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French Left-Libertarianism and Benoit Hamon's Socialist Vision

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French Left-Libertarianism and Benoit Hamon's Socialist Vision French Left-Libertarianism and Benoit Hamon’s Socialist Vision Charles Masquelier (Exeter) he Parti Socialiste (PS) lost the well as the movement (Generation.s) he TFrench presidential election of 2017 launched following his electoral defeat, with the lowest score (6.36 per cent of mark more than a mere (re-)turn to the votes) in the party’s history under the fifth Left. They are, too, elements of a revival republic. Its candidate, Benoit Hamon, of a left-libertarianism, whose expression had made the decision to propose a within the French party-political campaign manifesto firmly anchored on apparatus had so far been confined to the Left, putting an end to years (if not parties associated with political ecology decades) of proposals that were socialist in (Kitschelt, 1990; Gombin, 2003). name only, and prompting the departure of various prominent figures within the n order to fully appreciate the nature of party, such as Manuel Valls (ex-prime IHamon’s strand of socialism, then, it is minister) and Jean-Yves Le Drian (ex- essential to situate it within a (libertarian) foreign office minister). Despite winning socialist mode of thought, wherein the the party members’ vote at the primary, ideal of individual emancipation holds a many party officials did indeed regard place as important as the values of equality his turn to the Left as a problematic and solidarity. For, left-libertarianism move, recalling elements of the rift not only aims to liberate individuals between UK Labour Party members and from various conditions of domination that of the Parliamentary Labour Party engendered by capitalism, it is also regarding Jeremy Corbyn. But, although distrustful of forms of central planning Hamon sought to reach an agreement and sets out to strike a compromise with the charismatic left-wing leader of between collectivism and individualism. the increasingly popular movement La While it would be unreasonable to France Insoumise (FI), his programme, as suggest that Hamon’s political vision Page 45 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) French Left-Libertarianism and Benoit Hamon’s Socialist Vision French left-libertarianism in perspective rench left-libertarian thinking Fcould be traced back to the work of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (2007), whose defence of workers’ self-management significantly influenced later proponents of autogestion in the 1960s and 1970s. As the ‘father of autogestion’ (Guerin, 1978), he advocated a radical re-organisation of economic life capable of striking a balance between individual emancipation and collective responsibility expected to pave the way for the co-existence of freedom, equality and solidarity. Partly drawn up in opposition to Louis Blanc’s 1848 call for a state responsible for financing and supervising the creation of cooperatives, Benoît Hamon at a public open-air meeting at the Place de République Proudhon’s de-centralised federalism © Marion Germa (CC BY-SA 4.0) effectively sought to safeguard workers’ freedom against the encroachments of constitutes a fully-fledged libertarian an omnicompetent and omnipresent socialism, a discussion of his interest form of centralised command. The in worker cooperatives, his political central site of emancipation for this ecology and a core measure he advocates, form of autogestion, then, is the known in the English-speaking world as democratically organised workplace. the universal basic income (UBI), reveal a fairly pronounced affinity with left- ut, left-libertarian thinking in libertarian thinking. In this piece I aim BFrance would, especially from the to discuss this affinity, while situating 1960s onwards, eventually become Hamon’s socialism within a particular internally diversified. Two main strands tradition of French left-libertarianism. could be observed: one, the economistic This is followed by reflections on strand, influenced by the work of the 2017 electoral defeat and some Proudhon, and another, the culturalist of the lessons to be learned from it. strand, influenced by the work of Henri Lefèbvre (1988; 2002). The latter was an influential figure of the May 1968 Page 46 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Charles Masquelier protests in France, who anticipated of ‘ecological rationality,’ in virtue of a central role for the workplace in the their role in minimising the operations operationalisation of autogestion, but of an ‘economic rationality’ that imposes understood the concept as one capturing repressive imperatives of productivity on a more general change. According to society at large. By increasing the scope of him, the concept ought to be regarded choices made independently of the ‘quest as a principle of life, guiding practices for maximum economic productivity’ within and beyond the workplace (Gorz, 2012: 32), those measures are (Lefèbvre, 1988). Under such a reading, thought to be particularly appropriate then, autogestion is best understood as a for facilitating the emergence of a free principle according to which individuals and ecologically sustainable mode of choose to live, i.e. as a cultural principle. life. In this sense, his eco-socialism, It follows that a socialist alternative which could also be regarded as a post- based on this version of autogestion, work left-libertarianism, marks a decisive entails the emergence of new economic, break away from the Proudhonian political and cultural modes of life economistic strand discussed above. articulated around self-management. n fact, despite the existence of other hile André Gorz followed a Ieconomistic left-libertarianisms Wsimilar line of reasoning, his such as Daniel Guerin’s ‘libertarian diagnosis that ‘individuals no longer communism,’ it was Gorz’s own strand identify with their work’ (Gorz, 2012: that eventually succeeded in making 88) led him to propose a revision of left- inroads into party politics. This could be libertarianism. Like Lefèbvre, he insisted explained by three key factors. Firstly, the on realising the ‘possibilities of self- presence of counter-cultural movements determined activity’ (Gorz, 2012: 42) in contesting the rather dirigiste character all spheres of life, but for Gorz, this would of the French political-economic order be achieved through the implementation in the 1960s provided a fruitful basis of concrete measures, such as the for the revival of a left-libertarianism reduction of working time (Gorz, 2012) that located emancipation beyond the and, as advocated later in his life, the workplace. Secondly, the increasing introduction of a UBI (2012b). His own preponderance of environmentalist strand of libertarianism also includes concerns within public and political a pronounced concern for ecological discourse gave actors of May 1968, matters. In fact, the above measures are disillusioned with party politics, such as thought to be central for re-organising Daniel Cohn-Bendit and Brice Lalonde, society around the ‘less is better’ logic opportunities for cultivating their Page 47 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) French Left-Libertarianism and Benoit Hamon’s Socialist Vision political engagement outside traditional proposes a range of measures ranging party structures. Finally, the advocacy from investment in public services and of an economistic understanding of urban renewal, the expansion of the autogestion, alongside socialist forms of cooperative sector, the UBI, the reduction planning by a French socialist party keen of working time, anti-discriminatory to unite forces with the Parti Communiste controls, forms of green taxation and the Francais (PCF), contributed to making constitutional protection of public goods political ecology the most auspicious such as water and air (Hamon, 2017). political terrain for left-libertarian concerns à la Gorz. It was not until the iven the presence of a range of 2017 presidential election campaign of Gmeasures relying on taxation, Benoit Hamon that left-libertarianism regulation and public expenditure, it began to enter party politics through is possible to observe an inclination the socialist door. But what kind of left- towards collectivism, typical of social libertarianism can be observable here? democratic models. However, Hamon made his preference for de-centralised Hamon and left-libertarianism and participatory forms of democratic governance plain to see. In fact, now freed een to re-align the PS with a from the constraints of the PS political Kgenuine but modernised form of machine, Hamon wrote in the charter socialism, the socialist candidate drew of his movement entitled Generation.s: the contours of his political programme on the basis of a clearly defined diagnosis In the economic and social field, we align ourselves with the kind of socialist of contemporary French society and its struggle and promise, according to future developments. Central to it are which no emancipation can be possible the following observations, most relevant without democracy in the workshop. to the discussion of left-libertarianism Democracy is not an oasis limited to the intermittent right to vote for one’s offered in this article: increasing poverty representatives.1 (Generation.s, 2017) and socio-economic inequalities, various forms of precarity and domination ith such an explicit support articulated around racial, gender Wfor industrial democracy and a and sexuality lines, the increasing clear ideological alignment with forms automation of work and manifold socio- of socialism grounding emancipation economic consequences of the digital in the democratic organisation of the revolution and, last but not least, the workplace, Hamon makes his debt
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