French Left-Libertarianism and Benoit Hamon’s Socialist Vision
Charles Masquelier (Exeter)
he Parti Socialiste (PS) lost the well as the movement (Generation.s) he TFrench presidential election of 2017 launched following his electoral defeat, with the lowest score (6.36 per cent of mark more than a mere (re-)turn to the votes) in the party’s history under the fifth Left. They are, too, elements of a revival republic. Its candidate, Benoit Hamon, of a left-libertarianism, whose expression had made the decision to propose a within the French party-political campaign manifesto firmly anchored on apparatus had so far been confined to the Left, putting an end to years (if not parties associated with political ecology decades) of proposals that were socialist in (Kitschelt, 1990; Gombin, 2003). name only, and prompting the departure of various prominent figures within the n order to fully appreciate the nature of party, such as Manuel Valls (ex-prime IHamon’s strand of socialism, then, it is minister) and Jean-Yves Le Drian (ex- essential to situate it within a (libertarian) foreign office minister). Despite winning socialist mode of thought, wherein the the party members’ vote at the primary, ideal of individual emancipation holds a many party officials did indeed regard place as important as the values of equality his turn to the Left as a problematic and solidarity. For, left-libertarianism move, recalling elements of the rift not only aims to liberate individuals between UK Labour Party members and from various conditions of domination that of the Parliamentary Labour Party engendered by capitalism, it is also regarding Jeremy Corbyn. But, although distrustful of forms of central planning Hamon sought to reach an agreement and sets out to strike a compromise with the charismatic left-wing leader of between collectivism and individualism. the increasingly popular movement La While it would be unreasonable to France Insoumise (FI), his programme, as suggest that Hamon’s political vision
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French left-libertarianism in perspective
rench left-libertarian thinking Fcould be traced back to the work of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (2007), whose defence of workers’ self-management significantly influenced later proponents of autogestion in the 1960s and 1970s. As the ‘father of autogestion’ (Guerin, 1978), he advocated a radical re-organisation of economic life capable of striking a balance between individual emancipation and collective responsibility expected to pave the way for the co-existence of freedom, equality and solidarity. Partly drawn up in opposition to Louis Blanc’s 1848 call for a state responsible for financing and supervising the creation of cooperatives, Benoît Hamon at a public open-air meeting at the Place de République Proudhon’s de-centralised federalism © Marion Germa (CC BY-SA 4.0) effectively sought to safeguard workers’ freedom against the encroachments of constitutes a fully-fledged libertarian an omnicompetent and omnipresent socialism, a discussion of his interest form of centralised command. The in worker cooperatives, his political central site of emancipation for this ecology and a core measure he advocates, form of autogestion, then, is the known in the English-speaking world as democratically organised workplace. the universal basic income (UBI), reveal a fairly pronounced affinity with left- ut, left-libertarian thinking in libertarian thinking. In this piece I aim BFrance would, especially from the to discuss this affinity, while situating 1960s onwards, eventually become Hamon’s socialism within a particular internally diversified. Two main strands tradition of French left-libertarianism. could be observed: one, the economistic This is followed by reflections on strand, influenced by the work of the 2017 electoral defeat and some Proudhon, and another, the culturalist of the lessons to be learned from it. strand, influenced by the work of Henri Lefèbvre (1988; 2002). The latter was an influential figure of the May 1968
Page 46 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Charles Masquelier protests in France, who anticipated of ‘ecological rationality,’ in virtue of a central role for the workplace in the their role in minimising the operations operationalisation of autogestion, but of an ‘economic rationality’ that imposes understood the concept as one capturing repressive imperatives of productivity on a more general change. According to society at large. By increasing the scope of him, the concept ought to be regarded choices made independently of the ‘quest as a principle of life, guiding practices for maximum economic productivity’ within and beyond the workplace (Gorz, 2012: 32), those measures are (Lefèbvre, 1988). Under such a reading, thought to be particularly appropriate then, autogestion is best understood as a for facilitating the emergence of a free principle according to which individuals and ecologically sustainable mode of choose to live, i.e. as a cultural principle. life. In this sense, his eco-socialism, It follows that a socialist alternative which could also be regarded as a post- based on this version of autogestion, work left-libertarianism, marks a decisive entails the emergence of new economic, break away from the Proudhonian political and cultural modes of life economistic strand discussed above. articulated around self-management. n fact, despite the existence of other hile André Gorz followed a Ieconomistic left-libertarianisms Wsimilar line of reasoning, his such as Daniel Guerin’s ‘libertarian diagnosis that ‘individuals no longer communism,’ it was Gorz’s own strand identify with their work’ (Gorz, 2012: that eventually succeeded in making 88) led him to propose a revision of left- inroads into party politics. This could be libertarianism. Like Lefèbvre, he insisted explained by three key factors. Firstly, the on realising the ‘possibilities of self- presence of counter-cultural movements determined activity’ (Gorz, 2012: 42) in contesting the rather dirigiste character all spheres of life, but for Gorz, this would of the French political-economic order be achieved through the implementation in the 1960s provided a fruitful basis of concrete measures, such as the for the revival of a left-libertarianism reduction of working time (Gorz, 2012) that located emancipation beyond the and, as advocated later in his life, the workplace. Secondly, the increasing introduction of a UBI (2012b). His own preponderance of environmentalist strand of libertarianism also includes concerns within public and political a pronounced concern for ecological discourse gave actors of May 1968, matters. In fact, the above measures are disillusioned with party politics, such as thought to be central for re-organising Daniel Cohn-Bendit and Brice Lalonde, society around the ‘less is better’ logic opportunities for cultivating their
Page 47 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) French Left-Libertarianism and Benoit Hamon’s Socialist Vision political engagement outside traditional proposes a range of measures ranging party structures. Finally, the advocacy from investment in public services and of an economistic understanding of urban renewal, the expansion of the autogestion, alongside socialist forms of cooperative sector, the UBI, the reduction planning by a French socialist party keen of working time, anti-discriminatory to unite forces with the Parti Communiste controls, forms of green taxation and the Francais (PCF), contributed to making constitutional protection of public goods political ecology the most auspicious such as water and air (Hamon, 2017). political terrain for left-libertarian concerns à la Gorz. It was not until the iven the presence of a range of 2017 presidential election campaign of Gmeasures relying on taxation, Benoit Hamon that left-libertarianism regulation and public expenditure, it began to enter party politics through is possible to observe an inclination the socialist door. But what kind of left- towards collectivism, typical of social libertarianism can be observable here? democratic models. However, Hamon made his preference for de-centralised Hamon and left-libertarianism and participatory forms of democratic governance plain to see. In fact, now freed een to re-align the PS with a from the constraints of the PS political Kgenuine but modernised form of machine, Hamon wrote in the charter socialism, the socialist candidate drew of his movement entitled Generation.s: the contours of his political programme on the basis of a clearly defined diagnosis In the economic and social field, we align ourselves with the kind of socialist of contemporary French society and its struggle and promise, according to future developments. Central to it are which no emancipation can be possible the following observations, most relevant without democracy in the workshop. to the discussion of left-libertarianism Democracy is not an oasis limited to the intermittent right to vote for one’s offered in this article: increasing poverty representatives.1 (Generation.s, 2017) and socio-economic inequalities, various forms of precarity and domination ith such an explicit support articulated around racial, gender Wfor industrial democracy and a and sexuality lines, the increasing clear ideological alignment with forms automation of work and manifold socio- of socialism grounding emancipation economic consequences of the digital in the democratic organisation of the revolution and, last but not least, the workplace, Hamon makes his debt to left- ecological consequences of pre-existing libertarianism explicit. But, while this economic practices and lifestyles. In passage seems to suggest an alignment order to address those issues, Hamon with economistic left-libertarianism,
Page 48 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Charles Masquelier other measures he defended during the Generation.s promotes for addressing presidential campaign and continues to environmental problems. In fact, the promote within his movement, indicate a call for large-scale social change through closer alignment with the post-work and a re-organisation of social, economic, eco-socialist left-libertarianism of Gorz. political and cultural life appears more pronounced in his movement manifesto n fact, Hamon’s debt to Gorz has, than his campaign manifesto. Freed Itoo, been made rather explicit on from the PS party machine’s constraints, several occasions. A few months before Hamon is now in a better position the presidential election, for example, to express his political radicalism.
Benoît Hamon, painted portrait © Thierry Ehrmann CC( BY 2.0) he published an article on the UBI in a ut, Hamon’s debt to Gorz goes special issue of Politis marking the tenth Bbeyond the occasional references to anniversary of Gorz’s death (Hamon, his work. It is indeed possible to observe 2017b). More recently, his movement’s a more fundamental influence by Gorz draft manifesto, to be debated on 30th on the kind of social change and the June 2018, directly referenced Gorz’s own measures to attain it promoted by call for ‘communal means of production Hamon and his movement. In the draft for communal needs’ (Generation.s, manifesto, for example, the movement 2018) under a section devoted to political calls for a ‘profound rethinking of work ecology and the kind of economic changes and its role in our lives,’ while claiming
Page 49 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) French Left-Libertarianism and Benoit Hamon’s Socialist Vision to ‘engage in a cultural struggle against to increase their freedom to choose the consumerism and individualism, kind of job that will satisfy them, while responsible for the fragmentation of also obtaining the means for seeking societies’ (Generation.s, 2018). The emancipation outside work. Given the overall aim of such orientations consists two aforementioned core functions, then, in paving the way for an ecologically the new social contract underpinned by sustainable society in which individuals the UBI is one founded on ‘principles of can finally achieve a ‘real and complete autonomy, solidarity and redistribution’ emancipation’ (Generation.s, 2018) (Generation.s, 2018) and, as Gorz himself both within but, also and crucially, would put it, partly aims to liberate outside work. It is as facilitator of this individuals from economic rationality. change and as basis of a ‘new social contract’ that Hamon envisions the amon’s proposal to operationalise, UBI to perform its key functions. Hat once, what Horvat (1980) regarded as the core values of self- s indicated above, Hamon, like government, namely freedom, equality AGorz, proposed to introduce an and solidarity, anticipates an essential unconditional basic income for all role for the state. Left-libertarian forms citizens. Construed as a ‘pillar of social of thinking, however, warn us against security of the 21st century,’ the UBI the potential excesses of a state-centred has a socio-economic function, insofar socialist alternative. How could Hamon as it is expected to alleviate precarity and overcome the tension between such poverty (Generation.s, 2018). As such, it a strong emphasis on a ‘providential is expected to facilitate the emergence of state,’ alongside overtly libertarian a more egalitarian society. But Hamon ideals? Unlike his left-wing rival Jean identified another function for this Luc Mélenchon, Hamon aims to measure: as ‘instrument of emancipation strike a balance between individualism and progress’ (Generation.s, 2018). and collectivism. According to the While its existence is made possible latter, collectivism aims to facilitate through institutionalised collective rather than subjugate individual responsibility, i.e. the state, it is also aimed emancipation. One does indeed find at facilitating the emancipation of each in both his campaign and movement individual. Alongside the ‘reduction of manifesto, a pronounced tendency to working time,’ the UBI will alleviate the use such terms as ‘facilitate,’ ‘encourage’ pressures exerted by market imperatives and ‘incentivise’ while referring to and, in turn, empower individuals to functions of the state (Hamon, 2017; choose how they want to live, that is, Generation.s, 2018). Combined with
Page 50 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Charles Masquelier his proposals to decentralise governance the final section of this piece, I reflect and enhance industrial democracy, those on some possible reasons for such an discursive components do point towards outcome, as well as on the prospects a concern for minimising potential for a left-libertarian future in France. state encroachments on freedom. Lessons from the 2017 election and ontrasted with the proposals of FI, the future of left-libertarianism in Cthe singularity of Hamon’s stance France becomes even clearer. In its campaign manifesto, for example, one finds an lthough Mélenchon and Hamon eco-socialist vision formulated with a Adiscussed possible avenues for much more punitive tone than Hamon’s. uniting their campaign efforts during The state is expected to ‘prohibit’, ‘tax’ the presidential election, no agreement and ‘punish’ when deemed necessary could be reached. Had they been able (Mélenchon, 2017). The state, here, to agree on a collective way forward, appears to constitute an end in itself. For, however, the outcome of the election despite favouring a ‘people’s uprising,’ could have been significantly different, calling for a ‘constituent assembly’ with a score likely to supersede Marcon’s and insisting on the horizontalism of 24.01 per cent of votes and Marine Le movement-led political action, the Pen’s 21.30 per cent. The Left in France, anticipated role for the state recalls then, continues to be a political force to be the Jacobinist tendency to centralise reckoned with. However, given Hamon’s power. The state, as institutionalised election score and the predominantly universalism, can and will act in the name Jacobinist outlook of most of left- of the ‘peuple’ (the ‘people’). Rather than wing parties in France, including the a state-as-facilitator, Mélenchon tends to Nouveau Parti Anti-Capitaliste, Force promote forms of intervention tilting the Ouvriere and the PCF, one is justified in balance of collectivism and individualism doubting that the future of the French towards the former. For, no distinction Left is libertarian. Below I explain why appears to be made between individual such doubts are not entirely justified. emancipation and the actions of the state, he claim that Hamon’s low undertaken in the name of the people. Tscore is attributable to a far too élenchon and his movement pronounced move to the left could be Mdid nevertheless end the 2017 heard among deserting PS officials prior presidential campaign with a score to, and following, the party’s historical (19.58 per cent of the votes) more defeat. However, despite a manifesto than twice higher than Hamon’s. In firmly anchored on the Left, FI obtained
Page 51 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) French Left-Libertarianism and Benoit Hamon’s Socialist Vision almost as high a score as Francois movement ideologically against the PS – Fillon (20.01 per cent of votes), the as the ‘real’ or ‘genuine’ Left – Hamon’s candidate for the mainstream right-wing defeat partly stems from an attempt party Les Republicains. Because a very to achieve the same goal from within large section of the French electorate a party, whose genuinely left-wing continues to value genuinely left-wing credentials have become questionable. politics, the claim that Hamon’s turn to the left is responsible for such a n the footsteps of Mélenchon remarkable defeat appears unreasonable. Iand Emmanuel Macron, Hamon eventually chose to create a movement in would instead argue that, in order to which he can freely express, cultivate and I understand the historically low score of communicate his radicalism with like- a Hamon-led PS, one ought to take into minded political activists. With a green account the constraints emanating from party – Europe Ecologie les Verts – often the party’s own ideological trajectory and found vascillating between the centre political history, on which Mélenchon and the Left of the political spectrum, himself based his ideological positioning and more recently choosing to unite forces and political strategy. Since the 1983 with Hamon during the presidential monetarist turn of the PS under the election, the leader of Generation.s has, leadership of Francois Mitterand, the today, become the main bearer of party has struggled to reconnect with libertarian ideals firmly anchored on its core electoral base, paving the way the Left. Despite a clear and consistent for the electoral successes of not only advocacy of a ‘providential state’ Mélenchon, but also of a Front National watching over society, Hamon insists which seized the opportunity to revise that its interventions ought to limit its rhetoric in order to attract left- themselves to guiding the cultural and wing voters (Amable, 2017). Although economic transformations appropriate Hamon sought to re-unite the PS with for an egalitarian ecological transition the electorate in question, his affiliation and individual emancipation. He is to a party responsible for implementing today confronted with a choice: either to some of the most neoliberal measures seek a closer ideological alignment with in France (Baccaro and Howell, 2011; Mélenchon’s statist strand of socialism Amable, 2017) prevented him from or assert the distinctively left-libertarian gaining sufficient credibility among elements of his own movement. Should disaffected voters. If Mélenchon’s he choose the latter, political success will electoral success can be explained by partly rest on his capacity to offer a self- successfully positioning his party and confident and credible left-libertarian
Page 52 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Charles Masquelier alternative to the dominant Jacobinism Science Politique
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Kitschelt H. (1990). ‘La gauche Endnotes libertaire et les écologistes français.’ 1 All passages extracted from the Revue Française de Science Politique, 40e Generation.s website are my own English année, n°3: 339-365 translation of the original French.
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