Cod Heads, Stockfish, and Dried Spurdog: Unexpected Commodities in Nya Lödöse (1473–1624), Sweden

Maltin Emma & Jonsson Leif

International Journal of Historical Archaeology

ISSN 1092-7697

Int J Histor Archaeol DOI 10.1007/s10761-017-0405-6

1 23 Your article is protected by copyright and all rights are held exclusively by Springer Science +Business Media New York. This e-offprint is for personal use only and shall not be self- archived in electronic repositories. If you wish to self-archive your article, please use the accepted manuscript version for posting on your own website. You may further deposit the accepted manuscript version in any repository, provided it is only made publicly available 12 months after official publication or later and provided acknowledgement is given to the original source of publication and a link is inserted to the published article on Springer's website. The link must be accompanied by the following text: "The final publication is available at link.springer.com”.

1 23 Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol DOI 10.1007/s10761-017-0405-6

Cod Heads, Stockfish, and Dried Spurdog: Unexpected Commodities in Nya Lödöse (1473–1624), Sweden

Maltin Emma1 & Jonsson Leif2

# Springer Science+Business Media New York 2017

Abstract During medieval and early modern times, fish products were intensively traded over long distances. Fish was an important part of the diet, and there was a wide range of fresh as well as preserved fish for the consumers to choose among. In this article the fish bone assemblage from the town Nya Lödöse (1473–1624), Sweden, is used to explore what kind of fish were available for the inhabitants to buy. Marine fish was generally preferred over freshwater species, and while the deep sea fishing most probably was highly professionalized, fishing in lakes and rivers must have been rare. Most importantly, the article reviews the evidence for different kinds of fish commodities identified in the assemblage from Nya Lödöse. Except from stockfish and herring, dried heads from large cod and ling, as well as dried pike, flatfish, and spurdog were also identified.

Keywords Fish trade . Dried fish . Spurdog . Cod heads . Hake

Fish Remains in the Nya Lödöse Project

Food supply is a fundamental prerequisite for the creation and maintenance of urban life. Citizens of early towns often had access to arable plots in or near the city areas, and also pasture for livestock, but that could not fulfill all the needs of the inhabitants. The supply of animal products was crucial and increased in importance as cities grew larger and their inhabitants became more specialized in crafts and trade. The importation of food was a key factor for urbanization. Fresh products were obtained from the neighboring^ hinterland^ but could not fill demand as populations grew. Food had to be obtained from more distant sources. Such commodities had to be preserved in

* Maltin Emma [email protected]

1 Bohusläns Museum, Uddevalla, Sweden 2 LJ Osteology, Gothenburg, Sweden Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol various ways to maintain their quality as food during transport and storage. Fish fulfills that purpose perfectly. Large quantities could easily be caught, and the dried or salted product could be stored for a long time without deteriorating. Recent excavations in the town Nya Lödöse (1473–1624), Gothenburg, Sweden, have yielded an extensive assemblage of fishbone that is outstanding in the context of Swedish archaeology. Fish is always underrepresented in zooarchaeological assemblages compared to mammals, but the consistent use of wet-seiving in the project presents us with the opportunity to investigate the role of fish in a late medieval/early modern Swedish town. In this article we hope to contribute to the understanding of the large-scale fish trade, but also to the role of fish in Nya Lödöse. Furthermore, we will explore the presence of traded fish products beyond the well-studied stockfish.

Material

The excavations in Nya Lödöse are still ongoing, and this study will be limited to the fish bones collected during the first two years of the project. In total approximately 730 kg animal bones were collected during excavations from 2013 to 2014. The site is situated on sandy soil, and is also affected by last century extensive drainage in the area. Bones show signs of leaching, but in general the preservation conditions are quite good. The fish bones are largely well preserved, but there is not a single find of otoliths. Otoliths are small stones formed inside the ear of the fish, and they are not bone but calcium carbonate (Wheeler and Jones 1989: 114). Bones and otoliths preserve differently in various environ- ments, and in this case conditions were more favorable for bones. The bone assemblage is dominated by cattle, pig and sheep, as to be expected from an urban context during this period of time (All species are referred to by their English names. A full list appears in Table 1.) Trade with oxen was an integral part of the economy in Sweden, and is often discussed in zooarchaeological analysis of urban assemblages (cf. Vretemark 2001). Game, which is usually infrequent in early modern urban assemblages, is rare except for roe deer that occurs quite commonly in specific contexts. It appears that roe deer occurs more frequently in cities on the Swedish west coast, e.g., Ny Varberg (Jonsson 1992: 99). There are also occassional findings of hare and fox, and very rare findings of elk, lynx, red deer, red squirrel, common seal, white- tailed eagle, capercaillie, black grouse, dipper and green woodpecker.

Method

An approach for integrating the retrieval of zooarchaeological material and its subsequent analysis has been developed within the Nya Lödöse project. Zooarchaeologists are always present on site, supervising the collection of bones and sieving samples, as well as recording stratigraphic conditions of deposited bones. A large portion of contexts were sampled for wet sieving with a 1–2mm mesh. The sampling focused on primary deposits, contexts considered to reflect consumption and waste management on the different town plots. This included rubbish deposits between houses, in pits and on backyards, as well as bones dropped on floors. All bones were washed and dried on a daily basis and sorted in taxonomic groups. Our primary observations were taken back to the field team Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol and used in context descriptions, and influenced the way continued investigations of the deposits were performed. The bone fragments were later identified and recorded in the GIS-database shared with the archaeologists, Intrasis. We have seen great advantages in using the same database, since this enables a flow of information between specialists and archaeologists working on site and writing the report throughout the entire process of the project. Using a GIS database also allow us to investigate how specific species or anatomical elements are spatially distributed. The reference collection at the Gothenburg Museum of Natural History has been used to identify the bone fragments; we also have a skeletal reference collection on site. Bones have been identified to element and species, age and sex have been assessed and a selection of measurements have been taken. Unfortunately, the project budget did not extend to measuring all fish bones but samples of fish bones will be measured and studied more closely at a later stage (see Maltin 2017). Isotope analysis on the fish bones are planned for, but have not yet been executed. We consider it important to work in an exploratory and question-driven way. Questions on different levels require different samples to be addressed. The samples relevant to answering general questions about the economy of the entire town are different from those needed to answer questions about households. The analysis spans from the local to the general based on careful selection of samples, avoiding unneces- sary Bstatistical noise.^ Meaningful sampling requires awareness of taphonomic processes.

Taphonomy

The fish bone collection shows distinct differences in the quantities of species and elements between town plots. It is also evident that the occurrence of fish bones varies between different kinds of archaeological features. Naturally, this is due to the shifting taphonomic history of every feature, but it is still worth remarking. Fish bones are numerous in kitchen waste, in floors close to hearths and sometimes underneath wooden floors (collected by rats). In other features they are rare or absent, e.g., soil used for construction or layers representing demolition or fire. While it is always of greatest importance to work contextually in archaeology, considering all the potential factors affecting the assemblage, interpreting archaeological findings of fish bones illustrates the need ever so clearly for an awareness of how taphonomic processes function. The differences we detect are only partly due to disparities in consumption. Some layers or features contain waste associated with the preparation and cooking of fish. Floors connected to hearths in some cases contain fish scales and small bones lost during cooking, and heaps of refuse between houses contain fish-cleaning remains such as parts of the skull, fins, and gills. Bones from some species were consumed by humans and animals, and are only found in latrines. What was left after cooking and eating eventually ended up in the waste or as fodder for pigs and hens. As is demonstrated in experiments, a major part of the bones consumed by humans or other mammals will be destroyed, and never enter the archaeological record (Jones 1984, 1986). It is also evident that waste management in Nya Lödöse was quite effective, and Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol most of the waste was probably brought outside of the town (see also Schager et al. this volume). Adding to above mentioned taphonomic factors, bones from different fish species and from different parts of the body preserves differently. Furthermore, bones from some species are more easily identified than bones form other species. The same applies to bones from different parts of the body. All in all, it is almost impossible to estimate the real relative importance of different species. This leaves us with the difficult task of differentiating variations caused by consumer’s choice, trade, waste management and a number of other taphonomic factors.

Preserved Fish: Commodities Possible to Trace in the Archaeological Record

Fish bones are small and fragile compared to bones from larger mammals, and are always underrepresented in archaeological excavations. The role of fish in the diet is consequently often underestimated, even though we know from written sources that fish was a vital part of the food supply, in particular that of urban residents. Customs accounts from Nya Lödöse, dating to the second half of the sixteenth century support this picture. Fish, both fresh and preserved in different ways, constituted a substantial part of goods entering the town. The accounts show extensive import of e.g. herring, flatfish, codfishes, mackerel and garfish (Strömbom 1924: 266ff). It is also obvious that many of the fish products mentioned in the accounts would leave no traces in the archaeological record. A significant portion of the fish entered the town in a salted or dried condition, many of them surely filleted without any bones remaining. There are also examples of special parts of the fish being brought to the town. Swim bladder from cod is an example that would leave no traces (Strömbom 1924:266ff). The importance of fish in trade and diet during historic times is getting more and more acknowledged. Extensive research in the subject has for example showed that around 1000 CE there was a marked increase in marine fishing, especially of cod and herring. This was first detected in English archaeological fish bone assemblages, and the phenomenon is called the Fish Event Horizon. This change was first demonstrated with compilations of data on relative abundance of fish species from a large amount of sites (Barrett et al. 2004, 2009), and the study was later extended to include analysis of the region of catch with the aid of stable isotope analysis (13C and 15 N) (Barrett et al. 2008, 2011). This specific project is important, since it clearly demonstrates how the first large scale marine fishing during the tenth and eleventh centuries was local, and thus must reflect an increased demand for marine fish, rather than changes in distant supply. Over time this changes, and by the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries more than half of the cod from London originates from long distance trade. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the import increases even more (Barrett et al. 2011). A general result of the fish trade project was that it showed how human populations in northern Europe became interconnected and dependent in their daily life and how largescale fishing and fish trade was both a result and the means for the development of urbanization. The increased demand for marine fish in England and in continental Europe is probably explained both by Christian fasting practices and by growing urban populations and their need of inexpensive and easily preserved protein. This demand was Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol satisfied with long-distance trade of preserved fish and became the start of a globalized fishery (Barrett et al. 2004, 2009, 2011). Already by the high Middle Ages, the fish production was standardized, and the fish was divided and classified into different strictly graded and named categories. Thus, fish was a uniformly graded commodity. It was no longer a variable local product, but an economic abstraction to be bought and sold (Gade 1951, as quoted in Perdikaris and McGovern 2009: 64). The commodification and long distance-trade of preserved fish products resulted in the consumers being alienated to the origin of the food, much like we are to the content in present day’s freezers in the supermarket. The fish arrived processed and packaged with little or no resemblance to the living fish. The product was often named after how it was produced (stockfish) or its origin (Bergen fish), rather than the species. The preservation also made these food stuffs available at the market large parts of the year, no longer controlled by seasonal availability (Hoffman, 2001:153ff).

BCommoditization can be seen zooarchaeologically in a number of ways. The most obvious approach is to look for evidence of processing of animals that shows a high level of consistency as well as engagement in trade networks. Animal based commodities in the modern world are parts of an animal broken down into a consistently recognized form that lies within a scalable value system that is fungible across region and global markets.^ (Hambrecht 2012:477).

Following Hambrecht, fish products qualifying for being called commodities should thus show consistent butchering patterns, probably be quite uniform in size and the products must have been traded. The research of fish commodities has been focused on two categories of fish, namely stockfish and herring. The Lofoten area in Norway was a center for the large-scale fishing for cod and other big codfishes, which formed the basis for a far-reaching network of trade with stockfish. Written records from the sixteenth century describe such an abundance of fish in the waters close to Lofoten, that a fishing hook dropped in the water would not reach the bottom before getting either swallowed or caught on a fish (Claussøn Friis 1881 [1599]: 382). The large amount of fish caught was prepared into stockfish. Stockfish is decapitated cod dried in the round, without the use of salt and optimally in the size range 60–110 cm long. The finished product has a long shelf life, and can be stored for more than two years without going bad. The cold and dry climate in northern Norway is perfect for the drying process (Perdikaris 1999:390).Butstockfishwasalsoproducedinforexample Iceland (see Wubs-Mrozewicz 2009). Most likely, stockfish produced in some of these production areas, and especially Norway, was imported and sold in Nya Lödöse. But there also existed a thriving fishing industry closer to home; the herring fisheries along the northern parts of the west coast. The so called herring periods and herring fisheries are recurring topics in research covering trade and urbanization of Skagerrak and Kattegat (Lönnroth 1963; Svedberg and Jonsson 2006). Herring periods refers to several occasions when herring was particularly plentiful close to the coast and in the archipelago along the coast. This gave rise to flourishing fisheries and trade, as well as attracting foreign fishermen and traders (see e.g., Ackefors 1970;Höglund1972). Fishing villages were believed to have developed from town citizens and farmers who started fishing (Dahlén Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol

1941; Steenstrup 1905). Olof Hasslöf (1949) rejected this position and stressed the importance of the fishing of cod, ling and other big fish in deeper waters and that fishermen would rather have avoided settling in towns. On the other hand fishing villages would not have developed the way they did without being a part of the system of commodity production for the markets of the towns. Fishermen from around the North Sea came to the present Swedish west coasts to take part in herring fisheries as well as fishing for other species (Claussøn Friis 1881 [1599]). During excavation of Btomtnings^ (temporary living sites) on the island Söö in Gothenburg southern archipelago, Stibeus (1997) found two English coins (1248–50 and 1250–72) from the reign of Henry III. These are good indices of the presence of English fishermen (and merchants?) on the coast in medieval times. It shows that not only local fishermen were active on the coast. Fish trade has been studied in a multitude of ways in zooarchaeology. Indications of fish trade include the transport of marine fish to inland sites; the presence of species living in the North Sea found at southern sites; distinct butchery marks or skeletal element distribution, which may well indicate presence of fish preserved for transport; and the relative abundance of fish species over time and space. It is also possible to run stable isotope analysis (as mentioned above) or study growth rates in different fish populations (Barrett et al. 2009:34). The processing and trade in herring has been demonstrated by mapping of anatomical distribution. Gutting herring before salting it in barrels removed some of the bones, leaving a distinct anatomical distribution in those assemblages consisting of traded and salted herring (Bødker Enghoff 1996; Lauwerier and Laarman 2008; Seeman 1986). While stockfish and salted herring has been extensively studied, other categories of traded fish products are less well known. In the following text we will first have a look at what kind of fish people in Nya Lödöse had for dinner, but also how and where they caught the fish. Thereafter we will identify several categories of traded fish products.

Eating and Catching Fish in Nya Lödöse

Nya Lödöse’s location close to the coast made a variety of marine fishing resources available to the inhabitants. Despite proximity to rivers and several lakes close by, the fish bone assemblage was largely dominated by marine species, and especially codfishes (including hake). The number of identified species was big, and included both small fishes caught close to the coast as well as larger fish brought in from deeper water or traded. While the marine fish was plentiful in the archeological record, there was almost no sign of hunting of marine birds or mammals. There was a single find of common seal and whale was totally absent. Marine birds were also very few, one guillemot or razorbill and one black-throated loon were identified, the latter probably a wintering species on the coast. Fish like whiting, as well as small individuals of haddock, cod, pollack, and saithe were probably fished with simple hand lines or with long lines in the nearby archipelago. Also flatfish like plaice and turbot were mostly taken close to the coast. The Swedish crown claimed authority over the rights to fish in the sea outside the mouth of Göta Älv. In 1496, the court at Sävedal issued a statement that those who fished at Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol

Vinga Island and other skerries had to pay customs fee and rent for fishing huts to the governor at Älvsborgs castle (Sjöberg 1866: 25; Styffe 1864: 38). This means that the inhabitants in Nya Lödöse had access to close by coastal fishing, but also that this fishing was regulated by custom duties. Judging from the fish bones retrieved in Nya Lödöse, coastal fishing must have been important in the area (Fig. 1). Fishing was also affected by seasonal variations. Two of the identified species only appear close to the coast during certain times of the year. Mackerel is a migratory fish that comes to the archipelago in late spring and returns to the North Sea in autumn, and garfish is normally an offshore fish but it comes close to shores during spawning in spring. The customs accounts for 1574 record that nearly 50,000 garfish were imported, indicating that they were specially fished for the market (Strömbom 1924:266ff). The remains of large cod, ling, and hake, as well as halibut, spurdog, and skate are strong evidence for deep sea fishing. The nearest sites where these fishes could be caught on a regular basis were along the slopes of the BNorwegian Trench^ in Skagerrak. The BSkagen Reef^ north of the Jutland Peninsula (Fig. 2)ismentioned in sixteenth–seventeenth century documents (Claussøn Friis 1881 [1599]) and fishermen from fishing villages along the Skagerrak and Kattegat coasts sailed there in small open ships with a crew of 5–10 men. The fish were taken by simple hook and line or longlines at depths of 100 m or more. During the sixteenth century and later, the ships were anchored at the site of fishing and smaller boats were used for setting and landing the longlines (Rencke 1923: 141ff). Fishing far out from the coast required suitable boats and fishing gear, not to mention the know-how. It was also necessary with a group of experienced people to crew the boat. Overall this indicates a professionalized commercial fishing (Fig. 3). A rare find is an angular bone from tusk. Tusk is caught in deep water, 150–450 m (Kullander et al. 2012:222), and might be a bycatch when fishing for cod, ling and hake. During the twentieth century the fish was considered Bfood for the poor^ in parts of Sweden. But Adriaen Coenen (1514–87), the son of a Dutch fisherman and a fish trader himself, noted that tusk was considered Btoo good for the ‘rich and wealthy,’^ and it was therefore kept by the skippers themselves (Bennema and Rijnsdorp 2015: 385, 392). We can only guess how the inhabitants of Nya Lödöse valued tusk, but it was certainly not a common source of food. Despite thorough wet-sieving herring was not a common find in Nya Lödöse. We have already discussed the importance of herring as a main staple food during this period of time, and we can also be quite confident in saying the inhabitants of Nya Lödöse must have been eating large quantities of herring. Herring was almost exclusively found in human waste. Several experiments performed by Jones (1984) and Nicholson (1993), amongst others, show that the digestive system of humans (and other mammals) destroy the absolute majority of the bones. The experiments also demonstrated that the crushed vertebrae often found in archaeological contexts probably are the result of humans and other mammals chewing the bones. Crushed vertebrae were also found in Nya Lödöse. The lack of herring bones is therefore probably due to people eating the whole fish, not picking out bones (Fig. 4). Remains of skates were quite common finds in Nya Lödöse. These fishes are different from most other fish, since their skeleton are formed by cartilage. This has implications for zooarchaeology since there are no bones for us to find. Only a few parts of the body might preserve well enough to be found by archaeologists, namely the Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol

Fig. 1 Woodcut from Olaus Magnus (1555) showing trade with fish. Note the decapitated dried stockfish hanging from the ceiling in the upper left part of the picture teeth and dermal denticles (since they are formed by enamel), and calcified vertebral centra. All of these parts were found in Nya Lödöse, and the presence of remains from all parts of the body indicate that skates were brought to the town fresh, before being skinned. Customs accounts reveal that also dried skate was imported (Strömbom 1924: 266ff). There are accounts from the early 1900s that the coastline a few km south of today’s Gothenburg was called BCountry of rays,^ indicating the historical importance of the species in this area (Sandklef 1954: 579). It has been proposed that thornback ray

Fig. 2 Map showing the location of Nya Lödöse Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol

Fig. 3 Map showing Nya Lödöse and nearby fishing grounds was an exclusive dish in medieval Sweden (Sten 1995:68), but this was most likely not the case on the west coast. Rather it was common food, the meat eaten both fresh and dried. Marine molluscs was on the contrary not eaten in the town, and there is only one find of common crab. Wet sieving of bottom sediments from the southern part of the moat showed no traces of fish scales or shed pharyngeal teeth from cyprinids. It is thus unlikely that fish were living in the moat, but there are several lakes and rivers close by, and the possibilities of exploiting freshwater fish must be considered favorable. Despite this, fishing for domestic consumption seems to have been rare. The majority of the bones identified as freshwater fish belong to the carp family. Many of the species included in the family are hard to separate based on the bones, and vertebrae are particularly difficult to identify to species. Consequently, only a small amount of the bones was possible to identify to species. Of the species present roach was by far the most common, followed by ide, rudd and silver bream. Rudd and silver bream were only represented by a total of three fragments. All of the above mentioned cyprinid fish species can be caught at a short distance from Nya Lödöse, and canbeconsideredlocal. Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol

Fig. 4 Tooth from a skate. Photo: Markus Andersson

Second most common fish is perch, represented by bones as well as scales. Pike is another frequent find, as well as eel and whitefish. A rare find is one vertebra from ruffe. Ruffe is a small slimy fish, with no relevance for modern Swedish diet or fishing. As a contrast, in the Netherlands during the sixteenth and seventeenth century ruffe was popular among poor people, who prepared it as an hors d’oeuvre (Ypma 1962:31,citedinvanDam2009:327).Onevertebra from zander was also identified. Zander is often considered one of the most valued freshwater fish (Andersson 1969:528). According to the former archbishop Olaus Magnus (1490–1557) and writer of Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus (1555), salmon was abundant in Göta Älv during the sixteenth century (Magnus 1555 XX:3). Olaus Magnus also stated that salmon was a popular food, a fish that Bthrough its good taste can replace all other food,^ a fish Bgreater than all other fish species^ (Magnus 1555 XX:26). From historical records we know that salmon fishing was regulated by fishing rights, connected to ownership of land, rivers and fisheries. In Denmark salmon fishing seems to have been a privilege for the crown, but there is no indication that this was the case in Sweden (Kulturhistoriskt Lexikon för Nordisk Medeltid). Given the abundance of salmon in the area, in combination with the apparent popularity of the fish, the absence of bones from salmon is puzzling. Bad preservation of bones rich in fat as an explanation for the lack of bones from salmon is often seen in zooarchaeological reports and publications. The argument is that as fat decomposed into fatty acids, this promoted the disintegration of bones of fatty fishes. This argument probably originates from the renowned Swedish zooarchaeologist Johannes Lepiksaar. However, this is most likely not a reasonable explanation. Bones from other fatty fish, eg., herring, flatfish, eel, mackerel, and wrasses, are often well preserved and in the few cases we do identify salmon or trout, the bones tend to be equally well preserved. But there are also indications that rats favored eating the fatty bones, showed by the presence of gnawed fragments of salmonid vertebrae beneath floors. The absence of salmon in Nya Lödöse and the other towns must be explained by other causes. Salmon might have been a luxury food, only accessible by the elite, or maybe the fish was simply prepared in a manner that left no bones on the scrapheaps in the towns. There was an extensive trade with salmon going Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol on in the northern and eastern part of Sweden during the sixteenth century (Friberg 1983). But in the town Uppsala, the pattern with the missing bones from salmon repeats itself in the archaeological assemblage from the city block Kransen (end of thirteenth century to first part of seventeenth century). Furthermore one of the few vertebrae found showed signs of filleting (Jonsson 1986: 136). All in all, this points to a standardized and consistent processing of salmon that left no bones in the fish when it reached the customer. Salmon was probably sold and eaten fileted and smoked or salted. If salmon had been sold fresh we would undoubtedly find the bones. Preserved salmon must have been a traded commodity, but it was a product that left no traces in the archaeological material.

Stockfish and Dried Fish Heads

We have already discussed how the long-distance trade in preserved fish products during medieval and early modern times led to an increasing commodification of these products, as well as the consumers becoming more and more alienated from the natural origin of the food. This commodification is also evident in the fish remains from Nya Lödöse. The most common fish in Nya Lödöse were big cod fishes; cod, ling and hake. It is possible that some of the fish was caught in deep waters outside the nearby coast. But it is more likely that most of the fish was traded stockfish. The processing of the fish for preservation often meant decapitation as well as gutting, before drying or salting the fish (Hasslöf 1949: 348ff). The bones in the pectoral girdle of the fish, and especially the cleithra (a relatively big and resistant bone that is often preserved in archaeological assemblages) are usually left in the fish, as this makes the body hold together and facilitate the process of drying (Perdikaris and McGovern 2009: 73). Occurrence of dried cod in the archaeological bone assemblage is thus often demonstrated with an abundance of bones from the vertebral column and the pectoral fin in comparison to cranial bones (cf. Heinrich 1986). Production sites will instead have a high number of bones from the skull, and in some cases the front portion of the vertebral column (Perdikaris 1999; Perdikaris and McGovern 2009). An example of this can be drawn from the Mary Rose, the English warship which sank outside Portsmouth 1545. At the time when the ship sank, it was loaded with provisions for the crew, including large quantities of stockfish. With only a few exceptions, the fish bones retrieved were all identified as cod. All of the fish had been decapitated, and all that was left was the vertebral column (missing some of the first precaudal vertebrae), fin rays, and cleithra. Additionally, many of the cleithra were chopped (Hamilton-Dyer 1995). Later analysis of ancient DNA and carbon and nitrogen stable isotopes of the bones from Mary Rose proved that the cod was most probably imported from the north North Sea, Iceland, and Newfoundland (Hutchinson et al. 2015). In medieval Uppsala in eastern Sweden bones of cod were found in two size groups – the smaller from the neighboring Baltic Sea represented by cranial bones and the bigger by vertebrae. The latter group was interpreted as decapitated and dried fish (stockfish) from the Lofoten area in northern Norway. That conclusion was based on the size of these fishes (over 100 cm), the slow growth and the high age at maturity Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol

(Jonsson 1986) excluding most other cod populations in the northeastern Atlantic area. Cod of similar size and the same skeletal representation have been found at other medieval sites like the Eketorp fortress (Hallström 1979), Schleswig (Heinrich 1983, 1987) and Söderköping (Jonsson, n.d.). The isotope analysis corroborated the earlier interpretation of smaller cods in Uppsala as having Baltic origin and the bigger as coming from northern Norway (Orton et al. 2011). To investigate the anatomical distribution in the collection from Nya Lödöse an approach similar to that used by Orton et al. (2014) was employed. Bones from cod, ling and hake were grouped in three categories: cranial bones (including posttemporals), vertebrae, and zonoskeleton (bones from the pectoral fin, including supracleithra). The result (Fig. 5) shows that cod and ling are represented by fragments from all parts of the body, while hake is very clearly overrepresented by vertebrae. This would in most cases be interpreted as the presence of dried, imported hake and locally caught fresh cod and ling. It is important, however, to remember that there existed different methods of processing the fish, and the occurrence of cranial bones do not necessarily mean the fish was not dried. Contemporary written records from Holland clearly states that not all dried fish where decapitated (Bennema and Rijnsdorp 2015: 396). Cranial bones identified as cod and ling in the bone assemblage from Nya Lödöse are frequently broken, and often found as small fragments (Figs. 6 and 7). These bones represent large fish. One possible explanation for this is that the broken cranial bones derive from dried fish that had not been decapitated, and that the delicate dried bones broke in the process of cooking. Before the stockfish was ready for consumption, it had to be softened by soaking it in lye (like present day lutefish) and beating it. There was even a profession for soaking the dried fish, and selling it. This was a business often run by women called fiskblöterskor (Hasslöf 1949:351f;Kulturhistoriskt Lexikon för Nordisk Medeltid 4:301). In Dutch faunal assemblages, the presence of crushed cod vertebrae has been used as an indicator for beaten stock fish (see e.g., Kerklaan, 2012). We have no evidence for crushed vertebrae from big codfishes in Nya Lödöse (Fig. 8).

Fig. 5 Head bones from cod Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol

Anatomical distribuon (NISP) 100%

90%

80%

70%

60%

50%

40%

30%

20%

10%

0% Ling Pike Cod Hake Flaish

Cranium Zonoskeleton Vertebrae Fig. 6 Anatomical distribution of ling (n = 618), pike (n = 181), cod (n = 1343), hake (n = 2170), and flatfish (n = 796). Bones collected during the excavations from 2013 to 2014. NISP = Number of identified specimens

The combination of crushed cranial bones and intact vertebrae from cod and ling is somewhat contradictory. It might indicate different cooking methods for different parts of the fish. The presence of such a high amount of cranial bones from big fish is unusual in urban assemblages. This suggests that heads from cod and ling might have been products to be traded in their own right. In more recent times dried heads from big cod are also known to have been traded in Bohuslän. Furthermore, cod heads stuffed

Fig. 7 Broken cranial bones and vertebrae from large cod. Photo: Markus Andersson Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol

Fig. 8 Broken cranial bones and vertebrae from large ling. Photo: Markus Andersson with a mix of liver and flour and cooked were previously regarded as a delicacy (Olsson 1970:90ff). A Norwegian written document contemporary with Nya Lödöse describes how the heads from large cod and ling were treated during fishing in the area around Lofoten. The head was twisted and removed from the fish already in the boat. The fishermen were not allowed to dispose of the heads in the water, so the heads were brought to land. They were then dried and used as fodder for cattle. Before being fed to the cattle, they were beaten (Claussøn Friis 1881 [1599]: 382). Thus, it seems like heads from big codfishes were indeed dried (and beaten), but the Norwegians do not seem to have been eager to eat them. As will be discussed with spurdog below, this does not necessarily mean that they could not be sold to someone else. The presence of dried heads from cod and ling in the assemblage from Nya Lödöse will be further explored in a forthcoming article (Maltin 2017).

A Southern Production of Stockfish: Hake

Hake is the most frequent fish species in Nya Lödöse. Typically it is represented by vertebrae in high numbers concentrated in specific archaeological features, like refuse pits and rubbish heaps. As can be seen in Fig. 5, cranial bones are more or less absent. It is possible that the lack of cranial bones from hake in the bone assemblage from Nya Lödöse is proof of processing of the fish. There can also be a taphonomic explanation, cranial bones from hake generally are very fragile, and the more robust vertebrae are more likely to survive. But in the close by town Gamla Lödöse, where hake has been proved to increase in the diet at the beginning of the thirteenth century; both vertebrae and cranial bones were abundant (Vretemark 2000). Poor preservation alone cannot explain the absence of cranial bones. Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol

Similartoherring,hakehasperiodicallyoccurredontheSwedishcoast:in1775apriest on the island of Öckerö, in the west coast archipelago, noticed large quantities of hake arriving during the summer. He also stated that the tales told that this fish had not been caught in a hundred years (Bergstrand 1937). Maria Vretemark (2000), when discussing the occurrence of large quantities of hake in Gamla Lödöse, connects high occurrence of hake to herring periods. She argues that hake, largely feeding on herring, might be an indirect reflection of herring periods. But this is most probably not the explanation. Herring was caught inside the archipelago, hake further out at sea at deeper water. Furthermore the only large recorded import of hake in the customs accounts from Nya Lödöse predates the big sixteenth-century herring period. A possible alternative is that the hake was imported from greater distances away (Svedberg and Jonsson 2006:54). Hake was commercially fished for and preserved, particularly in southwestern Europe (e.g., Hoffman, 2001). Production sites, with a high proportion of skullbones, precaudal vertebrae and scales, have been identified in England (Locker 2000:183). Hake do occur in Skagerrak, Kattegat and along the Norwegian coast (Kullander et al. 2012), and it is possible that the hake found in Nya Lödöse was caught in these waters. But the consistent butchering of the fish, with almost no cranial bones present, indicate that the fish was indeed not eaten fresh. Dried hake was evidently imported in great quantities, and it may very well be fish caught and processed in England. The difference with Gamla Lödöse is explained by either the transition from consumption of fresh, locally caught hake to imported dried hake, or that the inhabitants in Gamla Lödöse imported dried hake from another production area where the head was left in the dried fish.

Unexpected Delicacies: Dried Pike, Flatfish, and Spurdog

Not only cod were preserved and traded, there are many examples of other fish being dried and sold to distant customers. Dried pike was an important commodity in parts of Sweden during historic times (see for example Friberg 1983: 358; Hartola 2016), and bones showing typical traces of this processing are found in excavations in towns in eastern parts of Sweden, dating to the middle ages and the sixteenth century. Typically, the fish was not decapitated, but the backbones were removed. The processing of the fish also left characteristic butchering marks on the mandible (dentale). Thus, high frequencies of cranial bones and bones from the pectoral fin, and absence of vertebrae indicate the presence of dried pike (Jonsson 1986). In Nya Lödöse there is an even distribution of bones from the cranium and the vertebral column (see Fig. 5). No mandibles with the distinctive butchery marks have been recorded. This taken together indicates that the pike consumed in the town was sold and eaten fresh, and probably caught quite close to the town. A peculiar detail is that a few of the vertebrae are deformed (Fig. 9). Contemporary written records reveal that dried pike was beaten before eaten, similar to stockfish (Magnus 1555, XX:24). This could be the cause of the deformation of the vertebrae, and would thus indicate presence of a limited amount of dried pike. Flatfish was in the old days dried and traded in for example Denmark (Bröndegaard 1985: 281ff) and the Netherlands (Bennema and Rijnsdorp 2015), but there is no such tradition in western Sweden. Despite of this, large amounts of dried, decapitated flatfish Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol

Fig. 9 Vertebrae from pike (Esox lucius). The vertebra to the upper left is deformed. Photo: Markus Andersson was found on one of the town plots in Nya Lödöse, and it is reasonable to think this fish was imported. The Nya Lödöse custom accounts state that both dried flatfish and unspecified flatfish was imported to the town in quite ample quantities, especially the unspecified sort (Strömbom 1924). Dried flatfish, and its possible connection to a foreign kitchen, is further explored in a forthcoming article (Maltin 2017). There is also reason to believe spurdog was traded. Similar to skates, this is also a fish with a skeleton formed by cartilage. Looking at the anatomical distribution of spurdog, vertebral centra are abundant, while teeth are non-existent and dorsal fin spines only represented by a few fragments. The fin spines are often well preserved and quite large compared to the vertebrae; these are found in archaeological contexts from time to time (cf. Noe-Nygaard 1971). The anatomical representation thus can hardly be explained by bad preservation conditions or careless collection of bones on site. A contemporary written record from Norway sheds some light on the matter. Peder Claussøn Friis (1881 [1599]: 101), a clergyman and historian, wrote an extensive description of all the animals and fishes present in Norway. He also wrote about spurdog, stating that Norwegians kept away from eating spurdog, believing the sharks had a taste for human flesh. There was probably a belief that spurdog consumed drowned seamen. But Claussøn Friis also noted that many people sold spurdog to the people in Nya Lödöse. This might explain why we have such an abundance of vertebrae, but no teeth and very few fin spines. The shark had probably been decapitated, filleted and dried in Norway, and then shipped to Nya Lödöse.

Conclusion and Further Research

Fish was evidently important for the town Nya Lödöse. The inhabitants’ relationship with fish and fishing ranged from the small everyday life act of angling for perch on the river to purchasing and preparing fish caught and preserved in industrial scale in countries far away. The analysis of the fish bones collected in the town Nya Lödöse shows that the inhabitants preferred marine fish over freshwater fish. We have seen traces of the fish caught close to the coast, as Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol well as fish caught in deeper water and fish products imported from greater distances. The marine fishery was most likely highly professionalized, while fishing for domestic consumption in rivers and lakes seems to have been inappre- ciable. We can also distinguish several different fish products; stockfish, dried flatfish, dried spurdog, and dried heads from cod and ling. It is obvious that fish was a key commodity, and that potential information derived from fish remains is more often than not tremendously underestimated in archaeological research. Nya Lödöse was an actor in the development of trading networks in southern Scandinavia with extensions as far north as Lofoten and northern Norway, and to the west the English coast, and fish was a vital part of this. The bone assemblage yielded by the careful wet-sieving, performed by zooarchaeologists in the Nya Lödöse project, gives a clear hint of how much information is lost when fish bones are not retrieved. Despite several experiments that demonstrate the importance of wet-sieving, this is still not standard procedure in urban excavations in Sweden today. A sample of the fish bones will undergo isotope analysis, and we intend to investigate the imported stockfish further. Running isotope analysis on the cranial bones from cod and ling might help us to conclude if fish heads were traded. If so, this would be a traded product previously not discussed in research on fish trade. Human remains excavated from the cemetery at Nya Lödöse present another possibility for future research. Isotope analysis would make it possible to estimate the relative importance of fish in the diet. Fish bones are moreover a valuable source of information for fisheries history and background data for biologists investigating the exploitation of modern fish stocks, as well as for the development of future fisheries policies.

Appendix

Table 1 List of species men- English name Scientific name tioned in the article, English and Latin names Black grouse Tetrao tetrix Black-throated loon Gavia arctica Capercaillie Tetrao urogallus Cattle Bos taurus Cod Gadus morhua Common crab Cancer pagurus Common seal Phoca vitulina Cyprinids Cyprinidae Dipper Cinclus cinclus Eel Anguilla anguilla Elk Alces alces Flatfish Pleuronectiformes Fox Vulpes vulpes Gadids/codfishes Gadidae Garfish Belone belone Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol

Table 1 (continued) English name Scientific name

Green woodpecker Picus viridis Guillemot Uria aalge Haddock Melanogrammus aeglefinus Hake Merluccius merluccius Halibut Hippoglossus hippoglossus Hare Lepus timidus Herring Clupea harengus Ide Leuciscus idus Ling Molva molva Lynx Lynx lynx Mackerel Scomber scombrus Perch Perca fluviatilis Plaice Pleuronectes platessa Pig Sus domesticus Pike Esox lucius Pollack Pollachius pollachius Razorbill Alca torda Red deer Cervus elaphus Red squirrel Sciurus vulgaris Roach Rutilus rutilus Roe deer Capreolus capreolus Rudd Scardinius erythrophthalmus Ruffe Gymnocephalus cernua Saithe Polachius virens Salmon Salmo salar Sheep Ovis aries Silver bream Blicca bjoerkna Skate Rajidae Spurdog Squalus acanthias Turbot Scophthalmus maximus Tusk Borsme brosme Whitefish Coregonus lavaretus White-tailed eagle Haliaeetus albicilla Whiting Merlangius merlangus Zander Sander lucioperca

References

Ackefors, H. (1970). Sillen förr och nu i Västerhavet och Nordostatlanten. Göteborgs Naturhistoriska Museum, Göteborg. Andersson, K. A., (eds.) (1969). Fiskar och fiske i Norden. 3rd ed. Stockholm. Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol

Barrett, J., Locker, A. and Roberts, C. M. (2004). The origins of intensive marine fishing in medieval Europe: the English evidence. Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 271: 2417–2421. Barrett, J., Johnstone, C., Harland, J., Van Neer, W., Ervynck, A., Makowiecki, D., Heinrich, D., Hufthammer, A. K., Bødker Enghoff, I., Amundsen, C., Christiansen, J. S., Jones, A. K. G., Locker, A., Hamilton-Dyer, S., Jonsson, L., Lougas, L., Roberts, C., and Richards, M. (2008). Detecting the medieval cod trade: a new method and first results. Journal of Archaeological Sciences 35: 850–861. Barrett, J. H., Locker, A. M., and Roberts, C. M. (2009). BDark age economics^ revisited: the English fishbone evidence, 600–1600. In Sicking, L., and Abreu-Ferreira, D. (eds.), Beyond the Catch: Fisheries of the North Atlantic, the North Sea and the Baltic, 900–1850,Brill,Leiden. Barrett, J. H., Orton D., Johnstone C., Harland, J., Van Neer, W., Ervynck, A., Roberts C., Locker, A., Amundsen C., Bødker Enghoff I., Hamilton-Dyer S., Heinrich D., Hufthammer A. K., Jones A. K. G., Leif Jonsson, L., Makowiecki, D., Pope, P., Tamsin C. O’Connell, T. C., de Roo, T., Richards, M. (2011). Interpreting the expansion of sea fishing in medieval Europe using stable isotope analysis of archaeological cod bones. Journal of Archaeological Sciences 38: 1516–1524. Bennema, F. P., and Rijnsdorp, A. D. (2015). Fish abundance, fisheries, fish trade and consumption in sixteenth-century Netherlands as described by Adriaen Coenen. Fish Research 161: 384–399. Bergstrand, C. M. (1937). Kulturbilder från 1700-talets Bohuslän. Folkloristiska studier och samlingar utgivna av redaktionen för folkminnen och folktankar, Elanders boktryckeri aktiebolag, Göteborg. Bødker Enghoff, I. (1996). A medieval herring industry in Denmark and the importance of herring in eastern Denmark. Archaeofauna 5: 43–47. Bröndegaard, V. J. (1985). Folk och fauna 1, Dansk etnozoologi, Viborg. Claussøn Friis, P. (1881 [1599]). Samlede skrifter af Peder Claussøn Friis, Storm, G. (ed.), Christiania. Dahlén, L. (1941). Den bohuslänska fiskelägesbygden, Elanders boktryckeri aktiebolag, Göteborg. van Dam, P. (2009). Fish for feast and fast. Fish consumption in the Netherlands in the late middle ages. In: Sicking, L., and Abreu-Ferreira, D. (eds.), Beyond the catch. Fisheries of the North Atlantic, the North Sea and the Baltic, 900–1850,Brill,Leiden. Friberg, N. (1983). Stockholm i bottniska farvatten. Stockholms bottniska handelsfält under senmedeltiden och Gustav Vasa, En historisk-geografisk studie i samarbete med Inga Friberg, Uppsala. Gade,J.A.(1951).The Hanseatic Control of Norwegian Commerce During the Late Middle Ages.Brill, Leiden. Hallström, A. (1979). Die Fischknochen. In Boessneck, J., von den Driesch, A., and Stenberger, L. (eds.), Eketorp. Befestigung und Siedlung auf Öland, Schweden. Die Fauna, Stockholm, pp. 422–492. Hambrecht, G. (2012). Zooarchaeology and modernity in Iceland. International Journal of Historical Archaeology 16: 472–487. Hamilton-Dyer, S. (1995). Fish in Tudor naval diet – with reference to the Mary Rose. Archaeofauna 1995(4): 27–32. Hartola, M. (2016). Finska gäddor – en delikatess på biskop Brasks bord. In Bonow, M., Gröntoft, M., Gustafsson, S., and Lindberg, M. (eds.), Biskop Brasks måltider, Svensk mat mellan medeltid och renässans, Riga. Hasslöf, O. (1949). Svenska västkustfiskarna. Studier I en yrkesgrupps näringsliv och sociala kultur. Uddevalla. Heinrich, D. (1983). Temporal changes in fishery and fish consumption between early medieval Haithabu and its successor, Schleswig. In Grigson, C., and Clutton-Brock, J. (eds.), Animals and Archaeology: 2, Shell Middens, Fishes and Birds, BAR International Series 183, Oxford, pp. 151–156. Heinrich, D. (1986). Fishing and consumption of cod (Gadus morhus Linnaeus, 1758) in the middle ages. In: Brinkhuizen, D. C. and Clason, A. T., (eds.) Fish and Archaeology: Studies in Osteometry, Taphonomy, Seasonality and Fishing Methods. BAR International Series 294, Oxford. Heinrich, D. (1987). Untersuchungen an mittelalterlichen Fishresten aus Schleswig. Ausgrabung Schild 1971- 1975. Ausgrabungen in Schleswig. Berichte und Studien 6: 222 pp. Hoffman, R. (2001). Frontier foods for late medieval consumers: culture, economy, ecology. Environmental History 7: 131–167. Höglund, H. (1972). On the Bohuslän herring during the great herring fishery period in the eighteenth century. Institute of Marine Research, Lysekil, Report, Series Biology, 20: 1–86. Hutchinson, W. F., Culling, M., Orton, D. C., Hanfling, B., Lawson, H. L., Hamilton-Dyer, S., O’Connell, T. C., Richards, M. P., and Barrett, J. H. (2015). The globalization of naval provisioning: ancient DNA and stable isotope analyses of stored cod from the wreck of the Mary rose, AD 1545. Royal Society Open Science 2: 150199. Jones, A. K. G. (1984). Some effects of the mammalian digestive system on fish bones. In: Desse-Berstet, N., (ed.), 2nd Fish Osteoarchaeology Meeting. Notes et Monographies techniques No 16. Nice, pp. 61–66. Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol

Jones, A. K. G. (1986). Fish bone survival in the digestive systems of the pig, dog and man: some experiments. In Brinkhuizen, D. C. and Clason, A. T., (eds.), Fish and Archaeology: Studies in Osteometry, Taphonomy, Seasonality and Fishing Methods, BAR International Series 294, Oxford, pp. 53–61. Jonsson, L. (1986). Finska gäddor och Bergenfisk - ett försök att belysa Uppsalas fiskimport under medeltid och yngre Vasatid. In: Cnattingius, N., Neréus, T., (eds.), Uppsala Stads Historia 7, Från Östra Aros till Uppsala: En samling uppsatser kring det medeltida Uppsala. Uppsala, pp 122–139. Jonsson, L. (1992). Mat och miljö i Ny Varberg. In: Person, B. A. Ny Varberg – staden som blev kungsgård. Skrifter utgivna av Stiftelsen Hallands länsmuseer, Halmstad och Varberg, No 5. Varberg. Jonsson, L. (n.d.) Unpublished manuscript about fish remains from early medieval Söderköping. Kerklaan, F. (2012) Fish as an Indicator of Social Status During the Late Middle Ages in the Netherlands: 16th Century Fish Remains of the Keizershof in Den Bosch As a Case Study. Master's thesis, Leiden University, Leiden. Kulturhistoriskt lexikon för nordisk medeltid. (1956–1978). Malmö. Kullander, S. O., Nyman, L., Jilg, K., and Delling, B. (2012). Nationalnyckeln till Sveriges flora och fauna, Strålfeniga fiskar. Actinopterygii, ArtDatabanken, SLU, Uppsala. Lauwerier, R. C. G. M., and Laarman, F. J. (2008). Relics of 16th-century gutted herring from a Dutch vessel. Environmental Archaeology 13(2): 135–142. Locker, A. (2000). The role of stored fish in England 900–1750 AD; the evidence from historical and archaeological data. Sofia. Lönnroth, E. (1963). Bohusläns medeltid. In Lönnroth, E. (ed.), Bohusläns Historia, Uppsala, pp. 79–147. Magnus, Olaus. (1555). Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus. Rome. Swedish translation : Historia om de nordiska folken. Michaelisgillet, Stockholm 1909-1925. Commentaries by John Granlund, 1951. Maltin, E. (2017). Identity expressed in fish consumption. Fish in the cuisine from Nya Lödöse, Sweden (1473–1624). In: Linaa, J. et al. (2017) Urban Diaspora: Migration and Movement in Early Modern Scandinavia. Routledge (forthcoming). Nicholson, R. A. (1993). An investigation into the effects of on fish bone of passage through the human gut: some experiments and comparisons with archaeological material. Circaea 10: 38–51. Noe-Nygaard, N. (1971). Spur dog spines from prehistoric and early historic Denmark. Bulletin of the Geological Society of Denmark 21: 18–33. Olsson, A. (1970). Kostvanor bland fiskare i Bohuslän. In Bringéus, N.-A. (ed.), Mat och miljö En bok om svenska kostvanor. Lund. Orton, D. C., Makowiecki, D., de Roo, T., Johnstone, C., Harland, J., Jonsson, L., Heinrich, D., Enghoff, I. B., Loūgas, L., Van Neer, W., Ervynck, A., Hufthammer, A. K., Amundsen, C., Jones, A. K. G., Locker, A., Hamilton-Dyer, S., Pope, P., MacKenzie, B. R., Richards, M., O’Connell, T. C., and Barrett, J. H. (2011). Stable isotope evidence for late medieval (14th–15th C) origins of the eastern Baltic cod (Gadus Morhua) fishery. PLoS One 6(11). Orton, D. C., Morris, J., Locker, A., and Barrett, J. H. (2014). Fish for the city: meta-analysis of archaeological cod remains and the growth of London’s northern trade. Antiquity 88: 516–530. Perdikaris, S. (1999). From chiefly provisioning to commercial fishery: long-term economic change in Arctic Norway. World Archaeology 30(3): 388–402. Perdikaris, S., and McGovern, T. (2009). Viking age economics and the origins of commercial cod fisheries in the North Atlantic. In Sicking, L., and Abreu-Ferreira, D. (eds.), Beyond the Catch: Fisheries of the North Atlantic, the North Sea, and the Baltic, 900–1850, Brill, Leiden. Rencke, K. (1923). Bohusfisket. Avd. II. Yrkesteknisk framställning In: Hanson, V. & Rencke, K. (1923). Bohusfisket, pp.77–318. Göteborgs Jubilumspublikationer XIX. Göteborg. Sandklef, A. (1954). Hallands bönder. In Weibul, C., Arbman, H., Sandklef, A., and Restad, E. (eds.), Hallands Historia: Från äldsta tid till freden i Brömsebro 1645 Halmstad. Seeman, M. (1986). Fish remains from Smeerenburg, a 17th century dutch whaling station on the westcoast of Spitsbergen. In: Brinkhuizen, D.C. and Clason, A.T., (eds.), Fish and Archaeology: Studies in Osteometry, Taphonomy, Seasonality and Fishing Metods. BAR International Series 294, Oxford, pp 129–139. Sjöberg, A. (1866). Om den svenska fiskerilagstiftningen. I. Lund. Steenstrup, J. (1905). Nogle traek af fiskerbefolkningens historie. Dansk Historisk Tidskrift R7, Bd6. Sten, S. (1995). Trading with fish in medieval Sweden: Some examples from archaeological bone finds. Arcaeofauna 4: 65–69. Stibeus, M. (1997). Medieval coastal settlement in western Sweden. In Andersson, H., Carelli, P., and Ersgård, L. (eds.), Visions of the Past: Trends and Traditions in Swedish Medieval Archaeology.CentralBoardof National Antiquieties, Stockholm. Author's personal copy

Int J Histor Archaeol

Strömbom, S. (1924). Forskningar på platsen för det forna Nya Lödöse (1915-1918). Stadskrönika, grävningsberättelse, fyndkatalog. Skrifter utgivna till Göteborgs Stads trehundraårsjubileum genom jubileumsutställningens publikationskommitté nr. V. Göteborg. Styffe, C.G. (1864). Framställning av de så kallade grundregulernas uppkomst och tillämpning i Sverige intill slutet av sextonde århundradet. Stockholm. Svedberg, V.and Jonsson, L. (2006). Medeltida urbanisering och fiske i Västsverige. Urbaniseringsprocesser i Västsverige. GOTARC Serie C. arkeologiska skrifter No 66. Göteborg. Vretemark, M. (2000). Gamla Lödöse: analys av djurbensmaterial. GOTARC Serie C. Arkeologiska skrifter No 31. Göteborg. Vretemark, M. (2001). Om nyttan av nötdjur. In Andrén, A., Ersgård, L. and Wienberg, J., eds., Från stad till land. En medeltidsarkeologisk resa tillägnad Hans Andersson. Lund. Pp. 45–50. Wheeler, A., and Jones, A. (1989). Fishes, Cambridge Manuals in Archaeology, Cambridge. Wubs-Mrozewicz, J. (2009). Fish, stock and barrel. Changes in the stockfish trade. In: Sicking, L., and Abreu- Ferreira, D. (eds.), Beyond the Catch: Fisheries of the North Atlantic, the North Sea, and the Baltic, 900– 1850, Brill, Leiden. Ypma, Y. N. (1962). De geschiedenis van de Zuiderzeevisserij, Amsterdam.