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Strategies of Muslim Brotherhood Ideologues
The Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy and Strategy Institute for Policy and Strategy Strategies of Muslim Brotherhood Ideologues Dr. Israel Altman Submitted to: DOD/ONA Islamist Strategies Project Institute for Policy and Strategy, Herzliya Hudson Institute, Washington DC Project Leader: Dr. Shmuel Bar May 1, 2007 Content Executive Summary............................................................................................................ 1 Shaikh Yusuf al-Qaradhawi................................................................................................ 7 Introduction......................................................................................................................... 7 The Islamic State................................................................................................................. 7 Apostasy and Takfir.......................................................................................................... 10 On the Shi’ah .................................................................................................................... 11 Jihad .................................................................................................................................. 13 Confronting Christianity................................................................................................... 15 The Global Islamic Movement ......................................................................................... 16 Muslims in Western States -
Khashoggi's Death and Its Repercussions on the Saudi Position with Turkey
ORSAM Analysis No: 224 / January 2019 KHASHOGGI’S DEATH AND ITS REPERCUSSIONS ON THE SAUDI POSITION WITH TURKEY IHAB OMAR ORSAM Copyright Ankara - TURKEY ORSAM © 2019 Content of this publication is copyrighted to ORSAM. Except reasonable and partial quotation and use under the Act No. 5846, Law on Intellectual and Artistic Works, via proper citation, the content may not be used or re-published without prior permission by ORSAM. The views ex- pressed in this publication reflect only the opinions of its authors and do not represent the institu- tional opinion of ORSAM. ISBN:978-605-80419-3-6 Center for Middle Eastern Studies Adress : Mustafa Kemal Mah. 2128 Sk. No: 3 Çankaya, ANKARA Phone: +90 (312) 430 26 09 Faks: +90 (312) 430 39 48 Email: [email protected] Photos: Associated Press Analiz No:224 ORSAM ANALYSIS KHASHOGGI 'S DEATH AND ITS REPERCUSSIONS ON THE SAUDI POSITION WITH TURKEY About the Author Ihab Omar Ihab Omar is an Egyptian journalist and researcher specializing in Arab affairs. He holds a Bachelor of Media degree and General Diploma in Education. He covered the Arab events of many Arab newspapers and international sites. He covered closely the events of the Arab Spring in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen. January 2019 orsam.org.tr 2 Khashoggi's Death and its Repercussions on the Saudi Position With Turkey Contents Introduction ......................................................................................................................................3 Who was Jamal Khashoggi? ..........................................................................................................3 -
Appendix 2: Evidence Submitted to the FFP
Appendix 2: Evidence submitted to the FFP Human Rights Watch Page 1. HRW's written submission 1 2. The High Cost of Change 13 3. Prominent detainees held incommunicado 35 4. Saudi Arabia allow access to detained women 39 activists 5. Saudi Arabia free adult children of ex- official 43 Freedom Now submissions in relation to Loujain al-Hathloul Page 6. An English translation of the charges against Loujain 46 al-Hathloul 7. Freedom Now’s petition to the UN Working Group on 51 Arbitrary Detention on behalf of Loujain al-Hathloul 8. Saudi Arabia's response to Freedom Now’s petition 83 (provided by the Saudi government to the UN Working Group) 9. Freedom Now's comments on Saudi Arabia's response 95 10. The opinion of the UN Working Group – 12 June 2020 111 Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN) Page 11. Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN) 127 submission Grant Liberty report- December 2020 Page 12. Grant Liberty report- December 2020 130 MENA Rights Group Page 13. MENA Rights Group submission on Messrs Salman Al 171 Saud and Abdulaziz Al Saud Human Rights Watch Page 1 of 174 Human Rights Watch Memo for Fact Finding Panel – Investigation in the Detention of Former Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef and Prince Ahmed bin Abdulaziz I. Summary of Repression Under the De Facto Rule of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman In the summer of 2017, Mohammed bin Salman ousted his cousin Mohammed bin Nayef from power and became crown prince. Almost immediately the authorities began to purge former security and intelligence officials and quietly reorganized the country’s prosecution service and security apparatus, the primary tools of Saudi repression, and placed them directly under the royal court’s oversight. -
Saudi Arabia
FREEDOM ON THE NET 2017 Saudi Arabia 2016 2017 Population: 32.3 million Not Not Internet Freedom Status Internet Penetration 2016 (ITU): 73.8 percent Free Free Social Media/ICT Apps Blocked: Yes Obstacles to Access (0-25) 14 14 Political/Social Content Blocked: Yes Limits on Content (0-35) 24 24 Bloggers/ICT Users Arrested: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 34 34 TOTAL* (0-100) 72 72 Press Freedom 2017 Status: Not Free * 0=most free, 100=least free Key Developments: June 2016 – May 2017 • The government outlined plans to significantly increase broadband penetration by 2020 (see Availability and Ease of Access). • An online campaign to end male guardianship caught the attention of the royal court and resulted in gradual reforms (see Digital Activism). • A court increased an activist’s prison sentence for advocating for human rights online from 9 to 11 years on appeal; others were newly detained (see Prosecutions and Detentions for Online Activities). • Public institutions lost critical data in major cyberattacks, including the civil aviation authority, a chemical company, and the labor ministry (see Technical Attacks). 1 www.freedomonthenet.org Introduction FREEDOM SAUDI ARABIA ON THE NET Obstacles to Access 2017 Introduction Availability and Ease of Access Saudi internet freedom remained restricted in 2017, despite effective digital activism for women’s Restrictions on Connectivity rights. Several human rights defenders were jailed for social media posts. Saudi Arabia unveiled its monumental “Vision 2030” reform and development targets in April 2016. ICT Market The plan included measures to increase competitiveness, foreign direct investment, and non-oil government revenue by 2030.1 The government also announced a National Transformation Program in June 2016 which included several ICT specific targets to be achieved by 2020, including increasing Regulatory Bodies fixed-line broadband penetration in densely populated areas from 44 to 80 percent, and increasing wireless broadband penetration in rural areas from 12 to 70 percent. -
Press Tour for Journalists from MD & ICI Countries
HEAD MEDITERRANEAN DIALOGUE AND ISTANBUL COOPERATION INITIATIVE COUNTRIES SECTION PUBLIC DIPLOMACY DIVISION DIVISION DIPLOMATIE PUBLIQUE Press Tour for Journalists from MD & ICI countries 1-3 December 2008 List of Participants ALGERIA: 1. Ms. Ghania OUKAZI Le Quotidien d’Oran newspaper Algeria 2. Mr. Majid TAREB Al-Moudjahid newspaper Algeria BAHRAIN: 3. Mr. Hafedh ABDULGHAFFAR Al Watan newspaper Bahrain 4. Mr. Habib TOUMI Al Ayam newspaper Bahrain EGYPT: 5. Mrs. Aicha ABDELGHAFFAR Al Ahram newspaper Egypt 6. Mr. Mustafa SAMIH Middle East News Agency (MENA) Egypt ISRAEL: 7. Mr. Amir OREN Haaretz newspaper Israel 8. Mr Eldad BECK Yediot Ahronot newspaper Israel JORDAN: 9. Ms. Alia SHUKRI HAMZEH The Jordan Times newspaper Jordan 10. Ms. Reem RAWASHDEH Al Rai newspaper Jordan KUWAIT: 11. Mr Zaar AL RASHEDI Al-Anbaa newspaper Kuwait 12. Mr Ahmed Zakria ABDELRAHMAN Al-Watan newspaper Kuwait MAURITANIA: 13. Mr. Mohamed Saleh OULD CHIGHALI L’Horizon newspaper Mauritania 14. Mr. Ahmed Salem OULD MOCTAR SALEM Agence Mauritanienne d’Information (AMI) Mauritania MOROCCO: 15. Ms. Bouchra NAJI Maghreb Arabe Press (MAP) Morocco 16. Mr. Jamal EDDINE HERRADI L’Economiste newspaper Morocco OMAN: 17. Mr. Mohamed Ali ABDEL KHALEK Al-Watan newspaper Oman 18. Mr. Ibrahim AL-HAMADANI Oman Observer newspaper Oman -2- QATAR: 19. Mr. Khalid Abdullah ZEYARA Qatar News Agency / Al-Sharq newspaper Qatar 20. Mr. Ahmed Ali AL ABDULLAH Al-Watan Newspaper Qatar 21. Mr. Louay AL ABBOUSHI Al-Watan Newspaper Qatar SAUDI ARABIA: 22. Mr. Hani Fared WAFA Al-Riyadh newspaper Saudi Arabia 23. Ms. Mina AL-ORAIBI Al-Sharq Alawsat newspaper Saudi Arabia (London-based) TUNISIA: 24. -
7 © C. Hurst and Company Publishers
7 SAUDI ARABIA’S WAR ON TERRORISM COMBATTING PASSIONS, IGNORANCE AND DEVIATION Roel Meijer © C. Hurst and Company Publishers This chapter will analyse the history and background of the Saudi counterter- rorism discourse as a religious discourse on extremism (ghuluw). Too often the focus on jihadi discourse has ignored its status as a counter-narrative that can only be understood against and contextualised within the framework of a dom- inant narrative. Looking at the official, normative narrative is important for four reasons. First, examining the dominant discourse throws historical light on the long struggle against ‘extremism’ within Wahhabism (and Islam) and the arguments that have been used against not just violence but also against political demands and any opposition to the state. As Wahhabism is originally a rather strict inter- pretation of Islam, which regards itself as the only road to salvation and con- demns other Muslims if they do not adhere to its strict rules, the distinction between radical and normative forms of Wahhabism is not always clear. Attempts to contain the radical strain within Wahhabism that challenges the current official quietist apolitical religious discourse of the Saudi state provide an insight into the nature of Wahhabism itself. Second, an analysis of the general discourse on extremism provides a means of putting the Saudi rehabilitation programmes that have been launched since 165 contextualising jihadi thought 2003 into perspective. The confrontation with the more radical strain in Wah- habism is not ‘a battle of ideas’ but instead a religious reconversion programme that essentially focuses on the few items on which ‘radicals’ and ‘moderates’ dif- fer. -
Mishandling Suicide Terrorism
Scott Atran Mishandling Suicide Terrorism The past three years saw more suicide attacks than the last quar- ter century. Most of them were religiously motivated. Repeated suicide ac- tions show that massive counterforce alone does not diminish the frequency or intensity of suicide attack. Like pounding mercury with a hammer, this sort of top-heavy counterstrategy only seems to generate more varied and insidious forms of suicide terrorism. Even with many top Al Qaeda leaders now dead or in custody, the transnational jihadist fraternity is transforming into a hydra-headed network more difficult to fight than before. Poverty and lack of education per se are not root causes of suicide terror- ism. Nor do Muslims who have expressed support for martyr actions and trust in Osama bin Laden or the late Hamas leader Sheikh Yassin as a rule hate democratic freedoms or Western culture, although many of these Mus- lims do despise U.S. foreign policy, especially in the Middle East. Rising aspi- rations followed by dwindling expectations, particularly regarding civil liberties, are critical factors in generating support for suicide terrorism. The United States, Israel, Russia, and other nations on the frontline in the war on terrorism need to realize that military and counterinsurgency ac- tions are tactical, not strategic, responses to suicide terrorism—the most po- litically destabilizing and psychologically devastating form of terrorism. When these nations back oppressive and unpopular governments (even those deemed “partners in the war on terror”), this only generates popular resentment and support for terrorism against those governments as well as their backers. To attract potential recruits away from jihadist martyrdom— suicide terrorism’s most virulent strain—and to dry up its popular support Scott Atran is a director of research at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique in Paris and an adjunct professor of psychology, anthropology, and natural resources at the University of Michigan. -
Egypt's Systematic Campaign Against Ngos Under Threat
Under Threat Egypt’s Systematic Campaign against NGOs March 2015 Under Threat Egypt’s Systematic Campaign against NGOs Todd Ruffner March 2015 © 2015 Project on Middle East Democracy. All rights reserved. The Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit, Washington, D.C. based 501(c)(3) organization. The views represented here do not necessarily reflect the views of POMED, its staff, or its Board members. For electronic copies of this report, visit: http://pomed.org/pomed-publications/under-threat-egypts- ngo-community/ Limited print copies are also available. Project on Middle East Democracy 1611 Connecticut Avenue, NW Suite 300 Washington, D.C. 20009 www.pomed.org About the Author Todd Ruffner is POMED’s Advocacy Associate and Editor of the POMED Wire blog, the Weekly Wire digest, the Egypt Daily Update, the Iran Weekly Update, and the Bahrain Weekly Update. He has studied the Middle East since 2005, having lived and studied in both Cairo and Damascus. He previously served as a policy intern at POMED and the National Iranian American Council. Todd received his master’s degree from the Ohio State University’s Near Eastern Languages and Cultures Program with a concentration on Iran-Iraq border disputes in the 20th century, and his bachelor’s degree from Elon University with a focus on the Muslim Brotherhood during the presidency of Gamal Abdel Nasser. He is proficient in Persian and Arabic, having studied at the American University in Cairo and the University of Wisconsin-Madison’s Arabic, Persian, and Turkish Immersion program. About the Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED) The Project on Middle East Democracy is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated to examining how genuine democracies can develop in the Middle East and how the U.S. -
2010.-Hungria-MLI.Pdf
Mohammad Saghir Khan l Almas Zaidi Javed Musarrat Editors Microbes for Legume Improvement SpringerWienNewYork Editors Dr. Mohammad Saghir Khan Dr. Almas Zaidi Aligarh Muslim University Aligarh Muslim University Fac. Agricultural Sciences Fac. Agricultural Sciences Dept. Agricultural Microbiology Dept. Agricultural Microbiology 202002 Aligarh 202002 Aligarh India India [email protected] [email protected] Prof. Dr. Javed Musarrat Aligarh Muslim University Fac. Agricultural Sciences Dept. Agricultural Microbiology 202002 Aligarh India [email protected] This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically those of translation, reprinting, re-use of illustrations, broadcasting, reproduction by photocopying machines or similar means, and storage in data banks. Product Liability: The publisher can give no guarantee for all the information contained in this book. The use of registered names, trademarks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. # 2010 Springer-Verlag/Wien Printed in Germany SpringerWienNewYork is a part of Springer Science+Business Media springer.at Typesetting: SPI, Pondicherry, India Printed on acid-free and chlorine-free bleached paper SPIN: 12711161 With 23 (partly coloured) Figures Library of Congress Control Number: 2010931546 ISBN 978-3-211-99752-9 e-ISBN 978-3-211-99753-6 DOI 10.1007/978-3-211-99753-6 SpringerWienNewYork Preface The farmer folks around the world are facing acute problems in providing plants with required nutrients due to inadequate supply of raw materials, poor storage quality, indiscriminate uses and unaffordable hike in the costs of synthetic chemical fertilizers. -
Hz. Peygamber'in Şehir Tasavvuru
TÜRKİYE YAZARLAR BİRLİĞİ Türkiye Yazarlar Birliği Yayınları - 56 Toplantı Metinleri -13 ISBN: 978-975-7382-81-2 Ankara, Ağustos 2015 Yayın Hakkı: Türkiye Yazarlar Birliği 3. Milletlerarası Şehir Tarihi Yazarları Kongresi Tertip Heyeti D. Mehmet Doğan Hicabi Kırlangıç (Prof. Dr.) İbrahim Ulvi Yavuz Ferhat Koç Vedat Güneş İlim Heyeti Şükrü Karatepe (Prof. Dr.) Köksal Alver (Prof. Dr.) Abdullah Ekinci (Prof. Dr.) Mehmet Narlı (Prof. Dr.) Fazıl Gökçek (Prof. Dr.) Salih Yılmaz (Doç. Dr.) Yayına Hazırlık Merve Aksakal Faaliyet Asistanı Dilara Çoskun Merve Aksakal Editör: D. Mehmet Doğan Tasarım: mtr tanıtım görsel hizmetler Baskı: Özel Ofset - Sertifika No: 29514 Milletlerarası Şehir Tarihi Yazarları Kongresi 6-8 Mart 2015 Şanlıurfa İçindekiler Sunuş Celalettin Güvenç ....................................................................................................................................... 11 Açılış Konuşmaları D. Mehmet Doğan ........................................................................................................................................ 13 Celalettin Güvenç ......................................................................................................................................... 15 Program .......................................................................................................................................................... 19 3. Milletlerarası Şehir Tarihi Yazarları Kongresi Şanlıurfa’da yapıldı ............................. 23 I.BÖLÜM Köksal Alver (Prof. Dr.) ............................................................................................................................... -
The Impact of the Modernity Discourse on Persian Fiction
The Impact of the Modernity Discourse on Persian Fiction Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Comparative Studies in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Saeed Honarmand, M.A. Graduate Program in Comparative Studies The Ohio State University 2011 Dissertation Committee: Richard Davis, Advisor Margaret Mills Philip Armstrong Copyright by Saeed Honarmand 2011 Abstract Modern Persian literature has created a number of remarkable works that have had great influence on most middle class people in Iran. Further, it has had representation of individuals in a political context. Coming out of a political and discursive break in the late nineteenth century, modern literature began to adopt European genres, styles and techniques. Avoiding the traditional discourses, then, became one of the primary characteristics of modern Persian literature; as such, it became closely tied to political ideologies. Remarking itself by the political agendas, modern literature in Iran hence became less an artistic source of expression and more as an interpretation of political situations. Moreover, engaging with the political discourse caused the literature to disconnect itself from old discourses, namely Islamism and nationalism, and from people with dissimilar beliefs. Disconnectedness was already part of Iranian culture, politics, discourses and, therefore, literature. However, instead of helping society to create a meta-narrative that would embrace all discourses within one national image, modern literature produced more gaps. Historically, there had been three literary movements before the modernization process began in the late nineteenth century. Each of these movements had its own separate discourse and historiography, failing altogether to provide people ii with one single image of a nation. -
Sudan Has Been Ruled by an Authoritarian Military Regime With
Sudan Sudan has been ruled by an authoritarian military regime with religious underpinnings since 1989, when Omar al-Bashir staged a military coup to overthrow the elected civilian government headed by Sadiq al-Mahdi, leader of the Umma Party. Bashir then dissolved all political parties and civil society groups, with the exception of religious groups, and brought unions under the administrative control of “steering committees” headed by individuals who were closely linked to the new regime. Members of the political opposition, union leaders, and human rights defenders were severely harassed, including through arbitrary arrest and torture in secret detention centers known as “ghost houses.” Despite the more recent resurgence of political parties and civic activity after having been banned for many years, the Bashir regime continued to use repressive tactics to curtail the political opposition and employed legislation which violates the right to freedom of association to clamp down on civil society organizations. The licenses of a number of human rights organizations were revoked, and activists continued to face arrest and unfair trials. Freedom of expression in Sudan continued to face repression as well, particularly through the imposition of security censorship on newspapers, confiscation of publications, and the prosecution of journalists in recent years. (307) The Bashir regime sought to ensure its ability to remain in power by stirring up and exploiting conflicting tribal loyalties and inciting certain tribes against its political opponents in order to erode their traditional centers of support. This was seen most clearly in Darfur and in southern Sudan, where such policies led to a massive failure to address problems arising from ethnic and religious diversity and thwarted all chances for national integration, giving way instead to armed conflicts which have led to massive casualties and the displacement of millions over the past ten years.