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Previous Attempts to Bring Peace to Northern Ireland Have Failed. What Problems Need to Be Overcome So Devolution and Peace Can Succeed in Northern Ireland?
Previous attempts to bring peace to Northern Ireland have failed. What problems need to be overcome so devolution and peace can succeed in Northern Ireland? So what are the problems? Paramilitaries – Loyalist and Republican terrorists are fighting a war against each other. Unionist and Nationalist politicians find it hard to discuss peace when the other side is killing their people. Partition – Both sides want different things. Nationalists want a Free and independent Ireland. Unionists want Northern Ireland to remain part of the UK. British and Irish governments – There was a great deal of mistrust between Dublin and London until 1985. Distrust – Unionists/Protestants and Nationalists/Catholics do not trust each other. Economic and Social problems. Poor schooling, housing and amenities need investment. Who gets the investment first. High Unemployment is caused by lack of companies and businesses willing to invest in Northern Ireland whilst the Troubles continue. America was funding the IRA and Sinn Fein. Weapon decommissioning and the end of violence. The arrest and detainment of innocent Catholics. Orange Marches and RUC seen as offensive to Nationalists. Civil Rights. Different opinions amongst the Unionists and Nationalists. DUP vs UUP. Sinn Fein vs SDLP. Obstacles to Peace - Politics During the Troubles, the media reports of bombs and shootings gave people outside Northern Ireland the impression that Northern Ireland was a war zone. It seemed to have no normal life and no normal politics either. This was not the case. There were 'normal' political parties in Northern Ireland, and most people supported them. All the parties had views and policies relating to a wide range of 'normal' issues such as education, health care and housing. -
5.IRL Politics and Society in Northern Ireland |Sample Answer Would You Agree That Terence O'neill And/Or Brian Faulkner Failed As a Political Leader?
5.IRL Politics and Society in Northern Ireland | Sample answer Would you agree that Terence O’Neill and/or Brian Faulkner failed as a political leader? Argue your case. (2018) Brian Faulkner became Prime Minister of Northern Ireland in March 1971 after Chichester-Clarke’s resignation. During his time as Prime Minister the IRA intensified their campaign. In an effort to stem the violence, Faulkner introduced internment in April 1971. The policy was a disaster. It increased nationalist grievances and won support for the republican cause. After Bloody Sunday, 30th January 1972, the British government lost faith in Faulkner’s ability to restore order in Northern Ireland and introduced direct rule, suspending the Stormont Government. This essay aims to examine how Brian Faulkner failed as a political leader. Brian Faulkner was born in Co. Down in 1921. He was elected to Stormont as MP for East Down in 1949; he was appointed Minister for Health Affairs in 1959. Following the resignation of Lord Brookeborough as Prime Minister in 1963, Faulkner was seen as a likely candidate to succeed him. However, he lost out to Terence O’Neill. Faulkner served under O’Neill as Minister for Commerce and excelled in stimulating economic growth. Faulkner resigned from the cabinet in January 1969 in protest of O’Neill’s intention to reform local government, particularly the one man one vote. He finally became Prime Minister in March 1971. While his career ended in failure, Faulkner’s strengths saw him successfully manoeuvre between demands from Unionists and Nationalists. He worked efficiently to strike a balance between the demands of ordinary unionists and the demands of the British for concessions to nationalists. -
Irish Film Institute What Happened After? 15
Irish Film Studyguide Tony Tracy Contents SECTION ONE A brief history of Irish film 3 Recurring Themes 6 SECTION TWO Inside I’m Dancing INTRODUCTION Cast & Synopsis 7 This studyguide has been devised to accompany the Irish film strand of our Transition Year Moving Image Module, the pilot project of the Story and Structure 7 Arts Council Working Group on Film and Young People. In keeping Key Scene Analysis I 7 with TY Guidelines which suggest a curriculum that relates to the Themes 8 world outside school, this strand offers students and teachers an opportunity to engage with and question various representations Key Scene Analysis II 9 of Ireland on screen. The guide commences with a brief history Student Worksheet 11 of the film industry in Ireland, highlighting recurrent themes and stories as well as mentioning key figures. Detailed analyses of two films – Bloody Sunday Inside I'm Dancing and Bloody Sunday – follow, along with student worksheets. Finally, Lenny Abrahamson, director of the highly Cast & Synopsis 12 successful Adam & Paul, gives an illuminating interview in which he Making & Filming History 12/13 outlines the background to the story, his approach as a filmmaker and Characters 13/14 his response to the film’s achievements. We hope you find this guide a useful and stimulating accompaniment to your teaching of Irish film. Key Scene Analysis 14 Alicia McGivern Style 15 Irish FIlm Institute What happened after? 15 References 16 WRITER – TONY TRACY Student Worksheet 17 Tony Tracy was former Senior Education Officer at the Irish Film Institute. During his time at IFI, he wrote the very popular Adam & Paul Introduction to Film Studies as well as notes for teachers on a range Interview with Lenny Abrahamson, director 18 of films including My Left Foot, The Third Man, and French Cinema. -
From Deference to Defiance: Popular Unionism and the Decline of Elite Accommodation in Northern Ireland
From Deference to Defiance: Popular Unionism and the Decline of Elite Accommodation in Northern Ireland Introduction On 29 November, 2003, The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), the party that had governed Northern Ireland from Partition in 1921 to the imposition of Direct Rule by Ted Heath in 1972, lost its primary position as the leading Unionist party in the N.I. Assembly to the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) of Reverend Ian Paisley. On 5 May, 2005, the electoral revolution was completed when the DUP trounced the UUP in the Westminster elections, netting twice the UUP's popular vote, ousting David Trimble and reducing the UUP to just one Westminster seat. In March, 2005, the Orange Order, which had helped to found the UUP exactly a century before, cut its links to this ailing party. What explains this political earthquake? The press and most Northern Ireland watchers place a large amount of stress on short-term policy shifts and events. The failure of the IRA to show 'final acts' of decommissioning of weapons is fingered as the main stumbling block which prevented a re-establishment of the Northern Ireland Assembly and, with it, the credibility of David Trimble and his pro-Agreement wing of the UUP. This was accompanied by a series of incidents which demonstrated that the IRA, while it my have given up on the ‘armed struggle’ against the security forces, was still involved in intelligence gathering, the violent suppression of its opponents and a range of sophisticated criminal activities culminating in the robbery of £26 million from the Northern Bank in Belfast in December 2004. -
New Prime Minister 1969
Author: Anne-Marie Ryan Curriculum links: Politics and society in Northern Ireland, 1949-1993 - civil rights movement RTÉ Archives, Online exhibition: Violence in Northern Ireland 1969 - New prime minister, 1969 Access the online exhibition here. Terence O’Neill resigned as leader of the Unionist Party and prime minister of Northern Ireland in April 1969. On 1 May 1969, O’Neill’s cousin, James Chichester- Clarke, was elected as leader of the Unionist Party and became prime minister. Activity 1 Watch the video clip ‘Chichester-Clarke, New Prime Minister’ (1969) and answer the following discussion questions: • Chichester-Clarke was elected by a margin of how many votes? What does this result tell you about the state of the Unionist Party in 1969? • In general, those who had supported Terence O’Neill voted for Chichester-Clarke and those who had opposed him voted for Brian Faulkner. What does this tell you about the type of prime minister Chichester-Clarke was likely to be? Activity 2 Listen to the clip, ‘Reaction from Derry on Chichester-Clarke’ where residents of the Catholic Bogside and Protestant Fountain Street areas of Derry give their views on the election of James Chichester-Clarke as prime minister of Northern Ireland. Make notes on their views in the boxes below: Catholics from the Bogside Author: Anne-Marie Ryan Protestants from Fountain Street Based on the views expressed by the people in this audio clip, do you think that James Chichester- Clarke will be an effective prime minister of Northern Ireland? Why/why not?. -
The Sunningdale Agreement and Power Sharing Executive, 1973
History Support Service Supporting Leaving Certificate History www.hist.ie Later Modern Ireland Topic 5, Politics and society in Northern Ireland, 1949-1993 Documents for case study: The Sunningdale Agreement and the power-sharing executive, 1973-1974 Contents Preface page 2 Introduction to the case study page 3 Biographical notes page 4 Glossary of key terms page 8 List of documents page 12 The documents page 13 This material is intended for educational/classroom use only and is not to be reproduced in any medium or forum without permission. Efforts have been made to trace and acknowledge copyright holders. In cases where a copyright has been inadvertently overlooked, the copyright holders are requested to contact the History Support Service administrator, Angela Thompson, at [email protected] ©2009 History Support Service, County Wexford Education Centre, Enniscorthy, Co. Wexford. Ph. 353 53 923 9121, Fax 353 53 923 9132, Email [email protected], Website www.hist.ie PREFACE The topic, Politics and society in Northern Ireland, 1949-1993, is prescribed by the State Examinations Commission (SEC) for the documents-based study for the 2010 and 2011 Leaving Certificate examinations. The case studies for the topic are: • The Coleraine University controversy • The Sunningdale Agreement and the power-sharing executive, 1973-1974 • The Apprentice Boys of Derry The set of documents selected for each of the case studies, and presented herein, is varied in nature and represents varying points of view, enabling students to look at the case study from different perspectives. Each set of documents is accompanied by an introduction which gives an outline of the case study and the relevance of each of the documents to the different aspects of the case study. -
Cabinet Okays Setting up of Panel to Promote National Products
BUSINESS | Page 1 SPORT | Page 1 Qatar trade Azam surplus ton helps surges 3.5% Pakistan on faster keep semis expansion hopes alive in exports published in QATAR since 1978 THURSDAY Vol. XXXX No. 11227 June 27, 2019 Shawwal 24, 1440 AH GULF TIMES www. gulf-times.com 2 Riyals In brief PM meets Brazilian minister QATAR | Motoring Cabinet okays setting ‘Accident-Free Summer’ drive to start on July 1 The General Directorate of Traff ic up of panel to promote has announced that it will launch a month-long traff ic awareness campaign on July 1 under the title ‘Accident-Free Summer’ in order to raise public awareness about national products the rules of traff ic safety and safe driving. The campaign, aimed at curbing traff ic violations and road accidents, will continue until HE the Prime Minister and Minister of Interior Sheikh Abdullah bin Nasser bin Results of Amir’s visit to Pakistan lauded August 1. This was announced at Khalifa al-Thani met Brazilian Minister of Science, Technology, Innovation and a press conference held by the Communication Marcos Pontes and the accompanying delegation in Doha Traff ic Awareness Department at yesterday. The meeting reviewed relations between the two countries and ways to he Cabinet yesterday approved bodies concerned. stani President Dr Arif Alvi and Prime the General Directorate of Traff ic develop them, in addition to issues of mutual concern. Page 3 the draft decision of HE the The committee shall be responsible Minister Imran Khan and the broth- yesterday. Page 5 Tprime minister to form a com- for the implementation of the com- erly atmosphere that characterised mittee to support the competitive- petences provided for by Law No 2 for the visit as well as the memorandums AMERICA | Migration ness of national products and combat 2019, including the examination of of understanding which were signed harmful practices to them in interna- complaints relating to the violation of constituted a new platform for a stra- US, Guatemala close tional trade. -
Copyright by Judith Hazel Howell 2011
Copyright by Judith Hazel Howell 2011 The Report Committee for Judith Hazel Howell Certifies that this is the approved version of the following report: Waiting for the Truth: A Re-examination of Four Representations of Bloody Sunday After the Saville Inquiry APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE: Supervisor: Elizabeth Cullingford Wayne Lesser Waiting for the Truth: A Re-examination of Four Representations of Bloody Sunday After the Saville Inquiry by Judith Hazel Howell, B.A. Report Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts The University of Texas at Austin May 2011 Abstract Waiting for the Truth: A Re-examination of Four Representations of Bloody Sunday After the Saville Inquiry Judith Hazel Howell, M.A. The University of Texas at Austin, 2011 Supervisor: Elizabeth Cullingford On January 30, 1972, in Derry, Northern Ireland, British soldiers opened fire on Irish citizens participating in a peaceful civil rights march, killing thirteen men and injuring as many others. This event, called “Bloody Sunday,” was the subject of two formal inquiries by the British government, one conducted by Lord Widgery in 1972 that exonerated the British soldiers and one led by Lord Saville, which published its findings in June 2010 and found the British troops to be at fault. Before the second investigation gave its report, a number of dramatic productions had contradicted the official British version of events and presented the Irish point of view. Two films and two plays in particular—the drama The Freedom of the City (1973), the filmed docudramas Bloody Sunday and Sunday (both 2002), and the documentary theater production Bloody Sunday: Scenes from the Saville Inquiry (2005)—were aimed at audiences that did not recognize the injustices that took place in Derry. -
Paddy Devlin, the Labour Movement and the Catholic Community
Northumbria Research Link Citation: Parr, Connal (2018) Paddy Devlin, the Labour Movement and the Catholic Community. In: The Contested Identities of Ulster Catholics. Springer, pp. 111-125. ISBN 9783319788036 Published by: Springer URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78804-3_8 <http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3- 319-78804-3_8> This version was downloaded from Northumbria Research Link: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/id/eprint/36889/ Northumbria University has developed Northumbria Research Link (NRL) to enable users to access the University’s research output. Copyright © and moral rights for items on NRL are retained by the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. Single copies of full items can be reproduced, displayed or performed, and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided the authors, title and full bibliographic details are given, as well as a hyperlink and/or URL to the original metadata page. The content must not be changed in any way. Full items must not be sold commercially in any format or medium without formal permission of the copyright holder. The full policy is available online: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/policies.html This document may differ from the final, published version of the research and has been made available online in accordance with publisher policies. To read and/or cite from the published version of the research, please visit the publisher’s website (a subscription may be required.) Paddy Devlin: Republican Labour and the Catholic Community The Labour movement tends to clash with Catholicism in vastly differing world-views, concepts of state power, and social change,1 and these battles took place in Northern Ireland as elsewhere. -
The Troubles in Northern Ireland in the Late 1960S
DEMOCRATIC AND POPULAR REPUBLIC OF ALGERIA MINISTARY OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH UNIVERLSITY OF ORAN ES- SENIA Faculty of Letters, Languages, & Arts Department Of Anglo- Saxon Languages, Section Of English Magister Dissertation in British Civilization The Troubles in Northern Ireland in the Late 1960s Presented by : Supervised by : Mrs. DARRAB. LAHOUARIA Dr. BOUHADIBA. ZOULIKHA The members of the Jury : Chairperson: Dr. Belmekki Belkacem Supervisor: Dr. Bouhadiba Zoulikha Examiner: Dr. Moulfi Leila Academic Year 2011-2012 E.D 2007-2008 THE TROUBLES IN NORTHERN IRELAND IN THE LATE 1960S CONTENTS Dedication ..................................................................................................................... I Acknowledgement ........................................................................................................II Abstract ........................................................................................................................III List of Abbreviations ..................................................................................................IV List of Maps ..................................................................................................................V List of Tables ................................................................................................................VI General Introduction ...................................................................................................1 CHAPTER ONE: Ireland from the Norman Invasion to the -
NATIONAL ARCHIVES IRELAND Reference Code: 2002/8/77 Title: Statement by Brian Faulkner on His Election As Leader of the Ulste
TSCH/3: Central registry records Department of the Taoiseach NATIONAL ARCHIVES IRELAND Reference Code: 2002/8/77 Title: Statement by Brian Faulkner on his election as leader of the Ulster Unionist Party. Creation Date(s): 23 March, 1971 Level of description: Item Extent and medium: 3 pages Creator(s): Department of the Taoiseach Access Conditions: Open Copyright: National Archives, Ireland. May only be reproduced with the written permission of the Director of the National Archives. © National Archives, Ireland St atement by lvlr $ Brian Faulkner on his election as l eader of the Unionist Party 23 March, 1971 Gentlemen:- I'd like just to say a wor'd or two to you and then briefly, as I understand time is limited , I 'll answer a question or two but I ' m TSCH/3: Centralafraid registry recordsit will have to be brief. And I hope Departmentthat through of the you Taoiseach I am perhaps speaking to a l arger outside world. I regard it as my most important single aim to restore confidence to the entire co ~n unity in No rthern Ireland, because I am utterly convinced that without that r estoration of confidence all else i s futileo The keTnel of our immediate problems in Ulster is the l aw and order situation. Here we don 't need new principles, wh at we need are practical results on the ground, practical results in the elimi nation of terrorism, in the elimination of sabotage and in the ending of riots and disorders. The basic pri nc i ple must be t ha t the rule of law will operate in all parts of Northern Ireland, so that the security wh ich goes with the rule of law can be enjoyed quite l iterally by all our citizens. -
The Real Lessons of Ulster by Dean Godson
Issue 140, November 2007 The real lessons of Ulster by Dean Godson The Northern Ireland conflict is now fought over the lessons of the Troubles. One apparent lesson is that only extremists can make deals stick. But perhaps the real conclusion is that the late-colonial British did not properly study their own history Dean Godson is research director of Policy Exchange and a contributing editor to Prospect. His biography of David Trimble, Himself Alone, is published by HarperCollins Why should anyone still care about the Ulster Unionist party, the Orange Order or, for that matter, Northern Ireland itself? The UUP, the ruling party for the first half century of Northern Ireland's existence, from 1921 to 1972, is about as healthy as Ariel Sharon--nominally alive but, to all intents and purposes, a goner. The Orange Order seems destined to enter one of its extended periods of quiescence, such as it went through in the 19th century. Even the novelty of Ian Paisley's danse macabre with Martin McGuinness has attracted less attention in Britain than might have been expected. The reasons for this apparent indifference to the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact by the Lagan aren't hard to fathom. Northern Ireland isn't news any more because the second IRA ceasefire is now a decade old. And many in Northern Ireland believed all along that mainland opinion only ever cared about the ending of full-scale violence. With vast amounts of British taxpayer and EU money still flooding into the place, Ulster seems to have reverted into its complacent, parochial, pre-Troubles self.