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Rebuilding Sarajevo

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Rebuilding Sarajevo REBUILDING SARAJEVO GALEN LAMPHERE-ENGLUND JULY 2015 “Sarajevo: Urban issues today might have been avoided by viewing reconstruction in more than just physical terms.” 1 11,000 60% 80% REBUILDING YEARS OF DEATHS DAMAGED UTILITIES SARAJEVO 4 SIEGE IN = + BUILDINGS + DAMAGED WAR SARAJEVO DAYTON ACCORDS 1995 AGREEMENT TRIPLE TRANSITION WAR PEACE COMMUNISM DEMOCRACY VOTE SOCIALISM CAPITALISM ETHNIC COMPOSITION 10% 87% 20% 40% THINK Bosnian Bosnian Croats Muslims COUNTRY TRANSITION HEADING IN WRONG WAR PRE DIRECTION 30% Bosnian Serbs 16% Other NEARLY 90% UNFINISHED TRANSITION UNFINISHED SARAJEVO CANTON RESIDENTS DO NOT FEEL REPRESENTED POST WAR POST 84% Bosnian Muslims 2 80% REBUILDING SUMMARY UTILITIES DAMAGED SARAJEVO The four-year siege of Sarajevo decimated the city. Some 11,000 civilians were killed, 60 per cent of build- ings were damaged or destroyed, and 80 per cent of utilities were disabled. When the war ended in 1995, a “triple transition” occurred throughout Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH): the simultaneous movements from war to peace, communism to democracy, and market socialism to a free-market economy. International attempts at physically rebuilding Sarajevo met with some success: the visible scars from the war are largely gone and violence no longer plagues the city. But reconstruction is incomplete and legacies of the war hang over the city. Polls in BiH reveal a deep disgust with politics and institutions, and there are serious issues with unem- ployment, inequality, and social reconciliation. Nearly 90 per cent of the country believes it is headed in the wrong direction. The residents of Canton Sarajevo do not feel represented by institutions by a margin of 3 to 1, and a vast majority support political change. The triple transition has been fraught with difficul- ties. Ethnic divisions are wider than ever. While 88 per cent of the population support better interethnic relations, very little tangible has been achieved in the way of reconciliation. The economy is dominated by criminality and corruption, not by accountable open markets. DEMOCRACY These problems stem from the narrow approach taken to reconstructing Sarajevo. By viewing the city largely in physical terms, international and national groups failed to restore institutions, curb corrupt practices, and counter nationalist political movements that benefited from the complex political struc- tures created by the 1995 Dayton Accords. While each city and post-conflict situation is unique, assessing failures encountered while rebuilding Sarajevo offer five over arching lessons for future reconstruction. • Reconstruction efforts must be planned strategically to include the many sectors and actors in- volved in the process. In Sarajevo, the lack of coordination between donors, local government, and resi- dents of the city undermined successful rebuilding. • Local institutional capacity must be strengthened before reconstruction begins. Many failures in Sarajevo could have been avoided by having the necessary urban planning, administrative, and govern- ance structures organized during the earliest years. • Oversight and anti-corruption measures must be implemented from the start. Recipients and do- nors must create solid control systems, be willing to hold local leaders accountable, and have trip-wires that trigger the withholding of salaries or aid for large-scale corruption issues. • Urban reconstruction must be accompanied by economic growth. Sustaining returnees depends upon accessible jobs and economic growth. Policies should streamline business legislation and make starting an enterprise as easy as possible. • Reconstruction must be recognized as an ecosystem. Functional reconstruction of merely physi- cal aspects is insufficient to recreate a vibrant city. Policymakers should seek to also use educational, economic, and cultural initiatives to rekindle urban life. 3 REBUILDING BRIEFING SARAJEVO SARAJEVO, a vibrant multi-ethnic city once celebrated for hosting the Winter Olympics, became a by-word for suffering and destruction during the four-year civil war that ripped apart Bos- nia-Herzegovina (BiH).1 The human toll was staggering with some 11,000 civilians killed and hundreds of thousands driven from their homes. Sixty per cent of the city’s buildings were damaged or destroyed, and 80 per cent of its electricity and watermains were destroyed.2 The war ended with the Dayton Peace Accords in 1995. What followed was a so-called triple transition throughout BiH: the simultaneous move- ments from war to peace, communism to democracy, and market socialism to a free-market economy. International attempts at physically rebuilding Sarajevo met with general success: the visible scars from the war are largely gone and violence on the scale once seen is no longer a threat. However, deep and persistent problems continue, many stemming from the approach to reconstruction taken in Sarajevo. Opinion polls in BiH reveal public disgust with the country’s politics and institutions, and there are seri- ous issues with unemployment, inequality, and social reconciliation. In a poll held by the National Dem- ocratic Institute in 2010, 87 per cent said the country was going in the wrong direction, and only 12 per cent said their living had improved in the past four years.3 A 2014 assessment via the Social Cohesion and Reconciliation Index (SCORE) report on social cohesion and reconciliation showed that residents of Can- ton Sarajevo did not feel represented by institutions in their city by a margin of 3 to 1, and a vast majority supported political change.4 The triple transition has been fraught with difficulties. Divisions between ethnic groups have become cemented by power-sharing arrangements in the Dayton Accords that were intended to be temporary. BiH has been split into three territorial entities: the Serb-dominated Republika Srpska in the north, the Federation in the south, and the independent city of Brcko. Divisions among ethnic groups have contin- ued, and while 88 per cent of the population support trust-building measures, very little tangible has been achieved in the way of reconciliation or justice.5 Democracy in BiH remains flawed and feckless. The market economy has been dominated by criminality and corruption, not by accountable open markets or mechanisms that might have moderated the worst impacts of neo-liberalism. Sarajevo became divided along ethnic lines after the war. In 1991, the city had a mixed ethnic population of 540,000, consisting of around 40 per cent Bosnian Muslims (Bosnianks), 30 per cent Bosnian Serbs, and 20 per cent Bosnian Croats. Now most estimates suggest around 84 per cent of the city’s residents are Bosnianks.6 The city sits on the border with Republika Srpska, and is divided on its southeastern border by the Inter-Entity Boundary Line (IEBL). During a brief waiting period before the finalization of the conflict, a concerted and bloody campaign of intimidation resulted in an exodus of 62,000 Sarajevo Serbs.7 Many fled to the section outside the IEBL line, Istočno Sarajevo, or Eastern Sarajevo, which today is populated mainly by Serbs. No longer a multi-ethnic city, Sarajevo today is firmly controlled by the Bosniak majority. Though no checkpoints or borders exist between the sections, the boundary separates interactions and largely determines ethnic settlement patterns inside the urban area. Regardless of the new divisions, four phases of generally successful reconstruction have characterized the post-war reconstruction process in Sarajevo. • Physical reconstruction and the containment of conflict from 1995-2000; • An international protectorate created in reaction to nationalist obstructions, from 1997-2006; 4 • State-building from 2000-2006; and, • Gradual withdrawal of international donors and regression in state reforms and reconstruction from 2006-present. PHYSICAL RECONSTRUCTION The immediate priority following the cessation of conflict was restoring Sarajevo’s basic infrastructure. The siege destroyed most of Sarajevo’s telecommunications, electricity supply, roads, and water net- works. Only a fifth of the city had water and power.8 As the restoration of basic services began, the City Development Institute planning office prioritized “glassing,” the replacement of glass in buildings around the city.9 Efforts of the City Institute, funded by international donors, were bolstered by U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)-funded non-governmental organizations (NGOs), includ- ing Catholic Relief Services and the International Rescue Committee.10 Network infrastructure, particularly water and power, were also rebuilt during this period. Through 1999, at least $1.35 billion in commitments and $713 million in disbursements by donors, alongside government and private investment, nearly completely restored basic network infrastructure across the country.11 Restoration of water continued alongside the rehabilitation of electric grids. Around $1.42 billion was allocated to water by donors through 1998.12 However, the private sector moved away from utilities due to low payment rates and high maintenance costs. As a result, water supplies remain in poor shape throughout Sarajevo.13 District heating programs, which served much of the city before the war, were badly damaged from corrosion and cracking from disuse during the siege. By the end of the war, func- tional heating in the city had dropped by two-thirds. By 1998, however, investments of around $145 mil- lion had removed illegal connections to natural gas lines and resupplied 90
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