Introduction
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C H A P T E R I Introduction F t h e great construction projects of the last century, none has been O more impressive in its technical, economic, and scientific aspects, none has been more influential in its social effects, and none has engaged more thoroughly our constructive instincts and capabilities than the electric power system. A great network of power lines which will forever order the way in which we live is now superimposed on the industrial world. Inven tors, engineers, managers, and entrepreneurs have ordered the man-made world with this energy network. The half-century from 1880 to 1930 con stituted the formative years of the history of electric supply systems, and from a study of these years one can perceive the ordering, integrating, coordinating, and systematizing nature of modern human societies. Electric power systems demanded of their designers, operators, and managers a feel for the purposeful manipulation of things, intellect for the rational analysis of their nature and dynamics, and an ability to deal with the messy economic, political, and social vitality of the production systems that em body the complex objectives of modern men and women. Robert Venturi, the contemporary architect, has asked architects to embrace the complexity and contradictions of the modern world and to make of that world a habitable environment.1 Leading engineers and managers have also rec ognized that their drive for order must be tempered by tolerance of messy vitality. Modern electric systems have the heterogeneity of form and func tion that make possible the encompassing complexity. Man’s making of the complex modern world is an appropriate subject for the twentieth-century historian. Creation of the material environment shaped by—and shaping—mankind is not a peripheral subject that can be left to narrow specialists. To direct attention today to technological affairs is to focus on a concern that is as central now as nation building and constitution making were a century ago. Technological affairs contain a rich texture of technical matters, scientific laws, economic principles, po litical forces, and social concerns. The historian must take the broad per spective to get to the root of things and to see the patterns. Scientists and 1 Robert Venturi, Complexity and Contradiction in Architecture (New York: The Museum of Modern Art, 1966), pp. 22-23. 1 NETWORKS OF POWER engineers analyze the technical systems they build, but historians are needed to comprehend the complex, multifaceted relations of these systems and the changes that take place in them over time.2 For historians, the study of complexity and change is engaging. Edward Gibbon sat in the ruins of the Capitol in Rome and reflected on the contrast between what he saw before him and the earlier glory that was Rome. Upon seeing drums of oil being unloaded from an American ship in an African port, the American scholar Perry Miller asked how a civilization as new as the American one could already be exporting the products of its technology to remote areas of the world that had been settled centuries earlier. Other historians, taking bareboned statistics from widely separated times, have sought to explain quantitative change by means of qualitative analysis. The drama of change provides the historian with an emphasis that sets him or her apart from the social scientist, who often dissects situations without including a time dimension. How did the small, intercity lighting systems of the 1880s evolve into the regional power systems of the 1920s? In this case, the change is not the decline that fascinated Gibbon; it is the expansion that attracted Miller. The focus is not on contrasting data; it is on contrasting physical config urations. The problem of this book is to explain the change in configuration of electric power systems during the half-century between 1880 and 1930. Such change can be displayed in network diagrams (see Fig. 1.1), but the effort to explain the change involves consideration of many fields of human activity, including the technical, the scientific, the economic, the political, and the organizational. This is because power systems are cultural artifacts. Electric power systems embody the physical, intellectual, and symbolic resources of the society that constructs them. Therefore, in explaining changes in the configuration of power systems, the historian must examine the changing resources and aspirations of organizations, groups, and in dividuals. Electric power systems made in different societies—as well as in different times—involve certain basic technical components and connec tions, but variations in the basic essentials often reveal variations in re sources, traditions, political arrangements, and economic practices from one society to another and from one time to another. In a sense, electric power systems, like so much other technology, are both causes and effects of social change. Power systems reflect and influence the context, but they also develop an internal dynamic. Therefore, the history of evolving power systems requires attention not only to the forces at work within a given context but to the internal dynamics of a developing technological system as well. This book is not simply a history of the external factors that shape technology, nor is it only a history of the internal dynamics of technology; it is a history of technology and society. Scientists have done much to enlighten us about the nature of dynamics of the structures of the natural world, but historians have as yet only barely 2 In his essays, Harvey Brooks, a scientist and engineer, addresses the multifaceted com plexity of contemporary technosocial systems. See, for example, Brooks, “A Framework for Science and Technology Policy,” IEEE Transactions on Systems, Man, and Cybernetics, SMC-2, no. 5 (1972): 584-88. FIGURE 1.1. THE CONFIGURATION OF EVOLVING SYSTEMS: INNER CITY (1885); CENTRALIZED URBAN (1906)■ AND REGIONAL (1930) Distribution system, Berlin, 1885. From Matschoss et al., 50 Jahre, p. 13. HOCHSTSPANNUNQSNETZ DER RWE BETRIEBE. 120, ■ 1 / 3 6 0 A y Poppe/Ze/ft/nç HOLLAND ■ m Z20/3do a a Projetot — 120 A r Etn/ac/t/e/'/vfiy — -220 A y Pro/eki Kraflwertte: Eigtn*: RilweAt oatte FnmtA; C SraimkoMenkro/hrefkt 0 O Sfe/npoA/énAra/nvrAe ® □ tVossertira/ïtrertie 0 ® IfotspawMorkefäoooo /o /t a u fffO o o o WH>6z ik 25 ooo Distribution system, Chicago, 1906. Courtesy of Commonwealth Edison Co., Chi cago, III. SCHWS/Z U trCMßiBfftG) oesrepm cH Transmission system from the Dutch border to Switzerland, 1930. From Koepchen, Abbildung 6. Karte der Wasserkraftwerke des RWE-Koniems. "Das R W E" (see Chapter XIV, note 17, below). FIGURE 1.2. THE STATISTICS OF EVOLVING SYSTEMS IN THREE COUNTRIES Above: Electricity generated by public utilities in Germany, 1880— 1940. From Rudolf von Miller's article in Technikgeschichte 25 (1956): 112. Right: Electricity generated by utilities in the United States, 1882— 1921. From Electrical World 80 (1922): 546. The growth of electricity sales in the United Kingdom, 1895—1915 (left) and 1920—1958 (right). Data from I. C. R. Byatt, “The British Electrical Industry, 1875—1914” (D. Phil, thesis, Oxford University, 1962), p. Ill; and Hannah, Electricity Before Nationalisation, table A.I. INTRODUCTION penetrated the surface of the highly organized and evolving systems of the man-made world. Historians interested in technology have written only a few monographs that concentrate on the evolution of the massive, exten sive, vertically integrated production systems of the modern industrial world. Although the public senses the strong organizing forces that originated in these systems and that today influence their lives, they only dimly perceive the nature of these forces. The technological, or man-made, world awaits a Darwin to explicate the origins and dynamics of the forces that pervade it. Quoting Paul Valéry, historian Marc Bloch chides traditional historians for not taking up the task of explicating “the conquest of the earth” by electricity, one of those notable phenomena that have “greater possibilities of shaping our immediate future than all the political events combined.”3 How might the technological systems that increasingly structure our ma terial environment—specifically, electric power systems—be defined? Be cause these systems have varied over time and from place to place, the historian’s definition cannot be as precise as the scientist’s. Ludwig von Bertalanffy, one of the most articulate of systems theorists, needed a book, not a paragraph, to define “system.”4 Thus, an inadequate approximation must serve here as an introduction to the concept of systems. Some char acteristics of systems are so general that they transcend time and place. A system is constituted of related parts or components. These components are connected by a network, or structure, which for the student of systems may be of more interest than the components. The interconnected com ponents of technical systems are often centrally controlled, and usually the limits of the system are established by the extent of this control. Controls are exercised in order to optimize the system’s performance and to direct the system toward the achievement of goals. The goal of an electric pro duction system, for example, is to transform available energy supply, or input, into desired output, or demand. Because the components are related by the network of interconnections, the state, or activity, of one component influences the state, or activity, of other components in the system. The 3Marc Bloch, The Historian’s Craft (New York: Knopf, 1959), p. 66. 4 Ludwig von Bertalanffy, General System Theory: Foundations, Development, Applications (New York: Braziller, 1968). The literature on systems in general is extensive, and even a selected bibliography is beyond the scope of—and inappropriate for—a history of a particular kind of system. The interested reader might first consult the bibliography in Bertalanffy’s General System Theory and the article by Talcott Parsons, “Social Systems,” in Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1968, 15: 458-72.