Liberalism, Radicalism, and Legal Scholarship Steven H
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Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
Rethinking Feminist Ethics
RETHINKING FEMINIST ETHICS The question of whether there can be distinctively female ethics is one of the most important and controversial debates in current gender studies, philosophy and psychology. Rethinking Feminist Ethics: Care, Trust and Empathy marks a bold intervention in these debates by bridging the ground between women theorists disenchanted with aspects of traditional ‘male’ ethics and traditional theorists who insist upon the need for some ethical principles. Daryl Koehn provides one of the first critical overviews of a wide range of alternative female/ feminist/feminine ethics defended by influential theorists such as Carol Gilligan, Annette Baier, Nel Noddings and Diana Meyers. She shows why these ethics in their current form are not defensible and proposes a radically new alternative. In the first section, Koehn identifies the major tenets of ethics of care, trust and empathy. She provides a lucid, searching analysis of why female ethics emphasize a relational, rather than individualistic, self and why they favor a more empathic, less rule-based, approach to human interactions. At the heart of the debate over alternative ethics is the question of whether female ethics of care, trust and empathy constitute a realistic, practical alternative to the rule- based ethics of Immanuel Kant, John Stuart Mill and John Rawls. Koehn concludes that they do not. Female ethics are plagued by many of the same problems they impute to ‘male’ ethics, including a failure to respect other individuals. In particular, female ethics favor the perspective of the caregiver, trustor and empathizer over the viewpoint of those who are on the receiving end of care, trust and empathy. -
Deconstruction, Feminism, and Law: Cornell and Mackinnon on Female Subjectivity and Resistance
082205 CLARK.DOC 11/11/2005 9:18 AM DECONSTRUCTION, FEMINISM, AND LAW: CORNELL AND MACKINNON ON FEMALE SUBJECTIVITY AND RESISTANCE M. J. CLARK* In examining familiar things we come to such unfamiliar conclusions that our very language is twisted and bent even as it guides us. Writing “under erasure” is the mark of this contortion.1 What, then, is truth? A mobile army of metaphors metonymies, anthropomorphisms . truths are illusions of which one has forgotten that they are illusions coins which having lost their stamp, are now regarded as metal and no longer as coins.2 Yet a gaze averted from the beaten track, a hatred of brutality, a search for fresh concepts not yet encompassed by the general pattern, is the last hope for thought. In an intellectual hierarchy which constantly makes everyone answerable, unanswerability alone can call the hierarchy directly by its name.3 Sexual difference is one of the major philosophical issues of . our age. According to Heidegger, each age has one issue to think through, and one only. Sexual difference is 4 probably the issue in our time which could be our “salvation” if we thought it through. I. INTRODUCTION: POSTRUCTURALISM AND LAW In 1967, Jacques Derrida published three philosophical works that altered the critical and philosophical landscape of the late twentieth century. Those works—Of Grammatology, Speech and Phenomena, and Writing and Difference— attempted to rethink the very fabric of thinking itself, and aimed at displacing a mode of reasoning that Derrida argued intrinsically required dominance as a condition of its operation.5 In brief, Derrida argued that Western philosophy, and by inference Western modes of rationality and being, were based on a desire * Michael J. -
Alexis De Tocqueville: the Traditionalist Roots of Democracy
Alexis de Tocqueville: The Traditionalist Roots of Democracy Isidre MOLAS Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Working Paper n. 9 Barcelona 1990 Both the American and French Revolutions went beyond national borders and shook the world. This was the beginning of a new age. As BALLANCHE said in the middle of the Restoration: "Nous sommes arrivés à un âge critique de l'esprit humain, à une époque de fin et de renouvellement. La société ne repose plus sur les mêmes bases, et les peuples ont besoin d'institutions qui soient en rapport avec leurs destinées futures. Nous sommes semblables aux Israélites dans le désert”1, he work of Alexis de TOCQUEVILLE (1808-1859) comes into this context of profound change. He had been born into a family of Norman aristocracy, related to MALESHERBES and CHATEAUBRIAND. The July Monarchy removed his stock from power and placed it in the ranks of legitimism. After his trip to the United States, he began his political thought, encouraged by the implicit desire to offer his world a prospect for the future in the face of the new liberal regime of bourgeoisie and officials. In 1835, when he was thirty, he published the first volume of La Démocratie en Amérique (D), which was a great success, unlike the second, which was more ambitious and detailed, published five years later. In short, it led him to political action, that was not very spectacular, and that left him with a certain feeling of disappointment. A Member of Parliament from 1839 until 1851 for Valognes, where he lived, he was not particularly enthusiastic about the Republic and was relieved when CAVAINGAC defeated the people of Paris. -
Radical Politics Between Protest and Parliament
tripleC 15(2): 459-476, 2017 http://www.triple-c.at The Alternative to Occupy? Radical politics between protest and parliament Emil Husted* and Allan Dreyer Hansen** *Department of Organization, Copenhagen Business School, Copenhagen, Denmark, www.cbs.dk/en/staff/ehioa **Department of Social Sciences and Business, Roskilde University, Roskilde, Den- mark, www.ruc.dk/~adh Abstract: In this paper, we compare the political anatomy of two distinct enactments of (left- ist) radical politics: Occupy Wall Street, a large social movement in the United States, and The Alternative, a recently elected political party in Denmark. Based on Ernesto Laclau’s conceptualization of ‘the universal’ and ‘the particular’, we show how the institutionalization of radical politics (as carried out by The Alternative) entails a move from universality towards particularity. This move, however, comes with the risk of cutting off supporters who no longer feel represented by the project. We refer to this problem as the problem of particularization. In conclusion, we use the analysis to propose a conceptual distinction between radical movements and radical parties: While the former is constituted by a potentially infinite chain of equivalent grievances, the latter is constituted by a prioritized set of differential demands. While both are important, we argue that they must remain distinct in order to preserve the universal spirit of contemporary radical politics. Keywords: Radical Politics, Radical Movements, Radical Parties, Discourse Theory, Ernesto Laclau, Universalism, Particularism, Occupy Wall Street, The Alternative Acknowledgement: First of all, we would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and the editorial team at tripleC for their constructive comments. -
A Retrospective View of Critical Legal Studies and Radical Criminology Albert P
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 84 Article 3 Issue 3 Fall Fall 1993 Radicalism in Law and Criminology: A Retrospective View of Critical Legal Studies and Radical Criminology Albert P. Cardarelli Stephen C. Hicks Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Albert P. Cardarelli, Stephen C. Hicks, Radicalism in Law and Criminology: A Retrospective View of Critical Legal Studies and Radical Criminology, 84 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 502 (Fall 1993) This Criminology is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. 009 1-4169/93/8403-0502 THE JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL LAW & CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 84, No. 3 Copyright © 1993 by Northwestern University, School of Law Printedin U.S.A. CRIMINOLOGY RADICALISM IN LAW AND CRIMINOLOGY: A RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF CRITICAL LEGAL STUDIES AND RADICAL CRIMINOLOGY ALBERT P. CARDARELLI* & STEPHEN C. HICKS** I. INTRODUCTION: HISTORY AS A PRELUDE As the end of the century approaches, there is a growing senti- ment that we may be witnessing the end of the "Left" as a major ideological force in American society.' The reasons for the pur- ported demise, especially in American politics, are not always in agreement, even among leftist scholars themselves. 2 One explana- tion posits that the fall from power began with the ascendancy of the "Right" in national politics with the election of Ronald Reagan, and was accelerated by the collapse of communist governments through- * Senior Fellow, John W. -
Remembering Liberal Feminism in Radical Ways: Locating Conservative Strategies in the Narratives of Dr
University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 1-1-2009 Remembering Liberal Feminism in Radical Ways: Locating Conservative Strategies in the Narratives of Dr. Christina Hoff Sommers, Tammy Bruce, and Dr. Laura Schlessinger Jenni Marie Simon University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd Part of the Communication Commons Recommended Citation Simon, Jenni Marie, "Remembering Liberal Feminism in Radical Ways: Locating Conservative Strategies in the Narratives of Dr. Christina Hoff Sommers, Tammy Bruce, and Dr. Laura Schlessinger" (2009). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 929. https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/929 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. REMEMBERING LIBERAL FEMINISM IN RADICAL WAYS: LOCATING CONSERVATIVE STRATEGIES IN THE NARRATIVES OF DR. CHRISTINA HOFF SOMMERS, TAMMY BRUCE, AND DR. LAURA SCHLESSINGER __________ A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of Social Sciences University of Denver __________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy __________ by Jenni M. Simon November 2009 Advisor: Dr. Christina Foust Author: Jenni M. Simon Title: REMEMBERING LIBERAL FEMINISM IN RADICAL WAYS: LOCATING CONSERVATIVE STRATEGIES IN THE NARRATIVES OF DR. CHRISTINA HOFF SOMMERS, TAMMY BRUCE, AND DR. LAURA SCHLESSINGER Advisor: Dr. Christina R. Foust Degree Date: November, 2009 ABSTRACT This dissertation identifies and challenges post-feminist narratives that remember the second wave or 1960s and 1970s liberal feminism as a radical form of activism. -
Overconfidence Chapter SSSP COMMENTS JF 11 August 2020
Running Head: OVERCONFIDENCE IN RADICAL POLITICS 1 Overconfidence in Radical Politics Jan-Willem van Prooijen1,2 1 VU Amsterdam 2 The Netherlands Institute for the Study of Crime and Law Enforcement (NSCR) In J. P. Forgas, B. Crano, & K. Fiedler (Eds.), The Psychology of Populism. Oxon, UK: Routledge Correspondence to Jan-Willem van Prooijen, Department of Experimental and Applied Psychology, Van der Boechorststraat 7, 1081BT Amsterdam, the Netherlands. Email: [email protected] Running Head: OVERCONFIDENCE IN RADICAL POLITICS 2 Overconfidence in Radical Politics In the past decade, radical political movements have done well electorally. Populist movements have gained significant levels of public support in many EU countries including Italy, France, Hungary, Poland, Denmark, the Netherlands, and the UK. Also across many Latin American countries – including Brazil, Venezuela, Bolivia, and Nicaragua – political movements that are populist, nationalist, or extremist can rely on substantial levels of public support. This global momentum of radical political movements appears to be taking place at both the left and the right. For instance, not too long ago it would be considered unthinkable in the US that the radical right-wing (e.g., anti-immigrant) rhetoric of Donald Trump could get him elected President; but also, it would be considered unthinkable that a congress member who publicly proclaims to be a “Democratic Socialist” (i.e., Bernie Sanders) could be a serious contender for the Democratic party’s presidential nomination. The present chapter seeks to contribute to understanding the psychological appeal of relatively radical political movements among the public. Although many different radical political movements exist around the world, here I define radical political beliefs in terms of political extremism and/or populism. -
Radicalism, Racism, and Affirmative Action: in Defense of a Historical Approach
Digital Commons @ Touro Law Center Scholarly Works Faculty Scholarship 1999 Radicalism, Racism, and Affirmative Action: In Defense of a Historical Approach Deseriee Kennedy Touro Law Center Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.tourolaw.edu/scholarlyworks Part of the Law and Society Commons Recommended Citation 27 Cap. U. L. Rev. 61 (1999) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Digital Commons @ Touro Law Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Touro Law Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RADICALISM, RACISM AND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION: IN DEFENSE OF A HISTORICAL APPROACH DESERIEE KENNEDY* "The history of the world is the history, not of individuals, but of groups, not of nations, but of races, and he who ignores or seeks to override the race idea in human history ignores and overrides the central thought of all history."l "No history, no justice; no justice, no peace. What it means to live in 2 history is to recognize that the past has not passed." Radicalism, in general and as resistance to injustice and power imbalances, has played a noble part in history. In an editorial in support of affirmative action, 3 a local columnist recently commented that he was struck by the irony and ahistoricism of the current virulent resistance to radicalism and embrace of conservatism. He noted that American history has been marked by radical resistance: George Washington was radical in his opposition to the British crown; Abraham Lincoln was radical in his resistance to Southern whites; Dr. -
Rothbard's Time on the Left
ROTHBARD'S TIME ON THE LEFT MURRAY ROTHBARD DEVOTED HIS life to the struggle for liberty, but, as anyone who has made a similar commitment realizes, it is never exactly clear how that devotion should translate into action. Conse- quently, Rothbard formed strategic alliances with widely different groups throughout his career. Perhaps the most intriguing of these alliances is the one Rothbard formed with the New Left in the rnid- 1960s, especially considering their antithetical economic views. So why would the most free market of free-market economists reach out to a gaggle of assorted socialists? By the early 1960s, Roth- bard saw the New Right, exemplified by National Review, as perpet- ually wedded to the Cold War, which would quickly turn exponen- tially hotter in Vietnam, and the state interventions that accompanied it, so he set out looking for new allies. In the New Left, Rothbard found a group of scholars who opposed the Cold War and political centralization, and possessed a mass following with high growth potential. For this opportunity, Rothbard was willing to set economics somewhat to the side and settle on common ground, and, while his cooperation with the New Left never altered or caused him to hide any of his foundational beliefs, Rothbard's rhetoric shifted distinctly leftward during this period. It should be noted at the outset that Rothbard's pro-peace stance followed a long tradition of individualist intellectuals. Writing in the early 1970s, Rothbard described the antiwar activities of turn-of-the- century economist William Graham Sumner and merchant Edward Atkinson during the American conquest of the Philippines, and noted: In taking this stand, Atkinson, Surnner, and their colleagues were not being "sports"; they were following an anti-war, anti-imperial- ist tradition as old as classical liberalism itself. -
The Third Way and Beyond
HALE MAKE-UP 23/10/03 8:21 am Page 186 10 Will Leggett Criticism and the future of the Third Way Introduction It is ironic that the surest indication of the durability of the Third Way is the con- tinuing attention paid to it by its critics. This collection has provided a flavour of the range of such criticism from different disciplinary, analytical and political perspectives. But what general conclusions can be drawn from contributions such as these as to the prospects for a successful critique of the Third Way and a reconstructed project for the (Centre) Left? This concluding chapter reviews existing critical strategies towards the Third Way, as illustrated by contributions to this volume. It divides the various criticisms from what are broadly the neo- Marxist and the social democratic Left into those which dismiss the Third Way as a ‘smokescreen’, with no substance in itself, and those which recognise that if it is to be critically engaged with the Third Way has to be taken seriously. This overview reveals that, at present, the various critical approaches expose significant weaknesses, tensions and dangers in the Third Way project. However, critics representing both these perspectives are often too quick to dismiss outright some of the claims made by the Third Way as to the changing social and politi- cal terrain on which the ‘actually existing’ Centre-Left finds itself. It is suggested here that a productive critique of the Third Way should do three related things. First, it needs to take the Third Way seriously. To dismiss the Third Way as ‘mere’ spin, or simply a smokescreen for a more traditional agenda, is to misconceive it: the Third Way is a distinctive political project that draws on different political heritages in novel ways. -
Radical Politics and Domestic Life in Late-Georgian England, C.1790-1820
The Home-Making of the English Working Class: Radical Politics and Domestic Life in late-Georgian England, c.1790-1820. Ruth Mather Queen Mary, University of London. Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 2016. 1 Statement of originality. I, Ruth Mather, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Date: 20th September, 2016. Details of collaboration and publications: R. Mather, ‘These Lancashire women are witches in politics’: Female reform societies and radical theatricality in the north-west of England, c.1819-20’ in Manchester Region History Review, Vol. 23 (2012), pp.49-64. 2 Table of Contents Acknowledgements ……………………………………………………… 4 Abstract ………………………………………………………………… 5 List of tables and figures ………………………………………………… 6 Chapter 1: Introduction ………………………………………………… 9 Chapter 2: Imagining Home: Domestic Rhetoric, Gender and Political Radicalisms in England, c.1790-1820 ………………………………………………… 42 Chapter 3: The Politics of Making Home ………………………………… 69 Chapter 4: Power Relations: Family and Community in Popular Radicalism ….