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Indonesian Journal of Political Research (IJPR) EDITORIAL COMMITTE Chairperson Prof. Dr. Firman Noor, M.A. Editor-in-Chief Dr. Rosita Dewi, M.A. Managing Editor Defbry Margiansyah, S.IP., M.A. Editors R.A. Rizka Fiani Prabaningtyas, S.IP, M.IntR(Adv) Faudzan Farhana, S.H., LL.M. Mouliza Kristhopher Donna Sweinstani, S.IP., M.IP. Secretarial Dini Rahmiati, S.Sos., M.Si Eko Heryati Sutaningtyas, S.H Layouter & IT Anggih Tangkas Wibowo, ST., MMSi Adiyatnika, S.Kom Editorial Advisory Board Prof. Dr. Syamsuddin Haris (Research Center for Politics, Indonesian Institute of Sciences - LIPI) Prof. Dr. Hermawan Sulistyo, M.A. (Research Center for Politics, Indonesian Institute of Sciences - LIPI) Prof. Dr. Dewi Fortuna Anwar, M.A. (Research Center for Politics, Indonesian Institute of Sciences - LIPI) Prof. Dr. R. Siti Zuhro, MA. (Research Center for Politics, Indonesian Institute of Sciences - LIPI) Prof. Dr. Asvi Warman Adam APU (Research Center for Politics, Indonesian Institute of Sciences - LIPI) Prof. Dr. Lili (Research Center for Politics, Indonesian Institute of Sciences - LIPI) Drs. M. Hamdan Basyar M.Si. (Research Center for Politics, Indonesian Institute of Sciences - LIPI) Associate Professor Dr. Greg Fealy (Australian National University) Dr. Nur Iman Subono, M.Hum (University of Indonesia) Dr. Kevin W. Fogg (University of North Carolina) Profile Indonesian Journal of Political Research (IJPR) is a peer-reviewed academic journal organized by Research Center for Politics, Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI). IJPR seeks to publish high-quality articles based on original research, review articles, research notes, and book reviews to promote the exchange of ideas and knowledge concerning political science and issues in Indonesia, regional, and global politics, including political economy, security and defense, foreign policy, diplomacy, development, democratization, democratic governance, elections, peace and conflict, social movements, gender, environment, religion, and other strategic issues. Editorial Address Research Center for Politics - LIPI, Widya Graha LIPI Building, 3rd floor and 11th floor Jend. Gatot Subroto Street Kav 10 South Jakarta 12710 Website: www.politik.lipi.go.id ISSN 2747-2590 (printed) CONTENTS Indonesian Journal of Political Research Article Volume 1, December 2020 EDITORIAL NOTE The Future of Indonesian Democracy Rosita Dewi & Firman Noor 8 ARTICLES Faces of The ‘Konstituante’: Data on Some of the Political Elite of Early Independent Indonesia Syahrul Hidayat & Kevin W. Fogg 24 Accomodating Indonesia’s Islamist Fringe: The Case for a More Inclusive Electoral System Greg Fealy 42 Digital Activism & Democracy in Indonesia Learning from the Foregoing Research Issues (2014-2020) Caroline Paskarina 58 Democratic Regression & Authoritarian Practices in Indonesia Wijayanto 72 RESEARCH NOTE Malaysia’s Political Changes Amid Covid-19 Mohd Rizal Mohd Yaakop, Mohd Azmi Mohd Razif & Ahmad Redzuan Mohamad 82 BOOK REVIEW Menimbang Demokrasi Dua Dekade Reformasi (MEASURING DEMOCRACY IN TWO DECADES OF REFORMATION). Edited by Syamsuddin Haris. Jakarta: Yayasan Pustaka Obor Indonesia. 2019. Softcover: 556pp + xxviii Lili Romli 86 Indonesian Journal of Political Research (IJPR) Volume 1, December 2020 ISSN 2747-2590 (Printed) EDITORIAL NOTE The Future of Indonesian Democracy Rosita Dewi & Firman Noor INTRODUCTION he regression over Indonesian democracy is still debatable among the scholars. After 20 years of reformasi, it is important to reflect on how the democratic institution functioning Tin Indonesia. Indonesia has held five times democratic and fair general elections and also four times direct presidential elections. This is a remarkable achievement after the long period of authoritarian regime under Suharto. It seems the transformation from authoritarian regime into democratic political regime reflected on the implementation of democratic principles in Indonesia. Will Indonesian democracy follows her fellow ASEAN neighbours’ plummeting trend? Or will it strive to show positive progress despites all the challenges? THE DEVELOPMENT OF DEMOCRACY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA The political configurations and democratic system of ASEAN members are vary. The experience of colonization resulted the different political system from monarchy until democratic system. One of the most significant problems that has been faced by developing countries in Southeast Asia are the involvement of the military in civilian politics. In some cases, military involvement limited on influencing government. However, other cases indicated that military took control the government. Militaries were dominant in Southeast Asian countries such as Indonesia, Philippine, Thailand, Myanmar, and Cambodia, but it was not happened in Malaysia and Singapore. Some countries have been successful to transform into democratic countries. As a member of the The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) those countries promoted the democracy in Southeast Asia Region (Kingsbury, 2017; Wungaeo, Rehben & Wun’gaeo, 2020). ASEAN aims to provide regional order and a basis for economic and security cooperation. ASEAN member countries has been actively promoting democracy and human rights as a new objective of ASEAN since the establishment of ASEAN Community that consist of three pillars: ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), ASEAN Security Community (ASC), which later changed into ASEAN Political and Security Community, and ASEAN Social and Cultural Community (ASCC). It promotes democracy and human rights as central of ASEAN order (Sukma, 2009; Poole, 2019; Wungaeo, Rehben & Wun’gaeo, 2020). Whereas, discussion about domestic governance and regime type in member states has never been discussed in the official ASEAN forum. There is no requirement to be democratic state to be the ASEAN member or punishment for member state that do not apply the democratic principles. The non-interference norms make the options of political system in ASEAN members out of official ASEAN discussion (Poole, 2019). This “freedom” made the democratic development of ASEAN members varied. Not all the ASEAN members democratic developments have kept pace with the ASEAN the spirit of democracy, however the number of ASEAN countries, which have transitioned to adopt democratic system, © 2020 The Authors. Indonesian Journal of Political Research published by Research Center for Politics, Indonesian Institute of Sciences. All right reserved. Printed in Indonesia. 2 IJPR Volume 1, December 2020 increased (see graph 1). According to Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) democracy index, Myanmar has transitioned from authoritarian regime into hybrid regime. The political system of Singapore has also changed from hybrid regime into flawed democracy. Moreover, Thailand has also transitioned from hybrid regime into flawed democracy, even though Thailand also faced the democratic regression from flawed democracy return into hybrid regime for a couple of time. Some countries, Laos and Vietnam, remains under the authoritarian regime. Indonesia, Malaysia, and Philippine are considered as frontier of democracy among the ASEAN members. Graph 1. Political System Changing in Southeast Asian Countries 6 5 4 3 2 Countries Number 1 0 2007 2011 2015 2019 Year Flawed Democracy Hybrid Regime Authoritarian Regime Source: Data were collected from EIU 2007 until 2019 However, most ASEAN members democracy are still debatable. Moreover, the human rights records of the most ASEAN members have also questionable (Poole, 2019). Therefore, the democratic system which has been implemented in several ASEAN countries are still categorized as flawed democracy (EIU, 2007-2019) or gated democracy (Lidya et al., 2014). The EIU democracy index is based on five indicators. Those are electoral process and pluralism, functioning of government, political participation, political culture, and civil liberty. Those countries are “adopted” the principles of democracy and human right, but how the implementation of those principles are still questionable. Election, for example, the governments conducted the elections across the region because “the elections are still treated as the yardstick for democracy” (Simandjuntak, 19 October 2018). Money politics, military involvement, manipulation made the freedom and fairness of the election has been questioning. Clientelism, Elitist, oligarchy are also still clearly shown in the democratic system in Southeast Asian countries (Embong, 2016; Power, 2018; Timberman, 2019; Aspinall & Berenschoft, 2019). According, to the democracy index 2019 from EIU shows that the democracy in several ASEAN members are stagnant or even declining. Philippine, as the oldest of Southeast Asian Country that adopted democratic system, shows the regression of its democracy under the regime of Duterte in 2016. The Duterte government’s track record regarding human rights and democracy indicated the regression of democracy in Philippine. His war on drugs that caused extrajudicial killing caused human rights violations (Timberman, 2019; Teehanke & Calimbahin, 2019). Moreover, his approach to “solve” conflict in Mindanao, by extended the martial law in 2017 and finally lifted in February 2020, questioning the implementation of democracy and respect of human rights in Philippine (Black, 19 July 2017; Gomez, 10 December 2019; Shortridge, 5 February 2020). This situation is not only occurred in Philippine, but also in Myanmar. The victory of National League of Democracy (NLD) in 2015 election under Aung Sang Suu Kyi leadership, as peace noble