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Revolt and Reform in Architecture's Academy: Columbia and Yale in the 1960S

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Revolt and Reform in Architecture's Academy: Columbia and Yale in the 1960S Revolt and Reform in Architecture's Academy: Columbia and Yale in the 1960s William Charles Richards IV Richmond, Virginia A.B., Wheaton College, 2004 M.A., University of Virginia, 2006 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Art and Architectural history University of Virginia May 2010 Richard Wilson~"~ "~4 ~ Sheila Crane Elizabeth Meyer _____________ Dell Upton 11 @Copyright by William C. Richards IV All rights reserved May 2010 lll Abstract A critical reassessment of the scope and mission of architecture and planning education in the United States occurred between 1950 and 1970. In this period, a small but significant number of students and faculty at Columbia University and Yale University perceived design's dominant pedagogies to be outmoded and inflexible legacies of the Bauhaus and Beaux-Arts institutions. They identified campus expansion, race, and the "urban crisis" as the principle, if unexplored, concerns facing architectural practice by the late-1960s, which pedagogy and practice were loath to address. Through protests and curricular reform, students and faculty members ultimately founded an advocacy model for design practice, which engaged the contemporary and contextual issues that have become central to its academy today. Among urban universities, Columbia and Yale represented compelling cases of how urban history and architectural education intersected. The theory and practice of urban renewal took a specific form that students analyzed-first to replicate and then to critique. As urban violence peaked and riots transformed neighborhoods across the United States, it did not take long for even the most sheltered student to feel the effects. Ultimately, calls for reform in city planning, matched calls for reform in architectural education against social injustice, university "imperialism," and the irrelevance of outmoded ideas about design. iv Table of Contents Abstract 111 Introduction 1 Illustrations 16 I. Architecture's Academy 23 Beaux-Arts and Bauhaus Legacies Shifting Boundaries The Platform System Into the City, Seeking An Admissions Debacle Illustrations 67 II. Columbia University in the City of New York 77 Campus Growth Up Against the Wall Gym Crow Must Go Architecture's Communards Urban Deadline Illustrations 135 III. Renewing New Haven, Building Yale 159 Fatal Flaws Urban Renewal's Blight Yale's Cloistered Garden Illustrations 199 Conclusion 213 Bibliography 222 Acknowledgements 236 v For Jennifer and Ava Introduction A critical reassessment of the scope and mission of architecture and planning education in the United States occurred between 1950 and 1970. Students and faculty at Columbia University and Yale University perceived design's dominant pedagogies to be outmoded and inflexible legacies of the Bauhaus and Beaux-Arts institutions. They identified campus expansion, race, and the so-called "urban crisis" as the principle, if unexplored, concerns facing architectural practice by the late-1960s, which architecture schools were loath to address. Through protests and curricular reform, students and faculty members ultimately founded an advocacy model for design practice, which engaged the contemporary and contextual issues that have become central to its academy today. This project investigates urban renewal as a redevelopment model and an historical moment through the actions of architecture students at two universities in the 1960s. While it is true that architecture students (and some faculty) across the country were part of the larger social movements of the 1960s, Columbia and Yale represented compelling cases of how urban history and architectural education intersected. The theory and practice of urban renewal took a specific form that students analyzed-first to replicate and then to critique. As urban violence peaked and riots transformed neighborhoods across the United States, it did not take long for even the most sheltered student to feel the effects. Ultimately, calls for reform in city planning matched calls for reform in architectural education against social injustice, urban "imperialism," and the irrelevance of outmoded ideas about design. As one Columbia architecture student, who had studied as an undergraduate at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, noted, "We had gone through school, paid huge tuitions, learned 2 about all kinds of things, except there was one thing: we had spent all these years and we had been led outside of something that was really fundamental, which was social responsibility." 1 By the late-1960s, evidence of social responsibility's loss was a pedagogical problem as much as it was an urban one. Hundreds of students matriculated each year with the hope of learning the profession, craft, and trade of becoming an architect and city planner in this period. It did not take long before many of them discovered that they were at odds with architecture's academy and the contemporary legacy of its practice, urban renewal. The consequences of urban renewal-the federally funded, local development model employed by cities between 1950 and 1975 to great economic, social, and racial ends-transformed nearly every American city, beginning with the 1949 Federal Housing Act. As agents of urban change, universities in cities such as New York City, New York and New Haven, Connecticut, occupied both privileged and embattled positions. Columbia University, founded in 1794 in New York City, and Yale University, founded in 1701 in New Haven, were particularly powerful and active institutions.2 Their home cities grew around them and, throughout their shared histories, town and gown patterns of development were often at odds. Unquestionably urban in context, both schools had undertaken massive expansion campaigns between 1950 and 1970 that threatened to erase parts of the historically black neighborhoods that now abutted their borders. Columbia and Yale officials and planners found it difficult to create a sense of campus cohesion beyond the borders of their historic grounds, as they confronted the 1 Salomon, Alain. Interview by author. Toulouse (France), 15 July 2009. 2 The charter for King's College was granted in 1754 and the school changed its name to Columbia in 1784. Columbia moved to its current location (the fourth) in 1897. Yale's original charter is dated 1701 and opened in Saybrook, Connecticut. Upon moving to New Haven in 1718, Yale assumed its current name. 3 racial, social and economic difference of the surrounding neighborhoods. Yet, throughout the 1950s and 1960s, Columbia purchased hundreds of properties in the Morningside Heights section of Manhattan surrounding the historic McKim, Mead, and White campus. [0.1] Thousands of residents were displaced due to these efforts through attrition, out-pricing, and, as some residents claimed, the sabotage of utilities like water and heat. Yale, 75 miles to the northeast, co-opted parts ofNew Haven's historic core in close partnership with New Haven administrators and plans to remake the entire city into a model of "urban renewal."3 [0.2] In each case, Columbia and Yale expanded into largely African-American neighborhoods that had not benefited as greatly from the post- war economy as other parts of the city or the suburban towns beyond. The municipal urge to "renew" areas deemed "blighted" was closely aligned with the physical needs of these urban universities that had prospered in the same post-war economy. Unwilling or unable to ignore the out-pricing, eviction, and displacement around the Harlem, Morningside Heights, Dixwell, Hill, Wooster Square, and Dwight communities in New York and New Haven that were defined by an erosion of neighborhood boundaries, of city park land, and ultimately of communities, themselves, architecture students at Columbia and Yale struck back. Student-led advocacy groups like Urban Deadline, the Architect's Renewal Committee for Harlem, The Architect's Resistance, and a small but influential group of architecture and planning students 3 At the center of urban renewal, New Haven served as an arena in which the full story of this development model played out, from its well-intentioned mandate to improve the city to its deleterious effects, which fueled social unrest and an architectural backlash. New York, on the other hand, witnessed its share of urban renewal projects but, at nearly twelve times the size of its neighbor to the north, the city absorbed changes in its urban fabric in a less concentrated way. As one Columbia architecture student at the time noted, who had attended Yale as an undergraduate, "New York had such a critical mass of what it was that, as a student, I wasn't so reactive to 'urban renewal' as I was before [in New Haven]." Smith, Tyler. Interview by author, Hartford, Conn., 24 July 2009. "~;;~:;V1£J?,Ic'!'lc"________ llllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllll ____llllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllll--llllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllBll 4 connected the lack of community development with deficiencies in their own design educations. Through these advocacy groups, which undertook everything from legal aid and tenants rights issues to park engineering and restoration of historic buildings, the students began to define architecture and urban design in broader social terms than the traditional skill sets of the discipline. Neighborhood redevelopment affected architecture students
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