 19. — 2009b Why Needy Students Miss Out on Elite Colleges. The Chronicle of Higher Education January 16:A4. Gluckman, Mary, and 1977 On Drama and Games and Athletic Contests. In Secular Ritual. s.f. Moore and B. Myerhoff, eds. Assen: Van Gorcum. Godelier, Maurice

1978 Infrastructures, Societies, and History. Current Anthropology 19 (4):763- 771. Gold, Ann Grodzins, and Bhoju Ram Gujar 1997 Wild Pigs and Kings; Remembered Landscapes in Rajasthan. American Anthropologist 99 (1):70-84. Goldenweiser, Alexander 1940 Review: Knowledge for What by R. Lynd. American Anthropologist 42(1):164-166. Goldfarb, Michael 2006 Boys in the Bubble (Review: Imperial Life in the Emerald City by R. Chandrasekaran). New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) December 17. Goldschmidt, Walter 1987 Review: Anthropology as a Cultural Critique. American Anthropologist 89:472-473. Goldstein, Jan 1979 Review: Discipline and Punish. Journal of Modern History 51 (1):116- 118. Gordon, Michael 2006 Cobra II; The Inside Story of the Invasion and Occupation of Iraq. New York: Pantheon. Gose, Ben 2008 Gates Foundation Puts New Focus on College Completion. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) November 12. Gould, Nathan 1978 The Structure of Dialectical Reason. Ethos 6 (4):187-211. Gradgrind, Lagretta 2007 Too Many Bad Apples. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) October 12. Graebner, Fritz 1911 Methode der Ethnologie. Heidelberg: C. Winter. Grafton, Anthony 1997 The Footnote; A Curious History. Cambridge, MA: Press. — 2006 The Nutty Professors. The New Yorker October 23:82-87. — 2007 What is History? New York: Cambridge University Press. Graves, Lucia 2008 The Gap in Graduation Rates; At Many Colleges, a Disparity Who Makes It to a Diploma. In U.S. News & World Report (Internet Version -- usnews.com), Vol. May 2. Gravios, John 2006 Tracking the Invisible Faculty. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) December 15. Gravois, John

2007 You're Not Fooling Anyone. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) November 9. Gregor, Thomas, and Daniel Gross 2002 Anthropology and the Search for the Enemy Within. The Chronicle of Higher Education July 26(B11). — 2004 Guilt by Association: The Culture of Accusation and the American Anthropological Association's Investigation of Darkness in El Dorado. American Anthropologist 106(4):687 - 698. Griffith, David 1987 Nonmarket Labor Processes in an Advanced Capitalist Economy. American Anthropologist 89:838-852. Griffith, David, Manuel Valdes Pizzini, and Jeffrey Johnson 1992 Injury and Therapy: Proletarianization in Puerto Rico's Fisheries. American Ethnologist 19 (1):53-74. Grinker, Roy Richard. 2000 In the Arms of Africa. The Life of Colin M. Turnbull. New York: St. Martin's Press. Guardian 2005 Feed the Worked (Review: The End of Poverty by J. Sachs). Guardian (Internet Version -- guardian.co.uk) Saturday, April 23. Guindi, Fadwa El, and Dwight W. Read 1979 Mathematics in Structural Theory. Current Anthropology 20 (4):761-790. Gulbrandsen, Ornulf 1995 The King by the Grace of the People. Comparative Studies in Society and History 37 (3):415-444. Guterman, Lila 2008a Access to Online Journals Reduces Breadth of Citations, Study Finds. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) July 18. — 2008b Better Than the Impact Factor. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) February 27. — 2008c Free Access to Science Papers Found Not to Increase Citations. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) August 1. Gutman, Amy 2008 Why Elite Colleges Have Sweetened Their Student-Aid Packages. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 23. Guyer, Jane I. 1984 Naturalism in Models of African Production. Man 19:371-388. — 1993 Wealth in People and Self-Realization in Equatorial Africa. Man 28 (2):243-265. Habe, Per, Frank Harary, and Bojka Milicic 1996 Tattooing, Gneder and Social Stratification in Micro-Polynesia. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 2 (2):335-350.

Hacker, Andrew 2005 The Truth About the Colleges. New York Review of Books (Internet Version -- nybooks.com) November 3. — 2006 The Rich and Everyone Else. New York Review of Books (Internet Version -- nybooks.com) 53, Number 9 (May 25). — 2007 They'd Much Rather Be Rich. In The New York Review of Books (Internet Version -- nybooks.com), Vol. 54, Number 15 (October 11). Hacking, Ian 1995 Aloha, Aloha. London Review of Books 7 September:6-9. Hadas, Edward 2007 Still With Us (Review: The Bottom Billion by P. Collier). Times Literary Supplement August 24 & 31:33. Haddon, Alfred 1934 History of Anthropology. London: Watts. Hage, Per 1977 The Atom of Kinship as a Directed Graph. Man 11:558-568. — 1979 Symbolic Culinary Mediation: A Group Model. Man 14 (1):81-92. Halberstam, David 1964 The Making of a Quagmire. New York: Ballantine Books. — 1969 The Best and the Brightest. New York: Ballantine Books. Hallowell, Irving 1954 Culture and Experience. Philadelphia, PA: University of Philadelphia Press. Hallpike, C. R. 1973 Functionalist Interpretations of Primitive Warfare. Man 8(3):451-470. Hamilton, Clive 2005 A Review of The End of Poverty by Jeffrey Sachs (Penguin). In The Age [] (Internet Version -- theage.com.au), Vol. 2 July Hamilton, Neil 1997 Peer Review; The Linchpin of Academic Freedom and Tenure. Academe May-June:15-19. Hanna, Judith Lynne 1979 Movements toward Understanding Humans through the Anthropological Study of Dance. Current Anthropology 20 (2):313-339. Hansch, Steven n.d. Review: The Road to Hell by M. Maren. Hunger Notes (Internet Version) www.worldhunger.org/articles/books/maren.htm. Hanson, F. Allan 1982 Review: Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities by M. Sahlins. Journal of the Polynesian Society 91(4):595-596. Hantman, Jeffrey 1990 Between Powhatan and Quirank: Reconstructing Monacan Culture and History in the Context of Jamestown. American Anthropologist 92:676-690. Harayda, Janice

1997 Charities in Feeding Frenzy: 2 Authors Say We Never Know Where Gifts Go. The Plain Dealer (Internet Version) December 21. Harkin, Michael 1994 Contested Bodies: Affliction and Power in Heiltsuk Culture and History. American Ethnologist 21 (3):586-605. Harris, Marvin 1968 The Rise of Anthropological Theory. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. — 1974 Cows, Pigs, Wars, and Witches; The Riddles of Culture. New York: Random House. — 1977 Cannibals and Kings: The Origins of Cultures. New York: Random House. — 1993 Culture, People, Nature; An Introduction to General Anthropology (Sixth Edition). New York: Harper Collins. — 1999 Theories of Culture in Postmodern Times. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira. Harris, Marvin and Orna Johnson 2007 Cultural Anthropology. Boston: Pearson / Alllyn and Bacon. Harris, Marvin et al 1968 The Rise of Anthropological Theory: A CA Book Review. Current Anthropology 9(519-533). Hartwig, Lydia 2006 Funding Systems and Their Effects on Higher Education -- Germany: Bavarian State Institute for Higher Education Research and Planning. Hartzler, Omar Lee 1974 Review: Pourquoi L'epouser? et autres essais. American Anthropologist 76:375-376. Haskell, Thomas 1977 The Emergence of Professional Social Science. Baltimore,: John Hopkins University Press. — 1998 Objectivity is Not Neutrality. Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University. Hastrup, Kirsten, and Peter Elsass 1990 Anthropological Advocacy; A Contradiction in Term? Current Anthropology 31 (3):301-311. Hatch, Elvin 1973 Theories of Man and Culture. New York: Columbia University Press. Haviland, William A. 1977 Dynastic Genealogies from Tikal, Guatemala: Implications for Descent and Political Organization. American Antiquity 42 (1):61-67. — 1996 Cultural Anthropology (Eighth Edition). Forth Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace. Hawkes, Kristen 1977 Co-operation in Binumarien: Evidence for Sahlins's Model. Man 12(3/4):459-483.

Hayden, Cori 2003 From Market to Market: Bioprospecting's Idioms of Inclusion. American Ethnologist 30 (1):359-371. Hays, H. R. 1964 From Ape to Angel: An Informal History of Social Anthropology. New York: Capricon Books. Hays, Samuel P. 1968 Review: The Search for Order by R. Wiebe. The American Historical Review 73(4):1248-1249. Hays, Terence 1993 "The New Guinea Highlands"; Region, Culture Area, or Fuzzy Set? Current Anthropology 34 (2):141-164. Hazan, Haim 1984 Continuity and Transformation among the Aged: A Study in the Anthropology of Time. Current Anthropology 25 (5):567-578. Headland, Thomas 1997 Revisionism in . Current Anthropology 18 (4):605-630. Heald, Suzette 1991 Tobacco, Time, and the Household Economy in Two Kenyan Societies: The Teso and the Kuria. Comparative Studies in Society and History 33 (1):130-157. Healy, Kieran 2009 The Impact Factor's Matthew Effect. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) August 26. Heath, Douglas 1971 Review: The Academic Revolution by C. Jencks & D. Riesman. Political Science Quarterly 86(2):308-310. Hebel, Sara 2006 Report on Colleges Finds U.S. Is Slipping. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) September 15. — 2008a News Analysis: Higher Education's Grade for Data: 'Incomplete'. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) December 5. — 2008b The U.S. Is Falling Behind on Education and Lacks Key Data, Report Card Finds. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) December 3. Hefner, Robert 1983a The Problem of Preference: Economic and Ritual Change in Highlands Java. Man 18 (4):669-689. — 1983b Ritual and in Non-Islamic Java. American Ethnologist 10 (4):665-683. Heider, Karl 1972 Environment, Subsistence, and Society. Annual Review of Anthropology 1972(1):207-226.

— 2007 Seeing Anthropology; Cultural Anthropology Through Film. Boston: Pearson / Allyn and Bacon. Helmreich, Stefan 2001 After Culture: Reflections on the Apparition of Anthropology in Artificial Life, a Science of Simulation. Cultural Anthropology 16 (4):612-627. — 2003 Trees and Seas of Information: Alien Kinship and the Biopolitics of Gene Transfer in Marine Biology and Biotechnology. American Ethnologist 30 (3):340-358. helpme.com, 123 n.d. Father Franz Boas -- Father of American Anthropology. URL: www.123helome.com/preview.asp?id=43205. Hendricks, Janet Wall 1988 Power and Knowledge: Discourse and Ideological Transformation amng the Shuar. American Ethnologist 15 (2):216-238. Henry, Tamara 2002 Report: Greater Percentage of Americans Educated. In USA TODAY (Internet Version -- USATODAY.com), Vol. 06/05/2002. Henson, Kevin 2002 Review: Professional Work by K. Leich & M. Fennell. Contemporary Sociology 31(5):552-553. Herbert, Robert 1999 Goodbye to All That. New York Review of Books November 4 (XLVI)(17):28. Hersh, Richard H., and John Merrow, eds. 2005 Declining by Degrees: Higher Education at Risk. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Herszenhorn, David 2008 Estimates of Iraq War Cost Were Not Close to Ballpark. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) March 19. Hicks, David and Margaret A. Gwynne 1994 Cultural Anthropology. New York: Harper Collins. Hill, Jonathan D. 1984 Social Equality and Ritual Hierarchy: the Arawakan Wakuenai of Venezuela. American Ethnologist 11 (3):528-544. Hill, W. W. 1944 The Navaho Indians and the Ghost Dance of 1890. American Anthropologist 46:523-527. Himmelfarb, Gertrude 1999 Who Wants to be an Amateur. Times Literary Supplement Jnaury 22:10. Hindo, Brian 2007 Mapping the Crowd. BusinessWeek November 17:IN 19-22. Hines, Philip 1977 On Social Organization in the Middle Mississippian: States or Chiefdoms? Current Anthropology 18(2):337-338.

Hinton, Alex. 2004 Why Did They Kill? Cambodia in the Shadow of Genocide. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Hippocrates. 2007 Of the Epidemics. (Francis Adams, trans). Adelaide: The University of Adelaide Library.

History, American Museum of Natural Margaret Mead. URL: http://www.amnh.org/exhibitions/expeditions/treasure_fossil/Treasures/Marg aret_Mead/mead.html. Hobsbawm, Eric, and Terence Ranger, eds. 1983 The Invention of Tradition. New York: Cambridge University Press. Hocking, William 1929 Review: The Public and Its Problems by J. Dewey. The Journal of Philosophy 26(12):329-335. Hoffman, Michael A. 1973 The History of Anthropology Revisited -- A Byzantine Viewpoint. American Anthropologist 75:1347-1357. Hollan, Douglas 1988 Staying "Cool" in Toraja. Ethos 16:52-72. Holloman, Regina E. 1974 Ritual Opening and Individual Transformation: Rites of Passage at Esalen. American Anthropologist 76:265-280. Holloway, Marguerite 1997 The Paradoxical Legacy of Franz Boas - father of American anthropology. Natural History November:obtained from BNET.com (accessed 5.20/2008). Holmes, Richard 2006 (?) The THES University Rankings: Are They Really World Class. Asian Journal of University Education 1(1):1-14. Holy, Ladislav 1987 Introduction. Description, Generalization and Comparison: Two Paradigms. In Comparative Anthropology. L. Holy, ed. Pp. 1-21. Oxford: Blackwell. Honigmann, John 1959 Psychocultural Studies. In Biennial Review of Anthropology. B. Siegal, ed. Pp. 67-106. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Hook, Sydney 1939 John Dewey: An Intellectual Portrait. New York: John Day. Hooper, Anthony 1983 Why Tikopia has Four Clans. Man 18(4):789-791. — 1996 Review: How "Natives" Think by M. Sahlins. The Contemporary Pacific Fall:460-462. Hoover, Eric 2008a Freshman's Concerns About Quality, Cost at 35-Year High. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) January 24.

— 2008b Lore Pope Touted 'No Name" Colleges in a Brand-Name World. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) October 1. — 2008c What Admissions Officials Think. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 2. Horne, Alistair 2009 Kissinger: 1973. New York: Simon & Schuster. Howard, Alan 1982 Review: Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities. American Anthropologist 84:413-414. Howard, Jennifer 2008a New Ratings of Humanities Journals Do More Than Rank -- They Rankle. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) October 10. — 2008b News Analysis: U.S. Librarians, Authors, and Publishers Weigh the Chilling Effects of 'Libel Tourism'. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) June 25. — 2008c Scholarly Association Settles 'Libel Tourism'. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) June 18. Howe, Alyssa Cymene 2001 Queer Pilgrimage: The San Francisco Homeland and Identity Tourism. Cultural Anthropology 16 (1):35-61. Howe, Kerry 1995 The Death of Cook: Exercises in Explanation. Eighteenth-Century Life 18(November):198-211. Hsu, Francis L. K. 1973 Prejudice and Its Intellectual Effect in American Anthropology: An Ethnographic Report. American Anthropologist 75:1-19. Hurlbert, Beverly 1976 Status and Exchange in the Profession of Anthropology. American Anthropologist 78:272-284. Hyatt, Marshall 1990 Franz Boas Social Activist: The Dynamics of Ethnicity. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Ingold, Tim 1983a The Architect and the Bee: Reflections on the Work of Animals and Men. Man 18 1-20. — 1983b The Significance of Storage in Hunting Societies. Man 18 (3):553-571. Insole, Christopher 2008 Informed Tolerance. Times Literary Supplement February 1:3-4. Irons, Wiliam 1977 Comment on Chapple's Review of Wilson. American Anthropologist 79 (4):896-898.

Iyer, Pico 2000 The Global Soul. New York: Knopf. Jackson, Bruce 1978 The Machineries of Control (Review: Discipline and Punish by M. Foucault). The Nation March 4:250-251. Jacquemet, Marco 1992 Namechasers. American Ethnologist 19 (4):733-748. James, Allison, Jenny Hockey, and Andrew Dawson, eds. 1997 After Writing Culture; Epistemology and Praxis in Contemporary Anthropology. New York: Routledge. Jameson, Fredric 1999 The ; Selected Writings on the Postmodern, 1983-1998. New York: Verso. Jamieson, Neil 1993 Understanding Vietnam. Berkeley: University of California Press. Jamieson, Neil, Manh Nguyen, and Terry Rambo 1992 The Challenges of Vietnam's Reconstruction. Fairfax, VA: Indochina Institute (George Mason University). Janes, Robert R. 1977 More on Culture Contact in the Mackenzie Basin. Current Anthropology 18 (3):554-558. Jarausch, Konrad 1990 The Unfree Professions. New York: Oxford University Press. Jarvie, J. C. 1983 The Problem of the Ethnographic Real. Current Anthropology 24 (3):313-325. Jaschik, Scott 2006 Will 'Voluntary' Accountability Work? Inside Higher Ed (Internet Version - insidehighered.com) April 10. Jean-Klein, Iris 2001 Nationalism and Resistance: The Two Faces of Everyday Activism in Palestine during the Intifada. Cultural Anthropology 16 (1):83-126. — 2003 Into Committees, Out of the House? Familiar Forms in the Organization of Palestinian Committee Activism During the First Intifada. American Ethnologist 30 (4):556-577. Jencks, Christopher, and David Riesman 1968 The Academic Revolution. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Jenkins, Carol L. 1983 Ritual and Resource flow: the Garifuna Dugu. American Ethnologist 10 (3):429-442. Jenkins, Richard 1997 Rethinking Ethnicity. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Jensen, Michael 2007 The New Metrics of Scholarly Authority. The Chronicle of Higher Education June 15:B6-B8. Jerema, Carson

2008 The Demise of Institutional Autonomy. Macleans.ca (Internet Version -- oncamplus.macleans.ca/education) July 22. Jolly, Margaret 1992 Review: The Gender in the Gift. Pacific Studies 15(1):137-149. Jordanova, Ludmilla 2000 History in Practice. New York: Arnold. Josselin de Jong, P. E. 1996 Structuralism. In The Social Science Encyclopedia. A. Kuper and J. Kuper, eds. Pp. 852-854. New York: Routledge. Judis, John 2000 The Spiritual Wobbly. New York Times Book Review July 9:9. June, Audrey Williams 2006 University Staffs Grew Faster Than Civilian Labor Force Over Recent Decades, Study Finds. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version - - chronicle.com) August 3. — 2008a Colleges Should Change Policies to Encourage Scholarship Devoted to the Public Good, Report Says. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) June 26. — 2008b Nearly Half of Undergraduate Courses Are Taught by Non-Tenure-Track Instructors. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) December 3. — 2009 Who's Teaching at American Colleges? Increasingly, Instructors Off the Tenure Track. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 12. Kaplan, David 1974 The Anthropology of Authenticity: Everyman His Own Anthropologist. American Anthropologist 76:824-839. Kaplan, Martha 1990 Meaning, Agency and Colonial History: Navosavakadua and the Tuka Movement in Fiji. American Ethnologist 17(3-22). Kaplan, M. R. 1974 A Note on Nutini's "The Ideological Bases of Levi-Strauss's Structuralism". American Anthropologist 76:62-65. Kardiner, Abram 1939 The Individual and His Society. New York: Columbia University Press. — 1945 Psychological Frontiers of Society. New York: Columbia University Press. Karnow, Stanley 1983 Vietnam; A History. New York: Penguin Press. Karp, Ivan 1974 Review: Bangwa Kinship and Marriage by R. Brain. American Anthropologist 76:137-138. Katz, Stanley

2002 The Path breaking, Fractionalized Uncertain World of Knowledge. The Chronicle of Higher Education September 20:B7-B9. Keane, Webb 1991 Delegated Voice: Ritual Speech, Risk, and the Making of Marriage Alliances in Anakalang. American Ethnologist 18 (2):311-330. Keen, David 1999 The Uses of Famine (Review: Famine Crimes by A. de Waal). Times Literary Supplement March 26 28-29. Keesing, Felix 1958 Cultural Anthropology; The Science of Custom. New York: Rinehart & Company. Keesing, Roger 1974 Theories of Culture. Annual Review of Anthropology 1974(3):73-97. — 1981 Cultural Anthropology; A Contemporary Perspective (Second Edition). Forth Worth, TX: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. — 1985 Review: Local Knowledge by C. Geertz. American Ethnologist 12(3):554-555. — 1987 Anthropology as Interpretive Quest. Current Anthropology 28(2):161- 176. — 1992 Review: The Gender in the Gift. Pacific Studies 15(1):129-137. Keesing, Roger and Felix Keesing 1959 New Perspectives on Cultural Anthropology. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Kelderman, Eric 2008a States Spend More on Student Aid. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) June 27. — 2008b Tuition Makes Up a Growing Share of College Budgets While Spending on Instruction has Slowed. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 1. — 2009 Do College Rankings Belong on the Sports Pages? The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 18. Keller, George 2001 Governance: The Remarkable Ambiguity. In In Defense of American Higher Education. P.G. Altbach, P.J. Gumport, and D.B. Johnstone, eds. Pp. 304-322. Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins Press. Keller, Ward 1983 Shame and Stage Fright in Java. Ethos 11 (3152-165). Kelley, Rob 2005 College Costs Going Nowhere But Up. CNN MONEY.COM (Internet Version -- cnnmoney.com) October 18. Kelly, John

1990 History, Structure, and Ritual. Annual Review of Anthropology 1990(19):119-50. — 1992 Fiji Indians and "Commoditization of Labor". American Ethnologist 19 (197-120). Kemper, Robert, and John Phinney 1977 The History of Anthropology: A Research Bibliography. New York: Garland. Kemper, Theodore 2000 Toward Sociology as a Science, Maybe. The Chronicle of Higher Education August 11:B7B8. Kennedy, Gerard 1978 Still More on Symbolic Interpretation. Current Anthropology 19 (1):187- 188. Kerns, Virginia 2003 Scenes from the High Desert: Julian Steward's Life and Theory. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press. Kerr, Clark 1994a Higher Education Cannot Escape History. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. — 1994b Troubled Times for American Higher Education: The 1990s and Beyond. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

— 2001 The Uses of the University (Fifth Edition). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Khadaroo, Stacy 2008 A Push to Boost College Graduation Rates. Christian Science Monitor (Internet Version) December 3. Kidd, Julie Johnson 2005 It is Only a Port of Call: Reflections on the State of Higher Education. In Declining By Degrees. R.H. Hersh and J. Merrow, eds. Pp. 195-207. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Kidder, Tracy 2004 Mountains Beyond Mountains; The Quest of Dr. Paul Farmer, A Man Who Would Cure theWorld. New York: Random House. Kiefer, Christie 1977 Psychological Anthropology. Annual Review of Anthropology 1977(6):103-119. Kiernan, Vincent 2004 Company to Track Citations of Online Scholarship. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) March 19:A31. Kim, Seung-Og 1994 Burials, Pigs, and Political Prestige in Neolithic China. Current Anthropology 35(2):119-141. King, Irving

1917 Review: Democracy and Education by J. Dewey. American Journal of Sociology 22(5):674-676. Kingston, Sean 2003 Form, Attention and a Southern New Ireland Life Cycle. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 9:681-708. Kipnis, Andrew 2003 The Anthropology of Power and Maoism. American Anthropologist 105 (2):278-288. Kipp, Rita Smith 1995 Conversion by Affiliation: The History of the Karo Batak Protestant Church. American Ethnologist 22 (4):868-882. Kirch, Patrick V., and Roger C. Green 1987 History, Phylogeny, and Evolution in Polynesia. Current Anthropology 28 (4):431-456. Kirn, Walter 2001 Remember When Books Mattered. New York Times Book Review February 4:8-9. Kiste, Robert C., and Mac Marshall 1999 American Anthropology in Micronesia; An Assessment. Honolulu, HO: University of Hawaii Press. Klein, Joe 2007 Nam and Pop (Review: The Father of All Things by T. Bissell. New York Times Book Review March 4:11. Kloppenberg, James T. 1992 Review: John Dewey and American Democracy by R. Westbrook. The American Historical Review 97(3):919-920. Knapp, A. Bernard 1988 Ideology, Archaeology and Polity. Man 23:133-163. Knauft, Bruce 1979 On Percussion and Metaphor. Current Anthropology 20 (1):189-191. — 1987 Reconsidering Violence in Simple Human Societies; Homicide among the Gebusi of New Guinea. Current Anthropology 28 (4):457-500. — 1996 Genealogies for the present in cultural anthropology. New York: Routledge. Kockelman, Paul 2003 The Meanings of Interjections in Q'eqchi' Maya. Current Anthropology 44 (4):467-490. Kolenda, Pauline 1984 Woman as Tribute, Woman as Flower: Images of "Woman" in Weddings in North and South India. American Ethnologist 11 (1):98-117. Konrad, Monica 1998 Ova Donations and Symbols of Substance: Some Variations on the Theme of Sex, Gender and the Partible Body. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 4 (4):643-667. Kotkin, Stephen

2007 In Africa, One Step Forward and Two Back. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) July 8. Kottak, Conrad Phillip 1997 Anthropology: The Exploration of Human Diversity (Seventh Edition). New York: McGraw-Hill. — 1999 The New Ecological Anthropology. American Anthropologist 101:23-35. — 1999 The New Ecological Anthropology. American Anthropologist 101 (1):23- 35. — 2005 Mirror for Humanity (Fourth Edition). New York: McGraw-Hill. Krause, Elliott A. 1997 Death of the Guilds: Professions, States, and the Advance of Capitalism, 1930 to the Present. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Krech, Shepard 1991 The State of Ethnohistory. Annual Review of Anthropology 1991(20):345-75. Kristof, Nicholas 2006 Aid: Can It Work (Review: The White Man's Burden by W. Easterly). In The New York Review of Books. Pp. 41-44, Vol. October 5 — 2007a Africa's World War. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) June 14 (Opinion). — 2007b Bono, Foreign Aid and Skeptics. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) August 9 (Opinion). Kroeber, Alfred 1935 History and Science in Anthropology. American Anthropologist 37(4):539-569. — 1939 Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America. In University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, 38. Berkeley: University of California Press. — 1943 Franz Boas: The Man. American Anthropologist 45(3, (Part 2)):5-26. — 1948 Anthropology. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World. — 1969 [1944] Configurations of Cultural Growth. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Kroeber, Alfred, and Harold Driver 1932 Quantitative Expression of Cultural Relationships. In University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology. Pp. 253- 423, Vol. 29. Berkeley: University of California Press. Kuh, Charlotte V.

1988 Anticipating a Crisis (Review: American Professors by H. Bowen and J. Schuster). Contemporary Sociology 17(4):480-481. Kuh, George D. 2003 The National Survey of Student Engagement: Conceptual Framework and Overview of Psychometric Properties. Internet Version: http://nsse.iub.edu/pdf/conceptual_framework_2003.pdf. Kuh, George D., Jillian Kinzie, John H. Schuh, and Elizabeth J. Whitt 2005a Assessing Conditions to Enhance Educational Effectiveness; The Inventory for Student Engagement and Success. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. — 2005b Student Success in College; Creating Conditions That Matter. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Kuhn, Thomas S. 1970 The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Second Edition). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Kuklick, Henrika 1976 Review: The Organization of Social Science in the United States American Quarterly 28 (1, Spring):124-141. Kulick, Don 1993 Speaking as a Woman: Structure and Gender in Domestic Arguments in a New Guinea Village. Cultural Anthropology 8 (4):510-541. Kuper, Adam 1986 An Interview with Edmund Leach. Current Anthropology 27 (4):375-382. — 2007 Anthropology. Times Literary Supplement March 30:23. — 2009 Great Grants. TimesOnline (from the Times Literary Supplement) September 18. http://entertainment.timesonline.co.uk/tol/arts_and_entertainment/the_tls/Sub scriber_Archive/Social_Studies_Archive/article6842323.ece Kurtz, Donald 1987 The Economics of Urbanization and State Formation at Teotihucan. Current Anthropology 28 (3):329-353. Kurtz, Donald, and Mary Christopher Nunley 1993 Ideology and Work at Teotihuacan: A Hermeneutic Interpretation. Man 28:761-778. Labi, Aisha 2004 Germany's Ivy League Lottery. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) July 16. — 2006a European Higher Education Falling Behind, Report Warns. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) March 24. — 2006b Germany Moves Closer to Restructuring Its University System. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) February 3. —

2006c German Web Site That Rates Professors Draws Complaints. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) September 29. — 2008a American Universities Maintain Dominance in Latest Shanghai Rankings. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) August 7. — 2008b Obsession With Rankings Goes Global. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) October 17. — 2009 Germany Provides Higher Education Without the Frills. The Chronicle of Higher Education February 27:A18-A19. Lambek, Michael 1988 Spirit Possession/Spirit Succession. American Ethnologist 15 (4):710- 731. Lamont, Michele 2009 How Professors Think; Inside the Curious World of Academic Judgment. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Lamphere, Louise, Helena Rogone, and Patricia Zavella 1997 Situated Lives. New York: Routledge. Lampland, Martha 1991 Pigs, Party Secretaries, and Private Lives in Hungary. American Ethnologist 18 (2):459-479. Lancaster, C. S. 1976 Women, Horticulture, and Society in Sub-Saharan Africa. American Anthropologist 78 (3 ):539-564. Landler, Mark 2006 Seeking Quality, German Universities Scrap Equality. New York Times (Internet Version-- nytimes.com) October 20. Lane, Robert B. 1964 Review: Primitive Social Organization. American Anthropologist 66(151- 153). Lang, Susan 2006 How Competition for the Best Students, Faculty and Facilities -- and Rankings -- Sends Tuition Soaring. In CHRONICLE ONLINE (Cornell University) (Internet Version -- news.cornell.edu), Vol. Nov. 8, 2006. Lange, Charles 1965 Cultural Change. In Biennial Review of Anthropology. B. Siegal, ed. Pp. 262-297. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Langness, L. L. 1987 The Study of Culture (Revised Edition). Novato, CA: Chandler & Sharp. Lapsley, Hilary 1999 Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict. Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press. Lariviere, Vincent, and Yves Gingras

2009 The Impact Factor's Matthew Effect: A Natural Experiment in Bibliometrics. Journal of the American Society for Information Science & Technology at: http://arxiv1.library.cornell.edu/ftp/arxiv/papers/0908/0908.3177.pdf. Larson, Margali 1977 The Rise of Professionalism: A Sociological Analysis. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Lassiter, Luke Eric 2002 An Invitation to Anthropology. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press. Lasswell, Harold 1940 Review: Knowledge for What? by R. Lynd. The Public Opinion Quarterly 4(4):725-726. Laughlin, Bridget 1975 Marxist Approaches in Anthropology. Annual Review of Anthropology 1975(4):341-370. Lavelle, Louis, Tara Kalwarski, and Ray Vella 2008 Endowments Soar, But Colleges Keep the Purse Strings Tights. BusinessWeek July 28:013. Layton, Robert 1997 An Introduction to Theory in Anthropology. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Le Vine, Robert 1963 Culture and Personality. In Biennial Review of Anthropology. B. Siegal, ed. Pp. 107145. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. — 1997 Culture and Personality. In The Dictionary of Anthropology. T. Barfield, ed. Pp. 102-103. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Leach, Edmund 1965 Review: le Cru et le Cuit. American Anthropologist 67:776-780. — 1970 Claude Levi-Strauss. New York: Viking. — 1989 Review: Works and Lives by C. Geertz. American Ethnologist 16(1):137- 141. Leach, Helen 1999 Intensification in the Pacific. Current Anthropology 40 (3):311-339. Leaf, Murray 1979 Mind, Man, and Science; A History of Anthropology. New York: Columbia University Press. Leavitt, John 1996 Meaning and Feeling in the Anthropology of Emotions. American Ethnologist 23 (3):514-539. Lebra, Takie Sugiyama 1978 Japanese Women and Marital Strain. Ethos 6 (1):22-41. Lederman, Doug 2006 Accountability, Canadian Style. Inside Higher Ed (Internet Version - insidehighered.com) May 10. Lee, Richard

1992 Art, Science, or Politics? The Crisis in Hunter-Gatherer Studies. American Anthropologist 94 (1):31-54. Leerssen, Joep 2007 National Thought in Europe. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Lévi-Strauss, Claude 1963 Structural Anthropology. New York: Basic Books. — 1967 The Story of Asdiwal. In The Structural Study of Myth and Totemism. E. Leach, ed. London: Tavistock. — 1969 The Raw and the Cooked. New York: Harper & Row. — 1981 The Naked Man. London: Jonathan Cape. — 1991 Conversations with Claude Lévi-Strauss. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. — 1994 Anthropology, Race, and Politics: A Conversation with Didier Eribon. In Assessing Cultural Anthropology. R. Borofsky, ed. Pp. 420-429. New York: McGraw-Hill. Levy, Robert 1992 Review: The Apotheosis of Captain Cook by G. Obeyesekere. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) September 20. Lewenstein, B. V., and W. Baur 1991 A Cold Fusion Chronology. Journal of Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry Volume 152(Number 1 (November)):273-297. Lewin, Tamar 2008a College May Become Unaffordable for Most in U.S. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) December 3. — 2008b College Presidents Defend Rising Tuition, but Lawmakers Sound Skeptical. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) September 9. — 2008c With No Frills or Tuition, a College Draws Notice. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) July 21. — 2009 In Study, Most Graduates' Debt Load is Manageable. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) August 11. Lewis, Herbert 1998 The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and Its Consequences. American Anthropologist 100:716-731. — 2001 Boas, Darwin, Science, and Anthropology. Current Anthropology 42 (3):381-406. — 2001 The Passion of Franz Boas. American Anthropologist 103(2):447-467. Lewis, Oscar

1951 Life in a Mexican Village: Tepoztlan Restudied. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. — 1960 Tepoztlán: Village in Mexico. Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College Publisher. Leyner, Mark 1997 Geraldo, Eat Your Avant-Pop Heart Out. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) December 21 (Op-Ed). Li, Tania Murray 1998 Working Separately But Eating Together: Personhood, Property, and Power in Conjugal Relations. American Ethnologist 25 (4):675-694. Lightfoot, Kent G., and Gary M. Feinman 1982 Social Differentiation and Leadership Development in Early Pit house Villages in the Mogollon Region of the American Southwest. American Antiquity 47 (1):64-86. Lindesmith, Alfred, and Anselm Strauss 1950 A Critique of Culture-Personality Writings. American Sociological Review 15:587-600. Lindholm, Charles 1997 Geertz, Clifford. In The Dictionary of Anthropology. T. Barfield, ed. Pp. 214-216. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Lindsey, Lawrence 2008 What the Iraq War Will Cost the U.S. CNN MONEY.COM (Internet Version -- cnnmoney.com) January 11. Linnekin, Jocelyn 1991 Cultural Invention and the Dilemma of Authenticity. American Anthropologist 93 (2):446-449. Linton, Ralph 1940 Acculturation in Seven American Indian Tribes. New York: Appleton. — 1945 The Scope and Aims of Anthropology. In The Science of Man in the World Crisis. R. Linton, ed. Pp. 3-18. New York: Columbia University Press. Lippman, Walter 1922 Public Opinion. New York: Free Press Paperbacks. LiPuma, Edward 1983 On the Preference of Marriage Rules: A Melanesian Example. Man 18(4):766-785. Lizot, Jacques. 1985 Tales of the Yanomami. Daily Life in the Venezuelan Forest. New York: Cambridge University Press. Lominitz-Adler, Claudio 1991 Concepts for the Study of Regional Culture. American Ethnologist 18 (2):195-214. Lomnitz, Claudio 1996 Review: Articulating Hidden Histories. American Ethnologist 23(1):147- 148. Lord, Alfred

1960 The Singer of Tales. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Low, Setha 1988 The Medicalizatin of Healing Cults in Latin America. American Ethnologist 15(1):136-154. Lowie, Robert 1937 The History of Ethnological Theory. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. — 1944 Franz Boas. The Journal of American Folklore 57(223):59-64. — 1947 Biographical Memoir of Franz Boas 1958-1942. Volume XXIV, Ninth Memoir: National Academy of Sciences. Lucas, Colin 1975 Power and the Panopticon (Review: Discipline and Punish). Times Literary Supplement 26 September:1090. Luhrman, T. M. 1984 Popul Vuh and Lacan. Ethos 12 (4):335-362. Lundberg, George 1939 Review: Knowledge for What by R. Lynd. American Journal of Sociology 45(2):270-274. Lutzker, Adam, and Judy Rosenthal 2001 The Unheimlich Man-Oeuvre. American Ethnologist 28 (4):909-923. Lynd, Robert 1939 Knowledge for What? The Place of Social Science in American Culture. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Lyons, Thomas 2001 Ambiguous Narratives. Cultural Anthropology 16 (2):183-201. MacClancy, Jeremy 1990 Review: The Gender in the Gift. Man 25(3):559-560. Mace, Kim 1999 Margaret Mead (1901-1978). In URL: http://www.depts.drew.edu/wmst/corecourses/wmst111/timeline_bios/MMea d.htm. Mackey, Rob 2007 Wikipedia to Check I.D.'s (The Lede). New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) March 9. Macleans.ca 2007 University Rankings. Macleans.ca Nov 19:75-118. — 2008a Student Surveys: Complete Results. Macleans.ca (Internet Version -- oncamplus.macleans.ca/education) February 19. — 2008b The Maclean's Personalize University Ranking Tool. Macleans.ca (Internet Version -- oncamplus.macleans.ca/education) February 11. — 2008c University Students Grade Their Schools. Macleans.ca (Internet Version -- oncamplus.macleans.ca/education) February 7 (4:23 pm).

MacNeille, Suzanne 1996 Faces in Brazil. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) January 14. Maddox, Richard 1995 Revolutionary Anticlericalism and Hegemonic Processes in an Andalusian Town, August 1936. American Ethnologist 22 (1):125-143. Mageo, Jeannette Marie 1996 Spirit Girls and Marines: Possession and Ethnopsychiatry as Historical Discourse in Samoa. American Ethnologist 23 (1):61-82. Magner, Denise 2000 Seeking a Radical Change in the Role of Publishing. The Chronicle of Higher Education June 16:A16-A17. Malarney, Shaun Kingsley 1996 The Limits of "State Functionalism" and the Reconstruction of Funerary Ritual in Contemporary NorthernVietnam. American Ethnologist 23 (3):540- 560. Malinowski, Bronislaw 1929 The Sexual Life of Savages in North-Western Melanesia; an ethnographic account of courtship, marriage, and family life among the natives of the Trobriand islands, British New Guinea,. New York: Halcyon House. — 1935 Coral Gardens and Their Magic, A Study of the Methods of Tilling the Soil and of Agricultural Rites in the Trobriand Islands. New York: American Book Company. — 1961 [1922] Argonauts of the Western Pacific. New York: Dutton & Company. Mangan, Katherine 2007 Business -School Accreditor Proposes Requiring Evidence of Influence of Faculty Research. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) August 6. — 2009 Law Schools Disdain Rankings but Dare Not Ignore Them, Author Say. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) February 3. Mann, Michael 1993 Review: Unthinking Social Science by I. Wallerstein. The British Journal of Sociology 44(2):362-363. Maranda, Pierre 1979 Levi-Strauss, Claude. In The International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. D. Sills, ed. Pp. 442-446, Vol. 18. New York: Macmillan. Marcus, George 1978 Status Rivalry in a Polynesian Steady-State Society. Ethos 6 (4):242- 269. — 1982 Review: Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities by M. Sahlins. Journal of the Polynesian Society 91(4):596-605. —

1994 After the Critique of Ethnography: Faith, Hope, and Charity, But the Greatest of These is Charity. In Assessing Cultural Anthropology. R. Borofsky, ed. Pp. 40-54. New York: McGraw-Hill. — 1995 Review: How "Natives" Think by G. Marcus. Unpublished Ms. Marcus, George, and Dick Cushman 1982 Ethnographies as Texts. Annual Review of Anthropology 1982(11):25- 69. Marcus, George, and Michael M. J. Fischer 1986 Anthropology as Cultural Critique; An Experimental Moment in the Human Sciences. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Maren, Michael 1997 The Road to Hell: The Ravaging Effects of Foreign Aid International Charity. New York: Free Press. Marr, David 1994 Review: Understanding Vietnam by N. Jamieson. The Journal of Asian Studies 53(3):1005-1007. Marrus, Michael 1998 The Enigma of the Century. New York Times Book Review Juyly 19:8. Marshall, Mac 1989 RAshomon in Reverse: Ethnographic Agreement in Truk. American Anthropologist Special Publication, No. 25:95-106. Marshall, Wolfang 1999 Obituary: Eric R. Wolf. Anthropos 94:539-541. Martin, Kay M. 1969 South American Foragers: A Case Study in Cultural Devolution. American Anthropologist 71:243-260. Maschio, Thomas 1998 The Narrative and Counter-Narrative of the Gift: Emotional Dimensions of Ceremonial Exchange in Southwestern New Britain. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 4 (1):83-100. Masco, Joseph 1995 "It Is a Strict Law That Bids Us Dance". Comparative Studies in Society and History 37 (1):41-75. Mason, Leonard 1959 Suprafamilial Authority and Economic Process in Micronesian Atolls. Humanites de l'Institut de Science Economique Appliquee V (1):87-118. Mass, Peter 2004 Professor Nagl's War. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) January 11. Massa, Robert 2008 The New Student-Aid Landscape and College Admissions: a Report From the Trenches. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 23. Massing, Michael 2007 Iraq: The Hidden Human Costs. New York Review of Books December 20:82-86.

Massy, William, and Robert Zemsky 1994 Faculty Discretionary Time: Departments and the "Academic Ratchet". The Journal of Higher Education 65(1):1-22. Maurer, Bill 2003 Comment: Got Language? Law, Property, and the Anthropological Imagination. American Anthropologist 105 (4):775-781. Mauss, Marcel 1954 The Gift : Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies London: Cohen & West. McC. Adams, Robert 2002 Trends in American & German Higher Education: American Academy of Arts & Sciences. McFeely, Eliza 2001 Zuni and the American Experience. New York: Hill and Wang. McGee, R. Jon, and Richard L. Warms 2000 Anthropological Theory; An Introductory History. Mountain View, CA: Mayfield. McHenry, Robert 2002 All Hail Oprah's Book Club. The Chronicle of Higher Education May 10:B17. McLeod, Mark 1994 Review: Understanding Vietnam by N. Jamieson. The American Historical Review 99(4):1382. Mcmillen, Liz 1997 Judith Butler Revels in the Role of Troublemaker. The Chronicle of Higher Education May 23:A14-A15. McMurtrie, Beth 2008 U.S. Could Look to Europe For Accountability Ideas. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 30. McMurty, Larry 2001 Zuni Tunes. New York Review of Books August 9:56-58. Mead, Margaret 1928 Coming of Age in Samoa. New York: William Morrow. — 1950 [1935] Sex and temperament in three primitive societies. New York: The New American Library (Mentor). — 1972 Blackberry winter; my earlier years. New York: Morrow. — 1973 Changing Styles of Anthropological Work. In Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 2. B.J. Siegel, A.R. Beals, and S.A. Tyler, eds. Palo Alto, CA: Annual Reviews, Inc. Mead, Margaret, and Ruth L. Bunzel, eds. 1960 The Golden Age of American Anthropology. New York: George Braziller. Mead, Walter 2007 God and Gold. New York: Knopf. Medick, Hans

1987 "Missionaries in the Row Boat"? Ethnological Ways of Knowing as a Challenge to Social History. Comparative Studies in Society and History 29:76-98. Mendelsohn, Daniel 1999 After Waterloo. New York Times Book Review August 29:15-17. Messick, Brinkley 1987 Subordinate Discourse: Women, Weaving, and Gender Relations in North Africa. American Ethnologist 14 (2):210-225. Miller, Barbara D. 2005 Cultural Anthropology (Third Edition). Boston: Pearson / Allyn and Bacon. Miller, Daniel 1991 Absolute Freedom in Trinidad. Man 26 (2):323-341. Miller, David, C., et al. 2007 Comparative Indicators of Education in the United States and Other G-8 Countries: 2006 Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics. Miller, D. W. 2001 Storming the Palace in Political Science. The Chronicle of Higher Education September 21, 2001:A16-A17. Mills, Donald 1978 Review: The Rise of Professionalism by M. Sarfati. Contemporary Sociology 7(5):654-655. Mills, David 2008 Difficult Folk? A Political History of Social Anthropology. New York: Berghan Books. Mills, Kathryn, ed. 2000 Letters and autobiographical writings by C Wright Mills. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Minds, Savage n.d. - accessed 8/9/2009 Posts from the ‘Public Anthropology’ Category. Savage Minds (Notes and Queries in Anthropology -- A Group Blog) URL: http://savageminds.org/category/public-anthropology/. Minturn, Leigh, and William W. Lambert 1964 Mothers of Six Cultures: Antecedents to Child Rearing. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Mirsky, Jonathan 1998 The Mark of Cain. New York Review of Books February 5:31-33. Mitchell, Timothy 1989 The World as Exhibition. Comparative Studies in Society and History 31 (2):217-236. Mitchell, William 1988 The Defeat of Hierarchy: Gambling as Exchange in a Sepik Society. American Ethnologist 15 (4):638657. Mitgang, Herbert 1991 Books of the Times; 2 Versions of the Long View of the Vietnam War. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) January 26. —

1993 Books of the Times; Echoes of the Vietnam War Are Still Resounding. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) June 4. Monaghan, Peter 2009 What If You Pull a Literary Hoax and Nobody Notices? The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) August 3. Monastersky, Richard 2002 The Emperor's New Science. The Chronicle of Higher Education November 15:A16-A18. — 2005 The Number That's Devouring Science: The Impact Factor . . . The Chronicle of Higher Education October 14(A12-A17). Mooney, James 1965 [1896] The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Originally published in 1896 as Part 2 of the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1892-93. Washington: Government Printing Office. Moore, Addison 1916 Review: Democracy and Education by J. Dewey. International Journal of Ethics 26(4):547-550. Moore, Enrest 1917 Review: Democracy and Education by J. Dewey. The Journal of Philosophy, Psychology, and Scientific Methods 14(14):384-389. Moore, Jerry D. 2004 Visions of Culture; An Introduction to Anthropological Theories and Theorists. Lanham, MD: Altamira Press. Morgan, Henry Lewis 1962 League of the Iroquois. New York: Corinth Books. Morris, Brian 1987 Anthropological Studies of Religion; An Introductory Text. New York: Cambridge University Press. Moser, Kate 2008a Colleges Foresee Shortfall in Perkins Loan Funds This Year. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 16. — 2008b Fund Raisers' Salaries Climb in Hot Job Market. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) July 11. Mosko, Mark S. 1987 The Symbols of "Forest": A Structural Analysis of Mbuti Culture and Social Organization. American Anthropologist 89:896-913. — 1991 The Canonic Formula of Myth and Nonmyth. American Ethnologist 18 (1):126-151. — 1995 Rethinking Trobriand Chieftainship. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 1 (4):763-785. —

1998 On "Virgin Birth: Comparability and Anthropological Method. Current Anthropology 39 (5):685-687. Mowry, George 1939 Review: Knowledge for What by R. Lynd. The Mississippi Valley Historical Review 26(2):290-291. Moyar, Mark 2006 Triumph Forsaken; The Vietnam War, 1954-1965. New York: Cambridge University Press. Mukhopadhyay, Carol, and Patricia Higgins 1988 Anthropological Studies of Women's Status Revisited. Annual Review of Anthropology 1988(17):461-495. Mundkur, Balaji 1978 The Alleged Diffusion of Hindu Divine Symbols in Pre-Columbian : A Critique. Current Anthropology 19 (3):541-581. Munn, Nancy 1990 Constructing Regional Worlds in Experience: Kula Exchange, Witchcraft and Gawan Local Events. Man 25:1-17. — 1994 Review: Partial Connections. American Ethnologist 21(4):1012-1013. Murphy, Robert 1967 Cultural Change. In Biennial Review of Anthropology. B. Siegal, ed. Pp. 1-45. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. — 1979 Steward, Julian H. In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences: Biographical Supplement. D. Sills, ed. Pp. 744-746, Vol. 18. New York: Macmillan. Murray, Stephan 1991 On Boasians and Margaret Mead: Reply to Freeman. Current Anthropology 32 (4):448-452. — 1994 A Thirteenth Century Imperial Ethnography. Anthropology Today 10(5):15-18. Museum, Field 1999 Public Anthropology Post-Doctoral Anthropology News October:54. Myers, D. S., and John Myers 2001 Walter LIppman and John Dewey Debate the Role of Citizens in Democracy (Selected Moments of the 20th Century: History of Education). In A Work in Progress. D. Schugurensky, ed. Toronto: Ontario Institute for Studies of Education of the University of Toronto. Myers, Fred 1988 Locating Ethnographic Practice: Romance, Reality, and Politics in the Outback. American Ethnologist 15 (4):609-524. Mytelka, Andrew 2009 Global College Rankings Can Have Positive Effects on Campuses, Report Says. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 21. N/A

1988 Access and Quality in Higher Education and Research. Can Ontario Afford to Support Both? Can Ontario Afford Not To? Toronto, ON: Council of Ontario Universities. — 2003 Books: Review Symposium on Elito Freidson's Professionalism: The Third Logic. Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 28(1):133-172. — 2009a Grade Inflation at American Colleges and Universities. Gradeinflation.com Last Update, March 10. — 2009b Impact of College Rankings on Institutional Decision Making: Four Country Case Studies. Washington, DC: Institute of Higher Education Policy. — n.d. The Minerva Initiative. URL: http://minerva.dtic.mil/overview.htmk. Nadel, S. F. 1952 Witchcraft in Four African Societies. American Anthropologist 54:18-29. Nader, Laura 1994 Comparative Consciousness. In Assessing Cultural Anthropology. R. Borofsky, ed. Pp. 84-96. New York: McGraw-Hill. — 1997 Controlling Processes. Current Anthropology 38 (5):711-737. Nagl, John 2002 Learning to Eat Soup with a Knife; Counterinsurgency Lessons from Malaya and Vietnam. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. — 2008 A Battalion's Worth of Good Ideas. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) April 2. Nanda, Serena and Richard Warms 2004 Cultural Anthropology (Eighth Edition). Belmont, CA: Wardsworth/Thomson Learning. Naroll, Raoul 1961 Review: Evolution and Culture. American Anthropologist 63:389-392. Nash, Dennison, and Ronald Wintrob 1972 The Emergence of Self-Consciousness in Ethnography. Current Anthropology 13 (5):527-542. Nash, June 1981 Ethnographic Aspects of the World Capitalist System. Annual Review of Anthropology 1981(10):393-423. — 1997 When Isms Become Wasms. Critique of Anthropology 17:11-32. National Science Foundation. 2004 NSF 04-23 September 2004 Chapter III – NSF Proposal Processing and Review, A. Review Criteria http://www.nsf.gov/pubs/gpg/nsf04_23/3.jsp Navasky, Victor

1972 How We Got Into the Messiest War in Our History (Review: The Best and the Brightest by D. Halberstam). New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) November 12. Needleman, Sarah 2008 Ivy Leaguers' Big Edge: Starting Pay. The Wall Street Journal (Internet Version -- wsj.com) July 31. Neenleman, Sarah E. 2008 Ivy Leaguers' Big Edge: Starting Pay. The Wall Street Journal (Internet Version -- wsj.com) July 31 (Printed on Page D4). Nettle, Daniel 1997 On the Status of Methodological Individualism. Current Anthropology 38 (2):283-286. Newbury, Colin 1982 Review: Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities by M. Sahlins. Journal of the Polynesian Society 91(4):606-609. Nicholson, Peter 2007 The Intellectual in the Infosphere. The Chronicle of Higher Education March 9:B6-B7. Noble, David Watson 1978 Review: The Emergence of Professional Social Science by T. Haskell. The Journal of Southern History 44(2):318-319. Nordstrom, Carolyn 2004 Shadows of War: Violence, Power, and international Profiteering in the Twenty-First Century. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. — 2007 Global Outlaws: Crime, Money and Power in the Contemporary World. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Norton, Ingrid 2008 Rescue Plan in Hand, Student-Loan Companies are Coming Back. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 23. NSSE, National Survery for Student Engagement n.d. URL: http://www.nsse.iub.edu/. Nugent, Stephen 1988 The "Peripheral Situation". Annual Review of Anthropology 17:79-89. — 1996 Postmodernism. In Encyclopedia of Social and Cultural Anthropology. A. Barnard and J. Spencer, eds. Pp. 442-445. New York: Routlege. Oakes, Guy, and Arthur Vidich 1999 Collaboration, Reputation, and Ethics in American Academic Life. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press. Obeyesekere, Gananath 1992 The Apotheosis of Captain Cook: European Mythmaking in the Pacific. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. O'Brien, Michael J.

1987 Sedentism, Population Growth, and Resource Selection in the Woodland Midwest: A Review of Coevolutionary Developments. Current Anthropology 28 (2):177-197. Ogle, Richard 2007 Smart World. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Business School Press. O'Hanlon, Michael 1992 Unstable Images and Second Skins: Artifacts, Exegesis and Assessments in the New Guinea Highlands. Man 27: 587-608. Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko 1995 Structure, Event and Historical Metaphor: Rice and Identities in Japanese History. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 1 (2):227-253. Okely, Judith 1991 Defiant Moments: Gender, Resistance and Individuals. Man 26 (1):3-22. Oleson, Alexandra, and John Voss, eds. 1979 The Organization of Knowledge in America, 1860-1920. Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins Press. Oliver, Douglas 1959 Review: Anthropologie Structurale. American Anthropologist 61:506-512. Omohundro, John T. 2008 Thinking Like an Anthropologist; A Practical Introduction to Anthropology. New York: McGraw-Hill. Orlove, Benjamin 1980 Ecological Anthropology. Annual Review of Anthropology 1980(9):235- 73. — 1986 Barter and Cash Sale on Lake Titicaca: A Test of Competing Approaches. Current Anthropology 27 (2):85-106. Ortner, Sherry 1984 Theory in Anthropology Since the Sixties. Comparative Studies in Society and History 26:126-66. — 1985 Acting Out Culture (Review: Islands of History by M. Sahlins). New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) June 9. — 1995 Resistance and the Problem of Ethnographic Refusal. Comparative Studies in Society and History 37 (1):173-193. —, ed. 1999 The Fate of "Culture" : Geertz and Beyond. Berkeley: University of California Press. Osella, Caroline, and Filippo Osella 1998 Friendship and Flirting: Micro-Politics in Kerala, South India. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 4 (2):189-206. Otto, M. C. 1920 Review: Democracy and Education by J. Dewey. The Mississippi Valley Historical Review 7(1):64-65. Ouroussoff, Alexandra

1993 Illusions of Rationality: False Premises of the Liberal Tradition. Man 28 (2):281-298. Overland, Martha 2008 Emerging Economies Make Ripe Markets for Recruiting Industry. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) January 11. Packer, George 2007 David Hablerstam (Postscript). The New Yorker (Internet Version) May 7. Palmer, Gary, and William Jankowiak 1996 Performance and Imagination: Toward an Anthropology of the Spectacular and the Mundane. Cultural Anthropology 11 (2):225-258. Paredes, Anthony 2006 On Boas as Hamatsa. Anthropology News March:3. Parini, Jay 1998 Delving into the World of Dreams by Blending Fact and Fiction. The Chronicle of Higher Education February 27(B4-B5). Parker, Christine 1995 Review: Professionalism Reborn by Eliot Freidson. Contemporary Sociology 24(4):387-388. Parker, Seymour 1988 Rituals of Gender: A Study of Etiquette, Public Symbols, and Cognition. American Anthropologist 90:372-384. Parkin, David 1993 Nemi in the Modern World: Return of the Exotic? Man 28 (1):79-99. Pascarella, Ernest T., and Patrick T. Terenzini 1991 How College Affects Students: Findings and Insights from Twenty Years of Research. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. — 2005 How College Affects Students; Volume 2: A Third Decade of Research. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Patai, Daphne 1994 Sick and Tired of Scholars' Nouveau Solipism. The Chronicle of Higher Education February 23:A52. Patternson, Thomas C. 2001 A Social History of Anthropology in the United States. New York: Berg. Pauketat, Timothy, and Thomas Emerson 1991 The Ideology of Authority and the Power of the Pot. American Anthropologist 93 (4):919-941. Paul, Robert 1989 Psychoanalytic Anthropology. Annual Review of Anthropology 1989(18):177-202. Peace, Fund for 2009 Failed State Index. Internet Version: http://www.fundforpeace.org/web/index.php?option=com_content&task=view &id=99&Itemid=140. Peacock, James

1968 Review: The Forest of Symbols by V. Turner. American Anthropologist 70:984-985. — 1984 Symbolic and Psychological Anthropology: The Case of Pentecostal Faith Healing. Ethos 12 (137-53). — 1997 The Future of Anthropology. American Anthropologist 99 (1):9-17. Peebles, Christopher S., and Susan M. Kus 1977 Some Archaeological Correlates of Ranked Societies. American Antiquity 42:421-448. Pelto, Pertti 1967 Psychological Anthropology. In Biennial Review of Anthropology. B. Siegal, ed. Pp. 140-208. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Peoples, James and Garrick Bailey 2009 Humanity; An Introduction to Cultural Anthropology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Pepper, Stephen 1928 Review: The Public and Its Problems by J. Dewey. International Journal of Ethics 38(4):478-480. Perry, Richard 1992 Why Do Multiculturalists Ignore Anthropologists. The Chronicle of Higher Education 4 (March):A52. Peteet, Julie 1994 Male Gender and ritual of Resistance in the Palestinian intifada: A Cultural Politics of Violence. American Ethnologist 21 (1):31-49. Petersen, Glenn 1995 Review: How "Natives" Think by M. Sahlins. Library Journal April 15:85. Petrie, Matt 2007 NIH Awards Grants to 9 Consortia, Marking Shift Toward Interdisciplinary Research. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) September 7. Piccini, Angela 1996 Filming Through the Mists of Time. Current Anthropology 37 (1):S87- S111. Pieters, Rik, and Hans Baumgartner 2002 Who Talks to Whom? Intra- and Interdisciplinary Communication of Economics Journals. Journal of Economic Literature XL:483-509. Pike, Douglas 1983 The Vietnam War Recounted and Relived. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) October 16. Pina-Cabral, Joao de 1993 Tamed Violence: Genital Symbolism in Portuguese . Man 28 (1):101-120. Piot, Charles 1995 Symbolic Dualism and Historical Process Among the Kabre of Togo. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 1 (3):611-624. Poewe, Karla

2001 Politically Compromised Scholars, or What German Scholars Working under Missions, National Socialism, and the Marxist-Leninist German Republic Can Teach Us. American Anthropologist 103(3):834-837. Poirier, Richard 1978 Of Inhuman Bondage (Review: Discipline and Punish by M. Foucault). Washington Post January 29(Book World):1-4. Polier, Nicole, and William Roseberry 1989 Tristes Tropes: Post-modern anthropologists encounter the other and discover themselves. Economy and Society 18(2):245-264. Pool, Robert 1991 Postmodern Ethnography? Critique of Anthropology 11(4):309-331. Postrel, Virginia 2006 The Poverty Puzzle (Review: The White Man's Burden by W. Easterly). The New York Times March 19:12. Potter, Sulamith Heins 1988 The Cultural Construction of Emotion in Rural Chinese Social Life. Ethos 16 (2):181-208. Pouillon, Jean 1996 Levi-Strauss, Claude. In The Social Science Encyclopedia. A. Kuper and J. Kuper, eds. Pp. 465-468. New York: Routledge. Powdermaker, Hortense 1945 Review: The People of Alor by C. DuBois. American Anthropologist 47:155-161. Powell, J. W. 1888 From Barbarism to Civilization. American Anthropologist 1(2):97-123. Powers, Katherine 1995 Review: How "Natives" Think by M. Sahlins. The Boston Globe JUNE 11:73. Powers, Thomas 1999 Oh, What an Ugly War. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) January 10. Price, Barbara J. 1977 Shifts in Production and Organization: A Cluster-Interaction Model. Current Anthropology 18(2):209-233. — 1982 Cultural Materialism: A Theoretical Review. American Antiquity 47(4):709-741. Prospect 1998 What is Academia For? Prospect (Online Version) August/September. Public Anthropology, Working Group 2007 Public Anthropology Working Group, September 24, 2007. University of New Mexico Website: http://www.unm.edu/~agsu/docs/Public percent20Anthropology percent20Working percent20Group percent209-24- 07.doc. Quinn, Daniel 1992 Ishmael. New York: Bantam Books. Rabinow, Paul and William Sullivan, eds.

1987 Interpretive Social Science Reader: A Second Look. Berkeley: University of California Press. Rappaport, Roy A. 1984 [1968] Pigs for the Ancestors; Ritual in the Ecology of a New Guinea People; A New, Enlarged Edition. New Haven: Yale University Press. — 1999 Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity. New York: Cambridge University Press. Read, Brock 2006 Can Wikipedia Ever Make the Grade? The Chronicle of Higher Education October 27:A31-A36. — 2007a How Do You Cite Wikipedia on a History Paper? At Middlebury College, You Don't. A Professor Explains Why. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) February 1. — 2007b Middlebury College History Department Limits Students Use of Wikipedia. The Chronicle of Higher Education February 16:A39. Read, Dwight W., and Steven A. LeBlanc 1978 Descriptive Statements, Covering Laws, and Theories of Archaeology. Current Anthropology 19 (2):307-335. Rebel, Hermann 1989 and Class Experience: A Critical Reading of Recent Ethnological-Historical Approaches. American Ethnologist 16 (1 & 2):117- 136, 350-365. Redfield, Robert 1930 Tepoztlan, a Mexican Village: A Study in Folk Life. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. — 1956 The Little Community and Peasant Society and Culture Chicago: University of Chicago Press. — 1957 The Primitive World and Its Transformation. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Redman, Charles 1991 In Defense of the Seventies -- The Adolescence of New Archeology. American Anthropologist 93 (2):295-307. Reeson, Nathan 2008 The Function of Dysfunction. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) Chronicle Careers (06/2008063001c.htm). Reff, Daniel 1991 Anthropological Analysis of Exploration Texts. American Anthropologist 93 (3):636-655. Regush, Nicholas 2000 Who Should Investigate: Looking at Conflict of Interest in Biomedicine, Part Two. . ABC News Online October 5 (http://members.aol.com/nym1111111/darkness_in_el_dorado/documents/00 70.htm -- accessed June, 2004).

Reisberg, Leo 2000 Are Students Actually Learning? The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) November 17. Rensburger, Boyce 1996 As Others See Us. Anthropology News (Newsletter) October 12. Review, CAUT Education 2003 University Tuition Fees in Canada, 2003; The Declining Affordability of Higher Education. CAUT Education Review 5 (1):1-4. Rhode, Deborah L. 2006 In Pursuit of Knowledge; Scholars, Status, and Academic Culture. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Rice, Prudence M. 1981 Evolution of Specialized Pottery Production: A Trial Model. Current Anthropology 22(3):219-240. — 1983 Serpent and Styles in Peten Postclassic Potery. American Anthropologist 85 (4):866-880. Richardson, J, and Alfred Kroeber 1940 Three Centuries of Women's Dress Fashions: A Quantitative Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. Ricks, Thomas 2006 Fiasco; The American Military Adventure in Iraq. New York: Penguin Press. Riddell, Roger 2007 Does Foreign Aid Really Work. New York: Oxford University Press. Ridington, Robin 1988 Knowledge, Power, and the Individual in Subartic Hunting Societies. American Anthropologist 90:98-110. Rieff, David 1997 Charity on the Rampage; The Business of Foreign Aid. NomadNet (Foreign Affairs) January/February. — 2002 A Bed for the Night; Humanitarianism in Crisis. New York: Simon & Schuster. Riesman, David 1980 On Higher Education; The Academic Enterprise in an Era of Rising Student Consumerism. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Robben, Antonious 1989 Habits of the Home: Spatial Hegemony and the Structuration of House and Society in Brazil. American Anthropologist 91 570-588. Robbins, Joel 1995 The Raw and the Cook. In These Times June 26:32-34. Robbins, Richard H. 2001 Cultural Anthropology; A Problem-Based Approach (Third Edition). Itasca, IL: F. E. Peacock Publishers. —

2009 Cultural Anthropology; A Problem-Based Approach (Fifth Edition). Belmont, CA: Wardsworth. Roberts, Michael 1985 Ethnicity inRiposte at a Critickey Match: The Past for the Present. Comparative Studies in Society and History 27 (3):401-429. Robinson, Paul 1983 From Suttee to Baseball to Cockfighting (Review: Local Knowledge by C. Geertz). New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) September 25. Rodin, Miriam, Karen Michaelson, and Gerald M. Britan 1978 Systems Theory in Anthropology. Current Anthropology 19 (4):747-762. Rodman, Margaret 1987 Constraining Capitalism? Contradictions of Self-Reliance in Vanuatu Fisheries Development. American Ethnologist 14:712-726. Rogge, A. E. 1976 A Look at Academic Anthropology: Through a Graph Darkly. American Anthropologist 78:829-843. Rosaldo, Michelle 1983 The Shame of Headhunters and the Autonomy of Self. Ethos 11 (3):135- 151. Rosaldo, Renato 1989 Culture and Truth: The Remaking of Social Analysis. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Roseberry, William 1988 Political Economy. Annual Review of Anthropology 17(161-85). Roseman, Sharon 1996 "How We Built the Road" The Politics of Memory in Rural Galicia. American Ethnologist 23 (4):836-860. Rosman, Abraham and Paula Rubel 1998 The Tapestry of Culture; An Introduction to Cultural Anthropology (Sixth Edition). New York: McGraw-Hill. Ross, Andrew 1995 The Raw and the Cook. VLS May:11-13. Ross, Dorothy 1976 Review: Advocacy and Objectivity: A Crisis in the Professionalization of American Social Science, 1865-1905 by Mary O. Furner. The Journal of Economic History 36 (2, Jun.):468-470. — 1978 Review: The Emergence of Professional Social Science. The Journal of Economic History 38(2):494-499. — 1991 The Origins of American Social Science. New York: Cambridge University Press. Rossi, Ino 1976a . In Encyclopedia of Anthropology. D. Hunter and N. Whitten, eds. Pp. 98-99. New York: Harper & Row. —

1976b Culture and Personality. In Encyclopedia of Anthropology. D. Hunter and P. Whitten, eds. Pp. 103-104. New York: Harper & Row. Rothman, David J. 1978 Society and Its Prisons (Review: Discipline and Punish). New York Times Book Review February 19:1, 26. Rueschemeyer, Dietrich 1995 Review: In an Age of Experts by S. Brint. Contemporary Sociology 24(4):388-390. Rule, James 1997 Theory and Progress in Social Science. New York: Cambridge University Press. Rumsey, Alan 2000 Agency, Personhood and the 'I' of Discourse in the Pacific and Beyond. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. Rushforth, Scott 1994 Political Resistance in a Contemporary Hunter-Gatherer Society. American Ethnologist 21 (2):335-352. Russell, George 1978 Crime and Punishment (Review: Discipline and Punish by M. Foucault). Time Magazine February 6(Books). Rutz, Henry 1987 Capitalizing on Culture: Moral ironies in Urban Fiji. Comparative Studies in Society and History 29:533-557. Ruyle, Eugene E. 1973 Slavery, Surplus, and Stratification on the Northwest Coast: The Ethnoenergetics of an Incipient Stratification System. Current Anthropology 14 (5):603-631. Rylko-Bauer, Barbara, , and John van Willigen 2006 Reclaiming Applied Anthropology: Its Past, Present, and Future. American Anthropologist 108:178-190. Sachs, Jeffrey 2005 The End of Poverty: Economic Possibilities for Our Time New York: Penguin Books. Sahlins, Marshall 1958 Social Stratification in Polynesia. Seattle: University of Washington Press. — 1964 Culture and Environment: The Study of Cultural Ecology. In Horizons of Anthropology. S. Tax, ed. Pp. 132-147. Chicago, IL: Aldine. — 1981 Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities: Structure in the Early History of the Sandwich Island Kingdom. In ASAO Special Publications, No. 1. . Ann Arbor: Press. — 1985 Islands of History. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. — 1988 Deserted Islands of History. Critique of Anthropology 8(3):41-51.

— 1989 Captain Cook at Hawaii. Journal of the Polynesian Society 98(4):371- 423. — 1993 Waiting For Foucault. Cambridge, UK: Prickly Pear Press. — 1995 How "Natives" Think: About Captain Cook, For Example. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Sahlins, Marshall, and Elman Service, eds. 1960 Evolution and Culture. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. Said, Edward 1988 Michel Foucault, 1926-1984. In After Foucault. J. Arac, ed. Pp. 1-11. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Salome, Frank 1976 Adaptation, Cultural. In Encyclopedia of Anthropology. D. Hunter and N. Whitten, eds. Pp. 4-5. New York: Harper & Row. Salzman, Philip Carl 1994 The Lone Stranger in the Heart of Darkness. In Assessing Cultural Anthropology. R. Borofsky, ed. Pp. 29-39. New York: McGraw-Hill. Samuels, David 1996 "These Are the Stories That the Dogs Tell". Cultural Anthropology 11 (1):88-118. Sanderson, Stephen 1977 Evolution, Evolutionism, Social (and Cultural). In The Dictionary of Anthropology. T. Barfield, ed. Pp. 172-177. Malden, MA: Blackwell. — 1997 Cultural Materialism. In The Dictionary of Anthropology. T. Barfield, ed. Pp. 96-98. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Sangren, P. Steven 1988 Rhetoric and the Authority of Ethnography; "Postomodernsm" and the Social Reproduction of Texts. Current Anthropology 29(1):405-435. — 2007 Anthropology of Anthropology? Further Reflections on Reflexity. Anthropology Today 23(4):13-16. Sanjek, Roger 1991 The Ethnographic Present. Man 26 (4):609-628. Saris, A. Jamie 1996 Mad Kings, Proper Houses, and an Asylum in Rural Ireland. American Anthropologist 98 (3):539-554. Saunders, George 1995 The Crisis of Presnce in Italian Pentecostal Conversion. American Ethnologist 22 (2):324-340. Scheper-Hughes, Nancy 1987 The Best of Two Worlds, the Worst of Two Worlds: Reflections on Culture and Field Work among the Rural Irish and Pueblo Indians. Comparative Studies in Society and History 29(1):56-75. — 1993 Death Without Weeping. Berkeley, CA: University of California

Press. — 1995 The End of Anthropology (Review: After the Fact by C. Geertz). New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) May 7. Schevitz, Tanya 2008 Bill Seeks Report Cards on Higher Education. San Francisco Chronicle (Internet Version -- SFGate June 11. Schieffelin, Edward 1976 The Sorrow of the Lonely and the Burning of the Dancers. New York: St. Martin's Press. — 1983 Anger and Shame in the Tropic Forest. Ethos 11 (3):181-191. Schleicher, Andreas (?) 2006 Education at a Glance 2006 -- Draft OECD Briefing Note for Canada. In OECD. Paris, France: OECD Directorate for Education. Schmidt, Peter 2008a Analysts Call for National Effort to Get More Students Through College. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) August 13. — 2008b Best Education Practices Found Unlikely to Reach Underserved Students. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) October 6. — 2008c Mismatches Found Between Student Achievement and Parents' College Expectations in Federal Survey. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) April 23. — 2008d Most Colleges Chase Prestige on a Treadmill, Researchers Find. The Chronicle of Higher Education November 21:A14. — 2008e Studies Link Use of Part-Time Instructors to Lower Student Success. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) November 6. — 2009a Researchers Say Lack of Wage Data Clouds Debate of Part-Time Faculty Members. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 19. — 2009b U.S. Faculty Members Feel a Lack of Clout, International Survey Finds. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) June 12. Schneider, David n.d Blurb for Race, Language, and Culture by F. Boas in a University of Chicago Press advertisement American Anthropologist. Schneider, Jane

1999 Obituary: Eric Robert Wolf. American Anthropologist 101(2):395-399. Schneider, Jane, and Rayna Rapp 1995 Articulating Hidden Histories: Exploring the Influence of Eric R. Wolf. Berkeley, Ca: University of California Press. Schultz, Emily A. and Robert H. Lavenda 2001 Cultural Anthropology; A Perspective on the Human Condition (Fifth Edition). Mountain View, CA: Mayfield. Schwartz, Theodore 1972 Review: The Ritual Process by V. Turner. American Anthropologist 74:904-908. Schwartzman, John 1977 Art, Science, and Change in Western Society. Ethos 5:239-262. Schwenkel, Christina 2009 The American War in Contemporary Vietnam. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Scott, David 1992 Conversion and Demonism: Colonial Christian Discourse and Religion in Sri Lanka. Comparative Studies in Society and History 34 (2):331-365. Scott, Wilbur 1994 Review: Understanding Vietnam by N. Jamieson. Contemporary Sociology 23(2):246-247. Scull, Andrew 1990 Review: The System of Professions by A. Abbott. Isis 81(1):148-149. — 2007 Scholarship of Fools. Times Literary Supplement March 23:3. Scupin, Raymond 2008 Cultural Anthropology; A Global Perspective. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson / Prentice Hall. Secor, Laura 2002 We're Here to Help You (Review: A Bed for the Night by D. Rieff). In New York Times Book Review. Pp. 20, Vol. November 3. Sen, Amartya 2006 The Man Without a Plan (Review: The White Man's Burden by W. Easterly). Foreign Affairs (Internet Version - foreignaffairs.org) March/April. Seron, Carroll 2002 Review: Professionalism by E. Freidson. Contemporary Sociology 31(5):551-552. Service, Elman 1955 Indian-European Relations in Latin America. American Anthropologist 25:411-423. — 1958 A Profile of . New York: Harper. — 1962 Primitive Social Organization: An Evolutionary Perspective. New York: Random House. — 1968 Cultural Evolution. In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. D. Sills, ed. Pp. 221-228, Vol. 5. New York: Macmillan.

Sewall, Sarah 2007 Introduction to the University of Chicago Press Edition; A Radical Field Manual. In Counterinsurgency Field Manual. Pp. xxi-xliii. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Shankman, Paul 1984 The Thick and the Thin: On the Interpretive Theoretical Program of Clifford Geertz. Current Anthropology 5(3):261-279. — 1986 Review: Islands of History by M. Sahlins. American Anthropologist 88:767-768. Sheehan, Paul 1988 A Bright Shining Lie; John Paul Vann and America in Vietnam. New York: Vantage. Shelley, Louise I. 1979 Review: Discipline and Punish by M. Foucault. American Journal of Sociology 84(6):1508-1510. Sheng, Jim n.d. Comparison of Tuition Costs of Higher Education Around the World. hubpages.com/hub (jim.sheng). Shieh, David 2009 Professors Regard Online Instruction as Less Effective than Classroom Learning. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) February 10. Shore, Bradd 1983 Paradox Regained: Freeman's Margaret Mead and Samoa. American Anthropologist 85 (4):935-944. — 1991 Twice-Born, Once Conceived: Meaning Construction and Cultural Cognition. American Anthropologist 93 (1):9-27. Shore, Cris 1996 Anthropology's Identity Crisis. Anthropology Today 12 (2). Shostak, Marjorie 1983 Nisa, The Life and Words of a !Kung Woman. New York: Vintage Books. Shott, Michael 1992 On Recent Trends in the Anthropology of Foragers: Kalahari Revisionism and Its Archaeological Implications. Man 27 (4):843-871. Shweder, Richard 1985 A Slash-and-Burn Intellect (Review: The View from Afar by C. Levi- Strauss). New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) April 14. — 1988 The How of the World (Review: Works and Lives by C. Geertz0. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) February 28. Sica, Alan 2001 Review: Chaos of Disciplines by A. Abbott. Theory and Society 30(6):829-836. Sidrys, Raymond V. 1976 Classic Maya Obsidian Trade. American Antiquity 41 (4):449-464.

Silva, Edward, and Sheila Slaughter 1984 Serving Power: The Making of the Academic Social Science Expert. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Silver, Harold 1979 Review: In Search of Social Science History of Education Quarterly 19 (2):277-281. Simpson, Christopher, ed. 1999 Universities and Empire: Money and Politics in the Social Sciences during the Cold War. New York: New Press. Singer, Milton 1977 On the Symbolic and Historic Structure of American Identity. Ethos 5:431-454. Sivaramakrishnan, K. 1995 Colonialism and Forestry in India: Imagining the Past in Present Politics. Comparative Studies in Society and History 37 (1):3-40. Sixty, Minutes 2008 Dr. Farmer's Remedy For World Health. URL: http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2008/05/01/60minutes/main4063191.shtml May 4. Small, Cathy (Pseudonym: Rebekah Nathan) 2005 My Freshman Year; What a Professor Learned from Becoming a Student. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Smart, Barry 1985 Michel Foucault. New York: Routledge. Smith, Adam 2008 No End of It. Times Literary Supplement May 23:8. Smith, Carol 1997 Reconceptualizing "Wolfian" Anthropology and the Peasantry. American Anthropologist 99(2):381-383. Smith, David 1993 Review: Unthinking Social Science by I. Wallerstein. Contemporary Sociology 22(5):759-760. Smith, Geri 2000 Atrocities in the Amazon? . BusinessWeek December 18:21-24. Smith, Lauren 2007 Many Public Colleges Have Raised Tuition Despite Big Increases in State Support. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) September 26. Smith, Mark 1994 Social Science in the Crucible: The American Debate over Objectivity and Purpose, 1918-1941. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Smith, Philip 1987 Transhumant Europeans Overseas: The Newfoundland Case. Current Anthropology 28 (2):241-250. Smith, T. V. 1929 Review: The Public and Its Problems by J. Dewey. The Philosophical Review 38(2):177-180. Snow, Dean R.

1969 Ceramic Sequence and Settlement Location in Pre-Hispanic Tlaxcala. American Antiquity 14(2):131-145. Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada 2009 Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, Apply for Funding / Standard Research Grants – Evaluation http://www.sshrc-crsh.gc.ca/site/apply-demande/program descriptions- descriptions_de_programmes/standard_grants_subventions_ordinaires- eng.aspx Social Science Research Council 2009 SSRC, Fellowships and Grants > Dissertation Proposal Development Fellowship (DPDF) Program – DPDF Selection Criteria for Students http://www.ssrc.org/fellowships/dpdf-fellowship/ Sorenson, Richard E. 1972 Socio-Ecological Change among the Fore of New Guinea. Current Anthropology 13(3-4):349-383. Sowter, Ben 2007 Times Higher Education -- QS World University Rankings - Methodology. Internet ed.sjtu.edu. cn/rank/2007Methodology.htm. Spencer, Jonathan 1989 Anthropology as a Kind of Writing. Man 24:145-164. — 1996 . In Encyclopedia of Social and Cultural Anthropology. A. Barnard and J. Spencer, eds. Pp. 535-539. New York: Routledge. Spindler, George 1955a Review: The modal personality structure of the Tuscarora Indians as revealed by the Rorschach test. American Anthropologist 57:171-173. — 1955b Sociocultural and Psychological Processes in Menomini Acculturation. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. — 1962 Review: Culture and Personality by A. Wallace. American Anthropologist 64:1320-1322. —, ed. 1978 The Making of Psychological Anthropology. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Spindler, George, and Louise Spindler 1959 Culture Change. In Biennial Review of Anthropology. B. Siegal, ed. Pp. 37-66. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Spiro, Melford E. 1968 Culture and Personality. In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. D. Sills, ed. Pp. 558-563. New York: Macmillan. — 1979 Whatever Happened to the Id? American Anthropologist 81 (1):5-13. Sponsel, Leslie

1977 Ecological Anthropology. In The Dictionary of Anthropology. T. Barfield, ed. Pp. 137-139. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Spradely, James P. and David W. McCurdy 1975 Anthropology: The Cultural Perspective. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Stahl, Ann Brower 1993 Concepts of Time and Approaches to Analogical Reasoning in Historical Perspective. American Antiquity 58(2):235-260. Staples, James 2003 Disguise, Revelation and Copyright: Disassembling the South Indian Leper. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 9:295-315. Stark, Andrew 2006 Spot the Manager. Times Literary Supplement August 11:28. Stasch, Rupert 2003 Separateness as a Relation. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 9:317-337. Steadman, Lyle B., and Charles F. Merbs 1982 Kuru and Cannibalism? American Anthropologist 84:611-627. Steel, Ronald 1988 The Man Who Was the War (Review: A Bright Shining Lie by N. Sheehan). New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) September 25. Steiner, David 1992 Review: John Dewey and American Democracy by R. Westbrook. Political Theory 20(3):515-518. Steiner, George 1999 Work in Progress (Review of The Arcades Project by Walter Benjamin). Times Literary Supplement December 3:3-4. Steponaitis, Vincas P. 1981 Settlement Hierarchies and Political Complexity in Nonmarket Societies: The Formative Period of the Valley of Mexico. American Anthropologist 83(2):320-363. Steward, Julian 1955 Theory of Cultural Change: The Methodology of Multilinear Evolution. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press. — 1968 Cultural Ecology. In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. D. Sills, ed. Pp. 337-344, Vol. 3. New York: Macmillan. Stichcombe, Arthur 1990 Review: The System of Professions by A. Abbott. Contemporary Sociology 19(1):48-50. Stirrat, R. L. 1984 Sacred Models. Man 19:199-215. Stocking, George 1976 Ideas and Institutions in American Anthropology: Thoughts Toward a History of the Interwar Years. In Selected Papers from the American Anthropologist, 1921-1945. G. Stocking, ed. Pp. 1-50. Washington, D. C.: American Anthropological Association. Strathern, Andrew 1985 Review: Pigs for the Ancestors. American Ethnologist 12:374-375.

Strathern, Marilyn 1988 The Gender of the Gift: Problems with Women and Problems with Society in Melanesia. Berkeley: University of California Press. — 1992 Response. Pacific Studies 15(1):149-159. Supiano, Beckie 2008a At Davidson, Getting Rid of Loans Shows Early Signs of Success. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) July 11. — 2008b College Finance Chiefs Say Tuition Increases Will Keep Rising Faster Than Inflation. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) April 30. — 2008c Colleges Scramble to Help Students Find New Lenders. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 23. — 2008d Colleges Step Up Fund-Raising Efforts to Support Student Aid. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 2. — 2008e Economic Pressure Could Make Their Jobs Tougher, Admissions Experts Say. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) September 26. — 2009 More Students Borrow Money to Pay for College. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) July 9. Surowiecki, James 2007 The Piracy Paradox. The New Yorker September 24:90. Sutton, Douglas 1990 Organization and Ontology: The Origins of the Northern Maori Chiefdom, New Zealand. Man 25 (4):667-692. Swidler, Nina 1992 Kalat: The Political Economy of a Tribal Chiefdom. American Ethnologist 19 (3):553-570. Tamburri, Rosana 2008 Indebted to Higher Education; Canada's Mishmash of Student Aid Programs is Working Up to a Point But has Failed to Close the Gap in University Participation Rates Between the Rich and Poor. University Affairs (Internet Version -- university affairs.ca) January. Taussig, Michael 1980 The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. Taylor, Peter 1993 Review: Unthinking Social Science by I. Wallerstein. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 83(3):551-553. Teitelbaum, Sheldon 2000 College in Canada; Tuition North of the Border Can Be a Steal. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) November 12.

Templer, Robert 1999 Shadows and Wind: A View of Modern Vietnam. New York: Penguin. Tennekoon, N. Serena 1988 Rituals of Development: The Accelerated Mahavali Development Program in Sri Lanka. American Ethnologist 15 (2):294-310. Thayer, James Steel 1983 Nature, Culture, and the Supernatural among the Susu. American Ethnologist 10 (1):116-132. Thomas, Evan 2008 The Mythology of Munich. Newsweek (Internet Version) Jun 14. Thomas, Julian 1987 Relations of Production and Social Change in the Neolithic of North- West Europe. Man 22:405-30. Thomas, Landon 2006 Confessing to the Converted. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) February 19. Thomas, Nicholas 1996 Cold Fusion. American Anthropologist 98 (1):9-16. Thomas, William, ed. 1956 Current Anthropology: A Supplement to Anthropology Today. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Thornton, Robert 1983 Narrative Ethnography in Africa, 1850-1920: The Creation and Capture of an Appropriate Domain for Anthropology. Man 18 (3):502-520. Throsby, David 2007 Dismal Still. Times Literary Supplement September 7:25. Thurnwald, Richard 1936 Review: Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies by M. Mead. American Anthropologist 38:663-667. Ticker, The 2009 National Science Foundation Announces Pentagon-Financed Research Awards. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) October 2. Tierney, Patrick 2000 Darkness in El Dorado: How Scientists and Journalists Devastated the Amazon. New York: Norton. Timberg, Craig 2008 Inside Mugabe's Violent Crackdown. Washington Post (Internet Version) Saturday, July 5:A01. Time 2005 18 Heroes. Time Magazine November 7:79-81. Tocqueville, Alexis de 1945 [1840] Democracy in America (Volumes 1 & 2). New York: Random House. Toren, Christina 1988 Review: Islands of History. Critique of Anthropology 8(1):113-118. Turnbull, Colin. 1987 The Mountain People. New York: Touchstone (Simon and

Schuster). Townsend, Robert 2005 New Study Highlights Prominence of Elite PhD Programs in History. Perspectives October:15-17. Trask, Haunani-Kay 1985 Review: Islands of History by M. Sahlins. American Ethnologist 12:784- 785. Trautmann, Thomas 1992 The Revolution in Ethnological Time. Man 27(2):379-397. Triandis, Harry, Roy Malpass, and Andrew Davidson 1972 Cross-. In Biennial Review of Anthropology. B. Siegal, ed. Pp. 1-84. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Trigger, Bruce 1991 Constraint and Freedom -- A New Synthesis for Archeological Explanation. American Anthropologist 93 (3):551-569. Trow, Martin 2001 From Mass Higher Education to Universal Access: The American Advantage. In In Defense of American Higher Education. P.G. Altbach, P.J. Gumport, and D.B. Johnstone, eds. Pp. 110-143. Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press. Turnbull, Colin 1987 The Mountain People. New York: Simon and Schuster. Turner, Victor 1967 The Forest of Symbols; Aspects of Ndembu Ritual. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. — 1968 Myth and Symbol. In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. D. Sills, ed, Vol. 10. New York: Macmillan. — 1969 The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure. Chicago, IL: Aldine. — 1974 Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors; Symbolic Action in Human Society. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. — 1975 Symbolic Studies. In Annual Review of Anthropology. B. Siegal, ed. Pp. 145-161, Vol. 4. Palo Alto, CA: Annual Reviews. U.S. News, and World Report 2008 America's Best Colleges, 2008. U.S. News and World Report (Internet Version - USNews.com). United States, Army, and Marine Corps 2007 Counterinsurgency Field Manual. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. University, of North Carolina 1997 "Toward a Public Anthropology: Strategies and Prospects." University Gazette (March 26) University Website: http://gazette.unc.edu/archives/97mar26/file.54.html. UpFront

2007 Profiles in Sycophancy. BusinessWeek August 13:12. USA TODAY 2002 Census 2000; Amount of Schooling Affects Earning Potential. In USA TODAY (Internet Version -- USATODAY.com), Vol. 7/18/2002. Utley, Francis Lee 1974 The Migration of Folktales: Four Channels to the Americas. Current Anthropology 15 (1):5-27. Van Der Werf, Martin 2009 Clemson Assials Allegations That it Manipulates 'U.S. News' Rankings. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) June 4. Vansina, Jan 1961 Oral Tradition. Chicago, IL: Aldine. — 1966 Kingdoms of the Savanna. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. — 1968 L'evolution du Royaume Rwanda des Origines a 1900. Bruxelles (New York): Johnson Reprint. Vaux, Tony 2001 The Selfish Altruist; Relief Work in Famine and War. Sterling, VA: Earthscan. Veblen, Thorstein 1918 The Higher Learning in America. New York: Huebsch. Vedantam, Shankar 2006 Ants are First Non-Humans to Teach, Study Says. Washington Post (Internet Version) January 16. Verdery, Katherine 1998 Transnationalism, Nationalism, Citizenship, and Property: Easter Europe Since 1989. American Ethnologist 25 (2):291-306. Vergano, Dan 2000 Darkness Shadows Pursuit of Anthropology. USA Today October 2(http://members.aol.com/nym1111111/darkness_in_el_dorado/documents/0 203.htm -- accessed June, 2004). Veysey, Laurence 1975 Who's a Professional? Who Cares? (Review: Advocacy Objectivity by M. Furner). Reviews in Americna History 3(4):419-423. Viegas, Susana de Matos 2003 Eating with Your Favourite Mother: Time and Sociality in a Brazilian Amerindian Community. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 9:21-37. Vincent, Joan 1986 System and Process, 1974-1985. Annual Review of Anthropology 1986(15):99-119. Voget, Fred 1963 Cultural Change. In Biennial Review of Anthropology. B. Siegal, ed. Pp. 228-275. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. —

1973 The History of Cultural Anthropology. In Handbook of Social and Cultural Anthropology. J. Honigmann, ed. Pp. 1-88. Chicago, IL: Rand McNally. — 1975 A History of Ethnology. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Waal, Alex de 1997 Famine Crimes: Politics and the Disaster Relief Industry in Africa. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. — 2002 For This Relief (Review: The Selfish Altruist by T. Vaux). Times Literary Supplement January 2:5-6. — 2007 Plan After Plan After Plan (Reviews: Poor Story by G. Bolton, The Trouble With Africa by R. Calderisi, and Does Foreign Aid Really Work by R. Riddel). Times Literary Supplement September 21:8-9. Wagner, Alan 2006 Measuring Up Internationally; Developing Skills and Knowledge for the Global Knowledge Economy. National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education National Center Report #06-7. Walker, Rob 2003 The Media Thing. New York Times Book Review November 2:34. Wallace, Anthony F. C. 1952 The modal personality structure of the Tuscarora Indians as revealed by the Rorschach test. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. — 1961 Culture and Personality. New York: Random House. — 1966 Review: The Revolution in Anthropology by I. C. Jarvie. American Anthropologist 68:1254-1255. Wallace, Anthony F. C., and Raymond Fogelson 1962 Culture and Personality. In Biennial Review of Anthropology. B. Siegal, ed. Pp. 42-78. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Wallerstein, Immanuel 1974 The Modern World System (Volume 1). New York: Academic Books. — 1980 The Modern World System (Volume 2). New York: Academic Press. — 1989 The Modern World System (Volume 3). New York: Academic Press. — 2001 Unthinking Social Science; The Limits of Nineteenth-Century Paradigms. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. Wallis, Claudia, and Sonja Steptoe 2006 How to Bring Our Schools Out of the 20th Century. Time December 18:50-56. Ward, F. Champion 1969 Review: The Academic Revolution by C. Jencks & D. Riesman. Ethics 80(1):74-75. Wasley, Paula

2007 Faculty-Productivity Index Offers Surprises. The Chronicle of Higher Education November 16:A10-A12. — 2008 Tests Aren't Best Way to Evaluate Graduates' Skills, Business Leaders Say in Survey. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) January 23. Wasserstrom, Jeffrey 1998 Are You Now or Have You Ever Been . . . Postmodern? The Chronicle of Higher Education September 11:B4-B5. Watanabe, John M., and Barbara B. Smuts 1999 Explaining Religion without Explaining it Away: Trust, Truth, and the Evolution of Cooperation in Roy A. Rappaport's "The Obvious Aspects of Ritual". American Anthropologist 101 (1):98-112. Waters, Lindsay 2001 Rescue Tenure from the Tyranny of the Monograph. The Chronicle of Higher Education April 20:B7-B10. Watkins, Bari 1976 Review: Advocacy and Objectivity. A Crisis in the Professionalization of American Social Science, 1865-1905 by Mary O. Furner. History and Theory 15 (1):57-66. Watson, James B. 1969 Review: Pigs for the Ancestors. American Anthropologist 71:527-529. Weber, Max 1958 The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. Weiner, Annette 1976 Women of Value, Men of Renown: New Perspectives on Trobriand Exchange. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. — 1988 The Trobrianders of Papua New Guinea. New York: Holt, Rhinehard, and Winston. Weintraub, Ariene 2008 Teaching Doctors -- Or Selling to Them? BusinessWeek August 11:26- 28. Weintraub, Philipp 1941 Review: Knowledge for What by R. Lynd. The Philosophical Review 50(3):323-325. Wengle, John 1984 Anthropological Training and the Quest for Immortality. Ethos 12 (3):223-244. Werbner, Pnina 2001 The Limits of Cultural Hybridity: On Ritual Monsters, Poetic Licence and Contested Postcolonial Purifications. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 7 (1):133-152. Westbrook, Robert. — 1991 John Dewey and American Democracy. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

— 1992 Review: The Origins of American Social Science by D. Ross. The Journal of American HIstory 79(2):613-615. — 1994 Review: Intellect and Public Life by T. Bender. The Journal of American History 80(4):1497-1498. Westen, Drew 1984 Cultural Materialism: Food for Thought or Bum Steer? Current Anthropology 25 (5):639-653. Westhoff, Laura 1995 The Popularization of Knowledge: John Dewey on Experts and American Democracy. History of Education Quarterly 35(1):27-47. Whalen, Michael E. 1981 Cultural-Ecogical Aspects of the Pithouse-to-Pueblo Transition in a Portion of the Southwest. American Antiquity 46(1):75-92. Whipple, Mark 2005 The Dewey-Lippman Debate Today: Communication Distortions, Reflective Agency, and Participatory Democracy. Sociological Theory 23 (2):156-178. White, Josh 2008 Army's History of Iraq After Hussein Faults Pentagon. Washington Post.com (Internet Verision) June 29. White, Leslie 1959 The Evolution of Culture. New York: McGraw-Hill. — 1968 . In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. D. Sills, ed. Pp. 547-551, Vol. 3. New York: Macmillan. White, Richard 1992 Assessing the Consequences. American Ethnologist 19 (1):155-159. Whitehead, Neil 1995 The Historical Anthropology of Text; The Interpretation of Releigh's Discoverie of Guiana. Current Anthropology 36 (1):53-74. Whiteley, Peter 1987 The Interpretation of Politics: A Hopi Conundrum. Man 22:696-714. Whiting, Beatrice Blyth, ed. 1963 Six Cultures; Studies in Child Rearing. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Whiting, Beatrice Blyth, and John W. M. Whiting in collaboration with Richard Longabaugh 1975 Children of Six Cultures; A Psycho-Cultural Analysis. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Whiting, J. W. M., et al. 1966 Field Guide for a Study of Socialization. Six Cultures Series, vol. 1. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Whitman, Alden 1978 Carter Mourns Anthropologist; Margaret Mead is Dead of Cancer at 76. Pp. A1, Vol. November 16: New York Times. Whitten, Norman

1988 Toward a Critical Anthropology. American Ethnologist 15(4):732-742. Wiebe, Robert 1967 The Search for Order, 1877-1920. New York: Hill and Wang. Wierzbicka, Anna 1984 Apples are not a "Kind of Fruit": the Semantics of Human Categorization. American Ethnologist 11 (2):313-328. — 1988 Emotions Across Culture: Similarities and Differences. American Anthropologist 90 (4):982-983. Wikipedia

n.d.a Anthropology. — n.d.b Boat People. — n.d.c Cold Fusion. — n.d.d Confessions of an Economic Hit Man. — n.d.e Franz Boas. — n.d.f The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. — n.d.g Thomas Samuel Kuhn. — n.d.h Vietnam War. — n.d.i Vietnam War Casualties. — n.d. j The End of Poverty. — n.d.k William Easterly. — n.d.l Education in Germany.

Wilhelm, Ian 2008 German Universities Cope with a Novelty - Tuition. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) April 4. Williams, Vernon 1991 Review of: Franz Boas -- Social Activist by M. Hyatt. Transforming Anthropology 2.2:18. Williams, Wendy, and Stephen Ceci 2007 Does Tenure Really Work? The Chronicle of Higher Education March 9:B16. Willis, Paul 1981 Learning to Labor. New York: Columbia University Press. Wilson, Godfrey, and Monica Wilson

1945 The Analysis of Social Change, Based on Observations in Central Africa. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Wilson, Robin 1998 Harvard Professors Are Cited Most by Major Academic Journals, Study Finds. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) October 28. — 2008 College Too Pricey? Don't Blame Faculty Pay. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) November 7. — 2009 Downturn Threatens the Faculty's Role in Running Colleges (Attack on Faculty Governance: Professors Decry Lost Influence). The Chronicle of Higher Education February 6:1. — 2009 A Lifetime of Student Debt? Not Likely. The Chronicle of Higher Education May 22:A1, A18-A22. Winter, Greg 2004 College Tuitions Rise an Average of 10.5 Percent. New York Times (Internet Version -- nytimes.com) October 19. Wissler, Clark 1914 The Influence of the Horse in the Development of Plains Culture. American Anthropologist 16:1-25. — 1917 The American Indian: An Introduction to the Anthropology of the New World New York: McMurtrie. Wobst, H. Martin 1978 The Archaeo-Ethnology of Hunter-Gatherers or the Tyranny of the Ethnographic Record in Archaeology. American Antiquity 43 (2):303-309. Wolf, Eric 1957 Closed Corporate Peasant communities in Mesoamerica and Central Java. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 13:1-18. — 1969 American Anthropologists and American Society. In Concepts and Assumptions in Contemporary Anthropology. S.A. Tyler, ed. Pp. 3-11. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press. — 1974 Anthropology. New York: Norton. — 1980 They Divide and Subdivide and Call It Anthropology. In New York Times. Pp. 20, Vol. December 14. — 1982 Europe and the People Without History. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. — 1990 Facing Power -- Old Insights, New Questions. American Anthropologist 92:586-596. —

1999 Cognizing "Cognized Models". American Anthropologist 101 (1):19-22. Wolf, Martin 2007 How the Bottom Billion are Trapped (Review: The Bottom Billion by P. Collier). Financial Times (Internet Version -- ft.com) May 13. Woo, Stu 2006 U.S. Slipping in Educational-Attainment Levels, Says Report Comparing OECD Countries. In The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com), Vol. September 22 (Vol 53, Issue 5, Page A 40). Wooldridge, Adrian 2006 The Class of 2006; Why American Universities Will Lead the World. The Economist (Internet Version -- economist.com) The World in 2006. Worsley, Peter 1984 A Landmark in Anthropology (Review: Europe and the People Without History). American Ethnologist 11(1):170-175. Worster, Donald. 2001 A River Running West: The Life of John Wesley Powell. New York: Oxford University Press. Wright, Austin 2009 U. of Alaska Journalism Students to Embed with Combat Team in Iraq. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) July 27. Wyndham, Susan 1995a Making a Meal of Cook. Star-Times July 30:C8. — 1995b Scholars at Sea on Cook's Endeavors. Australian July 20:1. Yagoda, Ben 1998 Using an Electronic Data Base to Detect Current Clichés. The Chronicle of Higher Education July 10:B6. Yalman, Nur 1964 Review: La Pensee Sauvage by C. Levi-Strauss. American Anthropologist 66:1179-1182. Yang, Mayfair Mei-Hui 1989 The Gift Economy and State Power in China. Comparative Studies in Society and History 31 (1):25-54. Young, Jeffrey 2008 The Lectures are Recorded, So Why Go to Class? The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) May 16. Yunus, Muhammad 2007 Creating a World Without Poverty; Social Business and the Future of Capitalism. New York: Public Affairs. Zernike, Kate 2009 College Students Paying More for Less. The Chronicle of Higher Education (Internet Version -- chronicle.com) January 16. Zubrow, Ezra 1972 Environment, Subsistence, and Society: The Changing Archaeological Perspective. Annual Review of Anthropology 1972(1):179-206.

Top View