Dante's Divine Comedy-The Title of the Poem

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Dante's Divine Comedy-The Title of the Poem Ferdinanda Cremascoli www.nelmezzodelcammin.it Divine Comedy. The Title of the Poem Explained to my Young Students Dante did not entitle his poem Divine Comedy. This title appeared only in the sixteenth century in a printed edition of the work curated by Lodovico Dolce in 1555 for Giovanni Giolito, publisher in Venice. "1 Benvenuto da Imola hits the mark with his analysis and defines the novelty of Dante’s poem, the fusion of different styles. Dante called his poem simply “Comedy”, as he says in two passages of the Inferno. ! The first one (Inf, XVI,127-128)1:! but here I can’t be silent. And by the strains! of this Comedy (...) I swear to you, reader,! The second in the XXI Canto, vv. 1-3! Thus from one bridge to the next we came! until we reached its highest point, speaking! of things my Comedy does not care to sing.! The Epistle to Cangrande, too, in which Dante dedicates the first part of Paradiso to the lord of Verona Cangrande della Scala, gives proof of the original title:! Incipit Commedia Dantis Alagherii Florentini natione, non moribus! Here begins the Comedy of Dante Alighieri, Florentine in birth, but not in manners! 1 All quotation from Dante’s poem are taken from the translation of Robert and Jean Hollander published by Anchor Books Edition, Random House Inc., New York, 2002. "2 Why Dante chose this title can be explained according to the precepts of medieval rhetoric, inherited from classical culture: the work is called “Commedia” because its subject has a sad beginning and a happy outcome; because his language is vulgar and because his style is humble and modest. “Commedia” is a literary genre that for matter, language and style is opposed to "tragedìa", the sublime genre that Dante had already described in De vulgari eloquentia, the treatise on the vernacular, written in Latin a few years before the poem.! This might suggest that Dante ascribed a “modest” genre to his work. However the readers of the “Comedy” knows that it is all but modest. In the Eight Heaven of Paradise, the sphere of the fixed stars, the poet has the vision of the triumph of Christ and immediately Beatrice invites him not be scared any more. Dante turns his gaze towards the sky acknowledging, however, that his verses will never be up to describe the Paradise and he call his work “the sacred poem” (Par, XXIII, 61-62). And only a little further on, while undergoing an exam on the three theological virtues, the poet still defines his poem as follows (Par, XXV, 1-2):! Should it ever come to pass that this sacred poem! to which both Heaven and earth set their hand! Dante did not even a modest opinion of the vernacular. In De vulgari eloquentia a completely positive judgment already emerged on the vernacular, a popular language, but understood by everyone. For this reason it challenges wise men: the language spoken by all could be refined and made as perfect as Latin.! Why then did Dante call his work “Commedia”?! When the poet writes the “Epistula” to Cangrande and is completing the poem, he has now developed a very original conception of literary genres, not released, but autonomous from the current rhetorical precepts that he had made his own in the past.! Even the commentators of the fourteenth century had di#culty in establishing which genre Dante’s work belonged to as there was nothing similar. One of the most analytic ones, Benvenuto da Imola, noticed that this book was at the same time tragedy, satire and comedy: tragedy because it deals with the deeds of "3 famous people such as kings, popes, barons; satire because it denounces all vices courageously regardless of power or position; comedy because its plot is sad at the beginning (the hell), but has a happy outcome (the paradise). This early commentator hits the mark with his analysis and defines the novelty of Dante’s poem, the fusion of di$erent styles.! An example of the original way the poet adapts the rules ancient rhetorics can be found in Canto IV of Inferno. Dante meets here Homer, Ovid and Lucan, the greatest scholars of epic poetry (sublime style, tragedy, according to the ancient and medieval hierarchy). However, among them, there is Horace, the leading satirical poet. The great writer and philosopher Isidore of Seville had already defined satire as new comedy, thus di$erentiating it from the ancient one of Plautus and Terence. Including Horace among the epic poets is a precise sign: for Dante “comedy” is a new genre, emerging from the union of satire and tragedy.! It should also be remembered that the medieval meaning of "comedy" fits into the context of Christian culture, which knows well and admires the sublime style of the classics, appropriates it and proposes it in its own texts. But there is a profound di$erence between the ancient “sublime” and the Christian one. In the classical tragedy the world is dominated by fate and the central theme is in the struggle between hero and destiny; in the Christian “sublime” instead of fate there is the Divine Design of the Almighty and the struggle between man and sin. This explains why the story of Christ’s death, whose noble argument would surely suggest the use of sublime style, is basically considered “comedy” as the story concludes with the victory of good over evil, with the resurrection over the death.! This explains why the “comedy" for the Christian is not a minor literary genre, on the contrary only in it is realized the Christian dialectic between life and death, between humility and greatness. ! This explains why Dante thinks of his own work as "comedy": it is both sublime and humble, great and common, whose meaning is in any case noble, because not only the impressive or great or lofty, but also the small and modest and humble have inherent in themselves the deep sense of human history: the struggle against sin in search of salvation.! "4 This is how Dante understands his most illustrious model: Virgil's Aeneid. He reads the “lofty tragedy” (“l’alta tragedìa”) of his master as "comedy" because the Aeneid is already, even according to some Christian commentators that Dante knows well, an imitation of human life, just like his Comedy: the journey of Aeneas is in fact the arduous journey of humanity that returns to its ancient homeland, just like Dante's journey from the dark forest to the revelation of the Trinity, through a war imposed by the di#cult trials “of the way and of the pity”, “sì del cammino e sì della pietate” (Inf, II, 5).! “Il cammino e la pietate” is the title of the lessons I wrote for Italian students. You can find it, in Italian, on my web site ! https://www.nelmezzodelcammin.it/i-miei-ebook/! I translated into English the first two lessons (“Divine Comedy. When and where the story takes place. Two lessons on Dante’s poem”) that can be found at the same web address.! Eindhoven, May 29, 2019! "5.
Recommended publications
  • Dangerous Disorder: 'Confusione' in Sixteenth- Century Italian Art Treatises
    Dangerous disorder: ‘confusione’ in sixteenth- century Italian art treatises Caroline Anjali Ritchie In sixteenth-century Italian writing on art, confusione is a much-maligned concept. While many scholars skim over the word, swiftly pressing on to examine neutral or positively charged words like composizione, varietà or grazia, the connotations of confusione as used in Renaissance art treatises are far from self-evident.1 Particularly in the second half of the cinquecento, writers used the word confusione to express manifold concerns regarding the supposedly detrimental effects of confused and hence confusing artworks upon the beholder’s enjoyment or pleasure, as well as upon their intellectual, psychological, and spiritual experiences. The profusion of cinquecento instances of the word, in the treatises of artistic practitioners and non- practitioners, is potentially symptomatic of writers’ reactions against so-called ‘mannerism’ and their concerns about the perceived decline or senescence of art; more explicitly, some important instances are bound up in counter-reformation debates about sacred images. Most fundamentally, considered in the context of Renaissance art theory and faculty psychology, confusione indicates the prevalent fears surrounding inherently ‘bad’ artistic qualities. I thus begin not with artworks but with the words that writers used to describe artworks. Such words are revealing of the ‘broad phenomena’ of responses that David Freedberg expounded as the stuff of legitimate historical inquiry.2 I argue specifically that images were also thought to reveal their efficacy through a perceived formal defectiveness, as distinct from the kind of morally dubious subject matter examined by Freedberg in relation, for example, to Savonarola’s burning of ‘profane’ images.3 Words like confusione, expressing negative value-judgements about the quality of artworks, can help to detect and diagnose the concerns of their users regarding the potentially malign powers of images considered defective.
    [Show full text]
  • Hacia El Dialogo Della Pittura Lodovico Dolce Y Sus Lettere Di Diversi (1554 - 1555)
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Portal de Revistas Científicas Complutenses Hacia el Dialogo della Pittura Lodovico Dolce y sus Lettere di diversi (1554 - 1555) Santiago ARROYO ESTEBAN Real Academia de España en Roma [email protected] Recibido: 4 de Marzo de 2009 Aceptado: 24 de Junio de 2009 RESUMEN Acercamiento a la prehistoria del Dialogo della pittura de Lodovico Dolce (1557), prestando especial atención a su relación con las cartas de Miguel Ángel, Rafael y Tiziano incluidas en las Lettere di diversi (1554) recopiladas por el literato. Se traducen y comentan en Apéndice las cartas de sujeto artístico aparecidas en la segunda edición de las Lettere (1555) que Dolce dirige a Gasparo Ballini y Alessandro Contarini. Palabras Clave: Lodovico Dolce. Cartas. Diálogo de la pintura. Gasparo Ballini. Alessandro Contarini. Tiziano. Rafael. Miguel Ángel. Literatura artística. Teoría. Ut pictura poësis. Ékphrasis. Venus y Adonis. Variedad. Inven- ción. Dibujo. Colorido. To the Dialogo della pittura: Lodovico Dolce and his Lettere di diversi of 1554-1555 ABSTRACT Approach to the prehistory of the Dialogo della pittura by Lodovico Dolce (1557), paying special attention to its connection with the letters by Michelangelo, Raphael and Titian included in the Lettere di diversi (1554) compiled by the writter. In Appendix also the translation into Spanish and comment of the letters of artistic argument that appeared in the second edition of the Lettere (1555) which Dolce addressed to Gasparo Ballini and Alessandro Contarini. Key Words: Lodovico Dolce. Lettere. Dialogo della pittura. Gasparo Ballini. Alessandro Contarini.
    [Show full text]
  • Lodovico Dolce's Somma Della Filosofia D'aristotele and The
    Addressing the Reader: Lodovico Dolce’s Somma della filosofia d’Aristotele and the Audience for Vernacular Philosophy in Sixteenth-Century Italy Lodovico Dolce’s popularization of Aristotelian philosophy, the Somma della filosofia d’Aristotele, was published in Venice around 1565. It is a rather loosely organised compendium of philosophical material, comprising books on logic, practical philosophy (ethics, economics, and politics) and natural philosophy. It has not been much studied,1 and yet offers valuable insights into both the vernacularization of Aristotelian philosophy and the increasingly sophisticated ways, often through the use of paratext, that sixteenth-century authors (working together with editors and publishers) sought to appeal to and communicate with their audience. This article will examine the differing readerships foreseen for the Somma della filosofia d’Aristotele and how the work seeks to persuade, mollify or rebuff these readers. The Somma della filosofia d’Aristotele serves as an example of the ways Renaissance authors and publishers sought to shape readings of a work of popularized philosophy, and Dolce, as a poligrafo accustomed to writing for a commercial audience, shows a particularly keen awareness of the “diverse quality” (Somma 3: 97v) of readers which might encounter the text; this diversity is addressed with overtures intended for his cultured but non-scholarly readers, his learned critics, and those who might take issue with his work on religious grounds. In his magisterial Aristotle and the Renaissance, Charles Schmitt demonstrated not only the persistence of Aristotelianism as a philosophical force in the Renaissance but also the tradition’s variety, subtlety and ability to adapt to changed intellectual and cultural circumstances.
    [Show full text]
  • Quaderni D'italianistica : Revue Officielle De La Société Canadienne Pour Les Études Italiennes = Official Journal Of
    Antonio Ricci i6 Si gran volume in piccola e manigevole forma'': Bindoni and Pasini's 1535 edition of the Orlando Furioso^ Francesco Bindoni and Maffeo Pasini operated one of the largest publishing houses in Venice during the first half of the sixteenth century.' The partners specialized in popular genres such as chivalric literature, and between 1525 and 1542 they produced eight editions of Ariosto 's Orlando Furioso, a title that enjoyed wide success on the book market.^ The most important of these editions, and one which holds a prominent place in the publishing history of the Furioso in the Cinquecento, was the octavo they issued in 1535, the first edi- tion in which the text of the poem was printed with a set of paratexts.^ Lodovico Dolce, the editor of the book, prepared two dedicatory letters, an "Apologia" in which he defends Ariosto from detractors, and three other paratexts designed to assist the readers: a glossary in which he explains some difficult words found in the Furioso; a list of the additions Ariosto made in the final version of the poem; and a table of characters listing their appearance in major episodes. This was the first time that ihQ Furioso was given a paratextual apparatus, and it marked the beginning of a much-imitated editorial practice; over the course of the sixteenth century this practice would eventually see the text submerged by notes in the margins, by commentary preceding and follow- ing each canto, and by extensive critical material before and after the poem. The paratexts in the Bindoni and Pasini edition are relatively brief, but they represent a significant source for the early reception of the Furioso, since they reflect and enact the well-defined marketing strategy that Bindoni and Pasini had developed in response to the book's intended public.
    [Show full text]
  • The Reception of Ancient Drama in Renaissance Italy Francesca Schironi
    Part III The Renewal of Ancient Drama 7 The Reception of Ancient Drama in Renaissance Italy Francesca Schironi Introduction The first reception of Classical drama in a modern language occurred in sixteenth‐ century Italy. Italian neoclassical drama not only served as a basis for the development of European drama—as it provided the theoretical framework and models which were then perfected by the Elizabethan and French dramatists—but also represented a very rich cultural phenomenon in itself. Without aiming to offer a complete analy- sis of theater in Renaissance Italy, I will here give an overview of its most important characteristics, focusing on why neoclassical drama originated in Italy, on the theo- retical debates that this new genre ignited, and on the main trends and themes of Italian “neoclassical” tragedy and comedy as well as their place in the larger Italian cultural milieu. From this survey, I will omit tragedies and comedies written in Latin in the previous centuries, such as Albertino Mussato’s Ecerinis (1314), a tragedy based on Seneca as a model (especially Octavia) and depicting the cruel deeds of Ezzelino III da Romano (1194–1259) against Padua. Even if Latin humanist plays were important predecessors, Italian neoclassical drama was a new phenomenon, which stemmed mostly from the rediscovery of the Latin and Greek originals at the end of the fifteenth century. I will also omit discussing pastoral plays such as Angelo Poliziano’s Orfeo (c. 1472–1480) or Giovan Battista Guarini’s Il pastor fido (c. 1580), which are based on Classical myths and are the predecessors of Italian opera.1 The “Rediscovery” of the Classics in Italy The development of neoclassical drama in Europe was a consequence of the “rediscovery” of Classical literature in humanistic and early Renaissance Italy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Atrides Saga and Power Play: the Dilemma Between Freedom and Death on the Theatrical Scene
    ISSN 2411-9598 (Print) European Journal of September-December 2017 ISSN 2411-4103 (Online) Language and Literature Studies Volume 3 Issue 3 The Atrides Saga and Power Play: The Dilemma Between Freedom and Death on the Theatrical Scene Maria Sgouridou Stefan Lindinger Georgios Bitsakos National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, School of Philosophy* Abstract Thyestes’ myth is difficult to read: cruel, abominable, but also multidimensional. And this is why it is adaptable to multiple interpretations, highlighting the different aspects of tyranny within different political, socio-cultural and philosophical contexts during the centuries. Thyestes, the protagonist of the tragedy, serves, with his unique characteristics, as an example to the spectator in order to understand and improve his own situation, even his very existence. First, we will take a look upon the theatrical production by Petros Katsaitis, author of a tragedy based upon this myth in 1721. At that time, Greece does not yet exist as a national state, being under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. Thus, Katsaitis highlights the complex historical reality in which he lives in person. The German author Christian Felix Weiße writes his Atreus und Thyest in 1766 in the philosophical context of Enlightenment, with a focus on the anthropological education of his audience. Ugo Foscolo, being between Italy and Greece, between Neoclassicism and Romanticism, in his Tieste (1797) recalls the memories of modernity’s Ancient Greek roots and re-elaborates the myth by reinvesting it with civil and political sense. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to present three versions of an ancient Greek myth composed during the eighteenth-century in three different regions of Europe in order to highlight the potential impact of this tragedy on the viewer's reception and in relation to the historical-cultural and philosophical trends of the time.
    [Show full text]
  • In the Second Edition of the Lives of the Artists (1568), Giorgio Vasari
    The Unsympathetic Exemplar in Vasari’s Life of Pontormo 1 The Unsympathetic Exemplar in Vasari’s Life of Pontormo Sharon Gregory Giorgio Vasari’s Lives of the Artists, first published in 1550, was constructed according to Renaissance conventions for biography, a genre inherited from the ancient Romans. Biography was a form of historical writing that allowed for the representation of lives of famous men as exemplary: the reader was meant to examine the deeds of famous men for the lessons they could teach him about proper and improper behavior. Vasari’s great innovation was to apply this formula to the lives of visual artists, thus making the practice of art a heroic profession. 1 In the second edition of the Lives (1568), Vasari substantially revised many of the biographies, and added several new ones, mainly of artists who had died in the intervening years. Among these new biographies was the Life of Jacopo Carucci da Pontormo. In his biography of Pontormo, as elsewhere, Vasari employs the rhetorical strategies of epideictic to assign the painter both praise and blame. He has considerable praise for Pontormo’s style as a painter, especially in his earliest works. While he disapproves of some aspects of Pontormo’s character (describing him, for example, as solitary and melancholy), the most important critical passages in the biography are directed instead at two contrasting stylistic phases in his painting career. The first of these phases began with a fresco cycle of scenes from Christ’s Passion that Pontormo painted at the Certosa del Galluzzo, the Carthusian monastery outside Florence (1522-5, Figs.
    [Show full text]
  • Busenello's Didone: Rewriting The
    Magnus Tessing Schneider, “Busenello’s Didone: Rewriting the Virgilian Myth of Venice,” working paper, the Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America, Columbia University, spring 2018. Busenello’s Didone: Rewriting the Virgilian Myth of Venice By Magnus Tessing Schneider Virgil’s Anna went to absorb, with her own mouth, the residue of the deceased Dido’s soul, the remnants of her spirit: I see here, with my restoring memory, the relics of my father’s and my brother’s enjoyments, both of whom were most enamored of this place. And like the man who kills two birds with one stone, on my own bed I perform the obsequies of these honored departed; and since solitude is a sweet fomentation for melancholy, I imagine that after my death you shall celebrate many anniversaries here in remembrance of my life. And it is certain that if the souls that lack a better life have the liberty to roam as they desire, with the permission of the Elysian Fields I shall stroll through these halls, I shall loiter among these orchards, and without occupying a site or filling a place I shall play here with my little Perino. But no more. Stay well. Legnaro, 29 September 1659. Your most loving father, Giovan Francesco Busenello.1 With these lines the Venetian lawyer-poet ends his last letter to his son, written a month before he died at his beloved family villa at Legnaro on the mainland where he had come to spend his remaining days. In his youth, Giovan Francesco Busenello (1598-1659) had studied at Padua under the materialist philosopher Cesare Cremonini who
    [Show full text]
  • Altea Gallery Dolce Trasformationi
    Altea Gallery Ltd. 35 Saint George St,London W1S 2FN [email protected] - www.alteagallery.com Tel : +44(0) 20 7491 0010 An important Italian translation of Ovid's 'Metamorphoses' DOLCE, Lodovico. Le Trasformationi di M. Lodovico Dolce. In questa quarta impressione da lui in molti luoghi ricorrette. Venice: Gabriel Giolito de Ferrari, 1557. Fourth edition. 4to, C18th half calf with marbled boards and endpapers; pp. (xvi)+309+(i)+colophon; woodcut title and text illustrations throughout, incl. world map on p.3. £1,800 The fourth edition of Lodovico Dolce's translation of Ovid's 'Metamorphoses', first published 1553. It is illustrated with numerous woodcuts, including a world map which is an amalgam of Macrobius and Gastaldi: the shape is that of Macrobius, with the zones around the equator and windheads; however on North America are 'Terra del Bacalaosa' and 'Nueva Hispania' of Gastaldi. The Straits of Magellan also appear. Lodovico Dolce (c.1508-1568) was a prolific author: he wrote comedies, tragedies and histories; edited the works of Dante, Boccaccio and Tasso, among others; and translated Greek and Roman classics, including texts by Homer, Euripides Cicero and, of course, Ovid. Publius Ovidius Naso (43 BC-17/18 AD), better known as Ovid, published his Metamorphoses in 8 AD. A narrative poem, it contained over 250 myths relating to the world from its creation to the deification of Julius Cæsar. It was incredibly influential,influential, andand waswas oneone ofof thethe firstfirst booksbooks printedprinted inin English,English, byby WilliamWilliam CaxtonCaxton inin 1480.1480. Altea Gallery Ltd. 35 Saint George St,London W1S 2FN [email protected]@alteagallery.com -- www.alteagallery.comwww.alteagallery.com Tel : +44(0) 20 7491 0010 SHIRLEY: 95 for world map.
    [Show full text]
  • Lodovico Dolce E Giorgio Vasari: Conexões
    VII - ENCONTRO DE HISTÓRIA DA ARTE - UNICAMP 2011 LODOVICO DOLCE E GIORGIO VASARI: CONEXÕES Rejane Bernal Ventura * Resumo: Esta comunicação tem por objetivo discorrer sobre alguns aspectos que ligam o tratado Dialogo della Pittura intitolato L´Aretino (1557), do humanista veneziano Lodovico Dolce à obra do historiador florentino, Giorgio Vasari, Le Vite de´più eccellenti architetti, pittori et scultori italiani, da Cimabue, insino a´tempi nostri, publicada em 1550. Dolce tinha como propósito primeiro sustentar a relevância da produção artística vêneta, alçando-a ao mesmo patamar da arte Tosco-romana, a qual fora exaltada de modo proeminente por Vasari em sua obra, em detrimento da arte de outras regiões italianas. Ao mesmo tempo, Dolce buscava refutar a divindade criada pelo autor das Vite em torno da figura de Michelangelo, salientando a maestria de Rafael e a primazia de Ticiano no cenário artístico italiano. Para tanto, travou um diálogo com Vasari, adotando várias premissas teóricas desenvolvidas pelo florentino no sentido de reafirmar os argumentos de seu próprio escrito. Palavras-chave: Renascimento; Pintura veneziana; Crítica de arte; Lodovico Dolce; Giorgio Vasari. Esta comunicação tem por objetivo discorrer sobre alguns aspectos que ligam o tratado Dialogo della Pittura intitolato L´Aretino (1557), do humanista veneziano Lodovico Dolce à obra do historiador florentino, Giorgio Vasari, Le Vite de´più eccellenti architetti, pittori, et scultori italiani, da Cimabue, insino a´tempi nostri, publicada em 1550. Em seu escrito, Dolce utiliza-se de dois interlocutores -- o escritor e poeta Pietro Aretino e o gramático florentino Giovan Francesco Fabrini – que têm, com seus argumentos o fim primeiro de estabelecer um diálogo com Giorgio Vasari.
    [Show full text]
  • The Divine Comedy the Inferno, the Purgatorio, and the Paradiso 1St Edition Pdf, Epub, Ebook
    THE DIVINE COMEDY THE INFERNO, THE PURGATORIO, AND THE PARADISO 1ST EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Dante Alighieri | 9780451208637 | | | | | The Divine Comedy The Inferno, The Purgatorio, and The Paradiso 1st edition PDF Book Published by Oxford University Press. Sayers , Purgatory , Introduction, pp. After an initial ascension, Beatrice guides Dante through the nine celestial spheres of Heaven. The joy and beauty of heaven is revealed in its ability to provide rational coherence. Ownership name to front panel. Yet an experiment, were you to try it, could free you from your cavil and the source of your arts' course springs from experiment. About this Item: Blackstone Audio Inc. Features Find your next read As opposed to Inferno and Purgatorio, in the last part of the poem the protagonist encounters virtues, not sins. Seller Inventory AA In the forest, he sees a mountain nearby and tries to climb it, but his path is blocked by a lion, a leopard, and a wolf. At the beginning of the second part of The Divine Comedy, Dante and Virgil find themselves at the dawn of a new day. All three cantiche Inferno, Purgatorio, Paradiso appear in one volume and each is begun with a hand-illuminated initial. Danteum Terragni, Josselyn Size: 12 vo. Romualdo Zotti d. Published by Houghton Mifflin and Co First Edition. Geoffrey Howard, was a British journalist who changed careers to become a narrator and screen and stage actor. The adjective Divina was added by Giovanni Boccaccio , and the first edition to name the poem Divina Comedia in the title was that of the Venetian humanist Lodovico Dolce , [19] published in by Gabriele Giolito de' Ferrari.
    [Show full text]
  • The Renaissance Society of America Annual Meeting
    NEW ORLEANS 22–24 March 2018 RSA 2018 Annual Meeting, New Orleans, 22–24 March Orleans, New RSA 2018 Annual Meeting, Mapa de Cuauhtlantzinco (detail); © 2017 The Latin American Library, Tulane University. Tulane Library, The Latin American (detail); © 2017 de Cuauhtlantzinco Mapa Mapa de Cuauhtlantzinco (detail); © 2017 The Latin American Library, Tulane University. Tulane Library, The Latin American (detail); © 2017 de Cuauhtlantzinco Mapa The Renaissance Society of America Annual Meeting The Renaissance Society of America Annual Meeting Program New Orleans 22–24 March 2018 Front and back covers: Mapa de Cuauhtlantzinco (detail); © 2018 The Latin American Library, Tulane University. Contents RSA Executive Board .......................................................................5 RSA Staff ........................................................................................6 RSA Donors in 2017 .......................................................................7 RSA Life Members ...........................................................................9 RSA Patron Members..................................................................... 10 Sponsors ........................................................................................ 11 Program Committee .......................................................................11 Discipline Representatives, 2015–17 ...............................................11 Registration and Book Exhibition ...................................................13 Professional Conduct ......................................................................15
    [Show full text]