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Zukiswa Majali, Jan K. Coetzee & Asta Rau University of the Free State, South Africa Everyday Hair Discourses of African

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Zukiswa Majali, Jan K. Coetzee & Asta Rau University of the Free State, South Africa Everyday Hair Discourses of African Everyday Hair Discourses of African Black Women Zukiswa Majali, Jan K. Coetzee & Asta Rau day efforts of African Black women to groom and ery brought these communities in touch with the University of the Free State, South Africa style their hair (Mercer 1987:34). We analyze every- Western world, African people started to adopt day discourses on hair as these intersect with race, new styles and ways to carry and maintain their Everyday Hair Discourses of African Black Women gender, and class (Erasmus 1997:12). African tresses. Abstract Hair for African Black people has always had meaning. In the past, elaborate hairstyles communicated The awareness that hair can be racialized is essen- One of the reasons for this change in hair practices their status, identity, and place within the larger society. In present day society, hair continues to be a sig- tial in opening up dialogues about, and meanings was that African hair developed negative mean- nificant part of being an African Black person. Especially for women, who attach a number of different of, “good” and “bad” hair among African Black ings. African women started to seek straighter, meanings to hair. This study casts more light on young African Black women’s everyday perceptions of people. In the light of this, everyday hair discours- silky hair in order to fit into Western society and to hair and uncovers the meanings they attach to hair and beauty. This is done by looking at how the in- es by African Black women can only be understood acquire social mobility (White and White 1995:56). tersections of race, gender, and class impact on their everyday perceptions and experiences of hair. The when historically and racially embedded (White These attempts at using hair to signal class issues literature indicates that the hair preferences and choices of Black African women tend to emulate Western 2010:19). The idea that discourses on hair are linked such as improved social standing were also influ- notions of beauty. This is due to a great extent to the historical link between Black hair and “bad” hair to the politics of skin color reaches as far back as enced by the perception that a combination of Afri- associated with old slave days. But, the narratives of participants contradict this normative discourse in the old times of slavery, when greater monetary can and white European genetic composition led to many ways and provide new insights on hair—insights that reflect and motivate antiracist aesthetics. value was attached to light-skinned Black women mixed race offspring whose physical features were with straight hair (Russel, Wilson, and Hall 1992; regarded as more desirable than the kinky, coarse Keywords African Black Women; Black Beauty; Eurocentric Beauty; Hair; Race; Racialization of Beauty Hooks 1994; White 2010:19). This generalized and hair and dark skin of their African forebears (Badi- stereotypical valuation of hair and skin color still llo 2001; Montalvo 2004; Robinson 2011:361). These Zukiswa Majali obtained her Master’s degree in the Introductory Remarks exists to some extent—irrespective of the fact that physical differences among African slaves created program The Narrative Study of Lives, Department of Sociology, hairstyles can be relatively easily styled to match a social hierarchy based on skin color and hair tex- University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa. Hair, as organic matter and part of the human personal preferences (Gibson 1995; Collins 2000; ture (Lara 2010). Slaves with features closer to the email address: [email protected] body, has been subjected to manipulation and Hooks 2001; White 2010:19). When it comes to hair European norm (lighter skin and straighter hair) styling throughout history (Mercer 1989:34). It has and hairstyling over the centuries, African women also became more valuable in monetary terms. This Jan K. Coetzee is a Senior Professor of Sociology and always carried social meanings—for instance, as have been very creative in manipulating African even extended to special privileges being awarded Director of the program The Narrative Study of Lives in the a symbol of status or as a fashion statement. As in hair. Even as early as the fifteenth century we find to slaves of mixed race. This social construction of Department of Sociology at the University of the Free State, the rest of the world, hair plays a vital role in the evidence of the various meanings and symbols a caste system based on color tends to put African Bloemfontein, South Africa. He specializes in qualitative so- lives of African people, and South Africans are no attached to hair—as can be seen in depictions of Black women at a disadvantage compared to their ciology and serves on several international advisory boards. exception when it comes to a preoccupation with the Wolf, the Mende, the Mandingo, and the Yoru- male counterparts. This is because African Black email address: [email protected] hair (Erasmus 1997:12). The importance of hair in ba people from Africa (Patton 2006:27). In African women, more than men, find themselves at the in- African communities is first seen in the curiosity communities, hairstyling practices were about tersection of gender, race, and beauty (Wolf 1999; Asta Rau is the Director of the Centre for Health Systems surrounding the hair of a newborn baby (Mercer more than an individual wanting to look good or Arogundade 2000; Badillo 2001; Robinson 2011:363). Research & Development at the University of the Free State, 1987:35; Erasmus 1997:12). This interest in hair con- make a statement—they also served as bonding South Africa. She works in qualitative research and is cur- tinues throughout life and is associated with in- sessions and united the community, particular- Against the background of these factors, we gath- rently leading a project in partnership with the University of dividual and social issues of identity and beauty ly the women. Hair was perceived as being more ered discourses of hair among young African Black Antwerp on perceptions of stigma among healthcare workers. (White 2010:19). This attentiveness to, almost fixa- than just aesthetic, it formed part of people’s sense women in Bloemfontein, South Africa. We are in- email address: [email protected] tion with, hair can be observed through the every- of identity (Patton 2006:28). However, after slav- terested in the meanings that African Black women 158 ©2017 QSR Volume XIII Issue 1 Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 159 Zukiswa Majali, Jan K. Coetzee & Asta Rau Everyday Hair Discourses of African Black Women attach to their hair, the significance of hair in their en their hair in pursuit of “good” hair. The legacy tion between African people and their hair was, for made on weave extensions and hair manipulation. everyday lives, including its everyday care and of slavery and colonialism is therefore not only a long time, largely severed. As noted earlier, this But, there has also been a number of television pro- maintenance. We also discuss hair as a marker for restricted to oppression and exploitation in politi- began in the slave trade era in the nineteenth centu- grams that debate the norms that the market has identity and as a symbol of beauty. cal and economic sense. It also lead to beauty stan- ry. The end of the slave era meant new beginnings created in relation to African hair (Nyamnjoh and dards that reject and exclude distinguishing fea- for most Africans—including opportunities for new Fuh 2014:58). Also in the U.S. debates on hair among Hair as Beauty tures of African Black women (Robinson 2011:358). ways to think afresh about their physical features African-American women have been covered in It put an enormous burden on them in terms of the (Rooks 1996 as cited in Thompson 2009:834). For shows hosted by celebrities such as Tyra Banks. Beauty has to do with personal likes and desires. It cost of attaining what was then seen to be the ideal. women such as Madam C. J. Walker (1867-1919)— Chris Rock’s 2009 documentary Good Hair, directed is difficult to be detached, clinical, or objective when an African-American entrepreneur, philanthropist, by Jeff Stilson, explores the perception among many talking about beauty. When reflecting on beauty, we There is a need to revisit the historical link between and social activist who became one of the wealthi- people of African descent that curly hair was not inevitably enter the intersection of race and culture Black hair and “bad” hair. We need to find new dis- est African-American women in the U.S. from a line “good.” The documentary delves into the hugely and gender. Various standards and meanings of courses on hair that reflect and motivate antiracist of African-American hair care products she invent- lucrative Black hair industry and explores popular beauty are also time- and gender-bound. aesthetics. To this end we investigate the connec- ed in 1905—this new trend in beauty care was also approaches to styling, chemical straighteners, and tion between Black female beauty and Eurocentric an opportunity to enter the financial bracket of the people’s experiences of their own hair. The advent of colonialism and the accompanying standards of beauty, including hair and skin color. middle classes. She opened up the market for prod- increase in contact between different racial groups Racist beauty aesthetics always promote features ucts such as hair softener and hair-straightening One example of the coverage of discourses on hair greatly impacted on everyday perceptions of beau- of the dominant groups at the expense of minori- combs that would enable African-American women in South Africa was in the TV program—now dis- ty in Africa, particularly among women (Erasmus ty groups (Craig 2006:159).
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