A Fascist Century Also by Roger Griffin
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Nordic Fascism
Nordic Fascism Investigating the Political Project Behind Bollhusmötet Master’s thesis (45 credits) Author’s name: Erik Blohmé Name of supervisor: Heléne Lööw Semester: Spring 2021 Date of Submission: May 17, 2021 HISTORISKA INSTITUTIONEN Abstract This thesis investigates the political project behind the infamous tennis hall meeting, commonly referred to as Bollhusmötet, that took place in February of 1939 in Uppsala, Sweden. Gathering in the local tennis hall, the members of the Uppsala Student Union decided to send a resolution to the Swedish king protesting the reception of Jewish refugees into Sweden in the wake of the 1938 November Pogrom. The protest was widely influential, spurring similar resolutions at other universities and arguably influencing Swedish refugee policy on a national level. The event itself was orchestrated by a group of nationalist students as part of a political project aiming to establish a Nordic power bloc with Sweden as the central power. This political milieu rejected the geopolitics of both England and Germany to promote a specific form of Nordic fascism. Antisemitism was a central part of their ideology, both regarding short- and long-term goals, and antisemitism was also the ultimate motive behind the tennis hall meeting. The architects of these events joined the mainstream conservative milieu in 1940 as part of a strategy to abolish the Swedish political system from within and restructure the Swedish state according to a fascist model bearing many similarities to national socialism. Keywords: Bollhusmötet, Heimdal, Den Svenska Linjen, Arvid Fredborg, fascism, antisemitism, national socialism, Nazism. Acknowledgments I would like to express my gratitude to Heléne Lööw who has supervised this thesis with patience, honesty, and great care. -
The Global New Right and the Flemish Identitarian Movement Schild & Vrienden a Case Study
Paper The global New Right and the Flemish identitarian movement Schild & Vrienden A case study by Ico Maly© (Tilburg University) [email protected] December 2018 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/ The global New Right and the Flemish identitarian movement Schild & Vrienden. A case study. Ico Maly Abstract: This paper argues that nationalism, and nationalistic activism in particular are being globalized. At least certain fringes of radical nationalist activists are organized as ‘cellular systems’ connected and mobilize-able on a global scale giving birth to what I call ‘global nationalistic activism’. Given this change in nationalist activism, I claim that we should abandon all ‘methodological nationalism’. Methodological nationalism fails in arriving at a thorough understanding of the impact, scale and mobilization power (Tilly, 1974) of contemorary ‘national(istic)’ political activism. Even more, it inevitably will contribute to the naturalization or in emic terms the meta-political goals of global nationalist activists. The paradox is of course evident: global nationalism uses the scale- advantages, network effects and the benefits of cellular structures to fight for the (re)construction of the old 19th century vertebrate system par excellence: the (blood and soil) nation. Nevertheless, this, I will show, is an indisputable empirical reality: the many local nationalistic battles are more and more embedded in globally operating digital infrastructures mobilizing militants from all corners of the world for nationalist causes at home. Nationalist activism in the 21st century, so goes my argument, has important global dimensions which are easily repatriated for national use. -
Spencer Sunshine*
Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it. -
Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers
ILLIBERALISM STUDIES PROGRAM WORKING PAPERS M A Y 2 0 2 1 An Identitarian Europe? Successes and Limits of the Diffusion of the French Identitarian Movement M A R I O N J A C Q U E T - V A I L L A N T An Identitarian Europe? Successes and Limits of the Diffusion of the French Identitarian Movement Marion Jacquet-Vaillant Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers no. 7 May 2021 Photo Cover: “Generation-identitaire” by Pulek1 licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0 ©IERES2021 The Identitarian Movement (IM) was born in France in 2002-2003, founded by Fabrice Robert, Guillaume Luyt, and Philippe Vardon in the weeks following the dissolution of the far-right group Unité radicale. Over the past 19 years, several associations have been involved in the French IM: Les Identitaires (LI) and the Bloc Identitaire (BI) have alternated as the “adult” organizations, while Les Jeunesses Identitaires (JI), Une Autre Jeunesse (UAJ), and Génération Identitaire (GI) have successively embodied its “youth” branch. Génération Identitaire (GI), founded in 2012, progressively became the figurehead of the IM before being administratively dissolved by the French government in March 2021. Since then, activists have been barred from carrying out any action in the name of Génération Identitaire. If the decision has not affected Les Identitaires or local associations (such as the Identitarian bars or cultural associations), it has thrown into jeopardy the GI brand they have successfully diffused throughout Europe. The French Identitarian movement1 claims an attachment to a certain civilizational identity linked to the European continent. In addition to structuring their movement into local chapters, each of which is responsible for the defense and promotion of local identities, the activists strive to embody this common European identity at the European level.2 They have, it seems, succeeded in doing so: since its creation, the French Identitarian movement has effectively maintained links with counterparts in Europe. -
The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right Josh Vandiver Ball State University Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH The radical political movement known as the Alt-Right Revolution, and Evolian Traditionalism – for an is, without question, a twenty-first century American audience. phenomenon.1 As the hipster-esque ‘alt’ prefix 3. A refined and intensified gender politics, a suggests, the movement aspires to offer a youthful form of ‘ultra-masculinism.’ alternative to conservatism or the Establishment Right, a clean break and a fresh start for the new century and .2 the Millennial and ‘Z’ generations While the first has long been a feature of American political life (albeit a highly marginal one), and the second has been paralleled elsewhere on the Unlike earlier radical right movements, the Alt-Right transnational right, together the three make for an operates natively within the political medium of late unusual fusion. modernity – cyberspace – because it emerged within that medium and has been continuously shaped by its ongoing development. This operational innovation will Seminal Alt-Right figures, such as Andrew Anglin,4 continue to have far-reaching and unpredictable Richard Spencer,5 and Greg Johnson,6 have been active effects, but researchers should take care to precisely for less than a decade. While none has continuously delineate the Alt-Right’s broader uniqueness. designated the movement as ‘Alt-Right’ (including Investigating the Alt-Right’s incipient ideology – the Spencer, who coined the term), each has consistently ferment of political discourses, images, and ideas with returned to it as demarcating the ideological territory which it seeks to define itself – one finds numerous they share. -
Anti-Semitism in Greece
HONORARY CHAIRMAN ADVISORY BOARD (CHAIR) PRESIDENT Yuri Orlov Karl von Schwarzenberg Ludmilla Alexeyeva EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE VICE PRESIDENT Aaron Rhodes Sonja Biserko Ulrich Fischer Holly Cartner DEPUTY EXECUTIVE DIR ECTOR Bjørn Engesland TREASURER Brigitte Dufour Krassimir Kanev Stein -Ivar Aarsæther Andrzej Rzeplinski Wickenburggasse 14/7, A -1080 Vienna, Austria; Tel +43 -1-408 88 22; Fax 408 88 22-50 e-mail: office@ihf -hr.org – internet: http://www.ihf-hr.org Bank account: Bank Austria Creditanstalt 0221-00283/00, BLZ 12 000 Anti-Semitism in Greece: Recent Developments PC.DEL/605/03 Report by International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights and 19 June 2003 Greek Helsinki Monitor June 16, 2003 ENGLISH only Much of the information contained in this report, in addition to further examples can be found in the Greek Helsinki Monitor/Minority Rights Group Greece November 2002 report, Anti- Semitism in Greece a Current Picture: 2001-2002 , available on the internet.1 Anti-Semitic expressions in Greece continue to stem from two central misconceptions: a perceived threat to the traditional, Orthodox Greek culture and the direct link between Greek Jewry and Israeli policy in the Middle East. In the absence of strong criticism, selected clergy, journalists, and politicians have brought their extreme views into mainstream discussion, the effect of which seeds anti-Semitic views within the larger Greek population. Manifestation of anti-Semitism in Reporting and Commentary on the Middle East Crisis Anti-Israeli sentiment regarding the ongoing Israeli/Palestinian conflict and perceived threats to the Greek Orthodox Christian culture, continue to fuel the majority of anti-Semitic comments and incidents reported in the Greek media. -
Criticism of “Fascist Nostalgia” in the Political Thought of the New Right
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS WRATISLAVIENSIS No 3866 Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, nr 3 Wrocław 2018 DOI: 10.19195/2300-7249.40.3.6 JOANNA SONDEL-CEDARMAS ORCID: 0000-0002-3037-9264 Uniwersytet Jagielloński Criticism of “fascist nostalgia” in the political thought of the New Right The seizure of power by the National Liberation Committee on 25th April, 1945 and the establishment of the republic on 2nd June, 1946 constituted the symbolic end to Mussolini’s dictatorship that had lasted for more than 20 years. However, it emerged relatively early that fascism was not a defi nitively closed chapter in the political and social life of Italy. As early as June of 1946, after the announcement of a presidential decree granting amnesty for crimes committed during the time of the Nazi-Fascist occupation between 1943 and 1945, the country saw a withdrawal from policies repressive towards fascists.1 Likewise, the national reconciliation policy gradually implemented in the second half of the 1940s by the government of Alcide De Gasperi, aiming at pacifying the nation and fostering the urgent re- building of the institution of the state, contributed to the emergence of ambivalent approaches towards Mussolini’s regime. On the one hand, Italy consequently tried to build its institutional and political order in clear opposition towards fascism, as exemplifi ed, among others, by a clause in the Constitution of 1947 that forbade the establishment of any form of fascist party, as well as the law passed on 20th June, 1 Conducted directly after the end of WW II, the epurazione action (purifi cation) that aimed at uprooting fascism, was discontinued on 22nd June 1946, when a decree of president Enrico De Nicola granting amnesty for crimes committed during the Nazi-Fascist occupation of Italy between 1943–1945 was implemented. -
The Evolution of Swedish Fascism: Self-Identity and Ideology in Interwar Sweden
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Apollo The Evolution of Swedish Fascism: Self-identity and Ideology in Interwar Sweden The Version of Record of this manuscript has been published and is available Patterns of Prejudice, Nov. 2016, http://www.tandfonline.com/, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2016.1237386 Abstract Historians and social scientists generally understand nationalism to be the defining feature of fascism. This study challenges that assumption with the examination of Swedish fascist movements through the concept of self-identity. Based on interwar fascist periodicals, the development of Swedish fascists‘ self-identity in relation to race, nation, and the signifiers of ‗fascism‘ and ‗National Socialism‘, is traced from the early 1920s when an overt attachment to Mussolini‘s model was displayed, through a National Socialist phase showing a cautious commitment to Nazi Germany, ending with a final phase of ‗anonymisation‘. In the face of criticism that their ideology was alien to Sweden, fascists adapted their self-representation to accommodate nationalist commitments, developing a transnational racialist ideology believed to be more in tune with Swedish political culture. When public opinion turned decisively against ‗international fascism‘ in the mid-1930s, they were forced to discard the name and image of ‗fascism‘ altogether, in a final phase of anonymisation, which however did not entail any significant ideological metamorphosis. Keywords Sweden, fascism, racialism, national socialism, Nazism, discourse, identity, ideology Below I will consider fascist self-identity in Sweden, what I argue is its awkward relationship to nationalism, and how that relationship drove ideological change. -
Modernity, Modernism, and Fascism. a "Mazeway Resynthesis"
0RGHUQLW\PRGHUQLVPDQGIDVFLVP$PD]HZD\UHV\QWKHVLV 5RJHU*ULIILQ Modernism/modernity, Volume 15, Number 1, January 2008, pp. 9-24 (Article) 3XEOLVKHGE\-RKQV+RSNLQV8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV DOI: 10.1353/mod.2008.0011 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/mod/summary/v015/15.1griffin.html Access provided by Universitätsbibliothek Bern (1 Mar 2015 12:52 GMT) GRIFFIN / modernity, modernism, and fascism 9 Modernity, modernism, and fascism. A “mazeway resynthesis”1 Roger Griffin MODERNISM / modernity VOLUME FIFTEEN, NUMBER Fascism and modernism: finding the “big picture” ONE, PP 9–24. Researchers combing through back numbers of this journal © 2008 THE JOHNS HOPKINS in search of authoritative guidance to the relationship between UNIVERSITY PRESS modernity, modernism, and fascism could be forgiven for occa- sionally losing their bearings. In one of the earliest issues they will alight upon Emilio Gentile’s article tracing the paternity of early Fascism to the campaign for a “modernist national- ism” which was launched in the 1900s by Italian avant-garde artists and intellectuals fanatical about providing the catalyst to a national program of radical modernization.2 They will also come across the eloquent case made by Peter Fritzsche for the thesis that there was a distinctive “Nazi modern,” that the Third Roger Griffin is Reich embodied an extreme, uncompromising form of politi- Professor in Modern History at Oxford cal modernism, a ruthless bid to realize an alternative vision of Brookes University modernity whatever the human cost.3 But closer to the present (UK), and author of they will encounter Lutz Koepnik’s sustained argument that over 70 publications on the aesthetics of fascism reflected its aspiration “to subsume generic fascism, notably everything under the logic of a modern culture industry, hop- The Nature of Fascism ing to crush the emancipatory substance of modern life through (Pinter, 1991). -
British Fascism: a Discourse- Historical Analysis'
H-Socialisms Cohen on Richardson, 'British Fascism: A Discourse- Historical Analysis' Review published on Sunday, October 27, 2019 John E. Richardson. British Fascism: A Discourse-Historical Analysis. Explorations of the Far Right Series. Stuttgart: Ibidem, 2017. Illustrations. 307 pp. $45.00 (paper), ISBN 978-3-8382-1031-5. Reviewed by Joshua Cohen (University of Leicester) Published on H-Socialisms (October, 2019) Commissioned by Gary Roth (Rutgers University - Newark) Printable Version: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=54281 Analyzing British Fascism When Colin Cross wrote "British Fascism ended in May 1940 and has not since been revived under that name," he correctly assessed that Sir Oswald Mosley's Union Movement (UM), formed in 1948, neither hid nor disowned its fascist past. Still, this reference to the past and "ex-fascists" implied acceptance of the UM's claim to have transcended fascism, that it went "beyond both fascism and democracy."[1] The idea of fascism as a historical phenomenon existing mainly in the past was expressed in Stanley Payne's assertion that fascism was "primarily limited to Europe during the era of the two world wars."[2] One of the most important contributions John E. Richardson makes in the excellent British Fascism: A Discourse-Historical Analysis is his repudiation of such analyses by demonstrating the long continuities within British fascism, its survival across the postwar period into the present, and, above all, the grave danger of regarding fascism as "over." He engages both with historiography and the "heuristic blind spot" of some political scientists that makes them reluctant to acknowledge contemporaneous movements as "fascist." For Richardson, this accounts for the continual formation of such myriad terms as "extreme right," "radical right," and "extreme right-wing populist"—he does not say it but "alt-right" suggests itself here too (pp. -
The Life of the Romanian Theologian Antonie Plamadeala As a Runaway from the Secret Police and As a Political Prisoner in Communist Romania
The Life of the Romanian Theologian Antonie Plamadeala as a Runaway from the Secret Police and as a Political Prisoner in Communist Romania Cristina Plamadeala A Thesis in The Department of Theological Studies Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (Theological Studies) at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada September 2015 © Cristina Plamadeala, 2015 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Cristina Plamadeala Entitled: The Life of the Romanian Theologian Antonie Plamadeala as a Runaway from the Secret Police and as a Political Prisoner in Communist Romania and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Theological Studies) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final Examining Committee: __________________________________Chair Chair’s name __________________________________Examiner Examiner’s name __________________________________Examiner Examiner’s name __________________________________Supervisor Supervisor’s name Approved by_______________________________________________________ Chair of Department or Graduate Program Director _______2015 _______________________________________________________ Dean of Faculty ii ABSTRACT The Life of the Romanian Theologian Antonie Plamadeala as a Runaway from the Secret Police and as a Political Prisoner in Communist Romania Cristina Plamadeala The present work discusses the life of the Romanian theologian Antonie Plamadeala (1926-2005) in the1940s-1950s. More specifically, it tells the story of his refuge from Bessarabia to Romania, of his run from Romania’s secret police (Securitate) and of his years of incarceration as a political prisoner for alleged ties to the Legionary Movement, known for its Fascist, paramilitary and anti-Semitic activity and rhetoric. -
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fascism 8 (2019) 9-35 brill.com/fasc The Fascist Who Fought for World Peace: Conversions and Core Concepts in the Ideology of the Swedish Nazi Leader Sven Olov Lindholm Johan Stenfeldt Dept of History, Lund University, Sweden [email protected] Abstract This article deals with the political conversion and ideological thought of the Swedish National Socialist Sven Olov Lindholm (1903–1998). Lindholm began his career as a fas- cist in the twenties, and became a member of Sweden’s main National Socialist party led by Birger Furugård, in the early thirties. Ideological divisions and a failed attempt to oust Furugård saw Lindholm found his own party in January 1933, the nsap (later renamed the sss). Previous research has often described this party as a left-wing Nazi alternative, but its ideological basis has never been thoroughly dissected. The present article uses a variety of archival collections, speeches, pamphlets, and newspaper ar- ticles to suggest a cluster of six interdependent core concepts in Sven Olov Lindholm’s ideological thought: anti-Semitism, anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism, anti-material- ism, the idealization of the worker, and the definition of Nazi Germany as a worker’s state. Lindholm underwent a second political awakening in the sixties, redefining him- self as a communist, and thus the article also examines the ideological remains there- after. It is found that anti-materialism, linked to a broad antipathy to modernity, was central throughout his career. Keywords Sweden – fascism – National Socialism – socialism – Sven Olov Lindholm – ideological conversion © Johan Stenfeldt, 2019 | doi:10.1163/22116257-00801002 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc license at the time of publication.